Academic literature on the topic 'Anarcho-capitalism'

Abstract In his infamous "Open Letter to Ayn Rand," Roy Childs, a prominent libertarian advocate of anarcho-capitalism, argued that limited government is inconsistent with Rand's philosophy of Objectivism. In the early 1980s, Childs changed his mind and rejected anarcho-capitalism as a rational political system. Despite abrief, unfinished, posthumous essay, some say that the real reasons for Childs' change of heart will always remain a mystery. However, specific comments by Childs in that essay point directly to the influence of a series of lectures on Objectivism presented by Leonard Peikoffin 1983.

This article describes the ideological outline of a broad doctrine called green anarchism. Green anarchism is one of the branches of anarchist thought, which has gained popularity in modern times, as evidenced by numerous Polish and foreign scientific and popular publications concerning the history of ecological anarchism and the emergence of radical ecological circles that share some of the values which form the basis of the classical anarchist schools (anarcho-communism, anarcho-collectivism, anarcho-individualism and anarcho-syndicalism). Ecological anarchism is a collection of many minor doctrines, philosophies and lifestyles referring to the fight against capitalism, which destroys the natural environment, the apotheosis of freedom, and the promotion of specific diets (fruitarianism, veganism, vegetarianism). The ideas of the co-founders of the green anarchist school are sometimes hostile to related factions and other doctrines (conservatism, nationalism, fascism). The article discusses the ideological profile of the three most popular and well-developed trends in ecological anarchism: anarcho-veganism, anarcho-primitivism and anarcho-naturism. Additionally, it presents excerpts of the works and views of the precursors of this rich political thought (such as Peter Kropotkin, Leo Tolstoy and Henry David Thoreau), the sources of which can be found in the 18th century. The aim of this article is to show that green anarchism is a political thought which has a rich history and is constantly being developed on many continents. It is a critique of contemporary phenomena, such as globalisation, urbanisation, industrialisation, and the destruction of nature resulting from the activities of corporations associated with certain industries.

Laissez — faire and subjective underpinnigs of Murray Rothbard’s thought. Aristotle, St. Thomas, Spanish scholastics, John Locke and Frederic Bastiat as an inspirationThe subject of this article are origins of the subjectivist view of the economic activity of man, and pre-classic themes of political economy, which are the inspirations for Murray Newton Rothbard and his thought of anarcho-capitalism. These issues, being so rarely subject to scientific interest, are crucial point of reference for classical and neoclassical economics, and laissez-faire in general. Specific influence of natural law on the sphere of economic activity and human condition also implies abroader view of the role of state institutions in the thought of Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas, the scholastics of the Salamanca, John Locke and Frederic Bastiat, who combined the above-mentioned laws of nature and tradition of classical economics with subjectivity, so important in Austrian School of Economics and in anarcho-capitalist thought of Murray Newton Rothbard.

AbstractThis article deals with the conception of the State defended by libertarian author Murray N. Rothbard. An American economist, Rothbard has been for more than three decades the foremost advocate and theoretician of anarcho-capitalism. The purpose of the article is to show that the theses put forward by Rothbard regarding the nature, origin and legitimacy of the State do not square with the methodological prescriptions and the fundamental axioms that he himself upholds as the ultimate judgment criteria of a theory. In fact, neither the definition of human action as end-governed, nor methodological individualism, nor the concept of demonstrated preference can be reconciled with explanations in which conspiration, manipulation and involuntary ignorance play a decisive part.

Perhaps the most remarkable event in social thought of the last twenty years has been the resurgence of various strands of individualism as political doctrines. The term ‘individualism’ is a kind of general rubric that encompasses elements of nineteenth century classical liberalism, laissez-faire economics, the theory of the minimal state, and an extreme mutation out of this intellectual gene pool, anarcho-capitalism. The term libertarianism itself is applied indiscriminately to all of those doctrines. It has no precise meaning, except that in a general sort of way libertarianism describes a more rigorous commitment to moral and economic individualism and a more ideological approach to social affairs than conventional liberalism. I suspect that its current usage largely reflects the fact that the word with the better historical pedigree, liberalism, has been associated, in America especially, with economic doctrines that are alien to the individualist tradition.

The artist run anarcho-collective Copenhagen Free University that unfolded from 2001 to 2007 in the private apartment of Henriette Heise and Jakob Jakobsen was an attempt to create a free and autonomous university for alternative and marginalized forms of knowledge outside the profit oriented, neoliberal knowledge economy. The article starts out with a presentation of Copenhagen Free University’s project and its attempt to develop a strategy of self-institutionalization fusing collective knowledge production and radical pedagogy. Hereafter follows a discussion about the similarity between Copenhagen Free University and New Institutionalism, a strategy adopted by medium-sized art institutions in an attempt to put the art institution to a progressive end. As the article points out, Copenhagen Free University could be said to have ended in a paradoxical position where it mirrored a broader development taking place within contemporary capitalism where notions like autonomy, participation, creativity, temporality and openness played a significant role in the breaking down of the barriers between work and life. The article ends by asking whether the economic crisis could result in new experimental attempts to take over the art institution, putting it to anti-capitalist purposes.

¿Por qué resulta más fácil imaginar el Fin del Mundo que el Fin del Capitalismo? Para responder a esa pregunta, dentro del marco de la (aún) hipotética disciplina de la Apocaliptología, que se dedicaría a estudiar los múltiples vínculos entre Capitalismo y Fin del Mundo, este artículo desarrolla un análisis histórico-crítico de lo que los Sobrevivencialistas norteamericanos denominan Teotwawki, como forma de meta-relato que proporciona un marco semántico a una gama de discursos políticos que abarca desde el propio Sobrevivencialismo, hasta el anarquismo insurreccional del Comité Invisible, pasando por el anarco- primitivismo del movimiento de la Ecología Profunda o ciertas visiones del Antropoceno. Desde el final de la década de 1970, en un contexto donde el Realismo Capitalista vigila las fronteras de los imaginarios colectivos, impidiendo que florezca cualquier alternativa al orden neoliberal, las estructuras narrativas centradas en el Fin-del-Mundo han venido desplazando a las que giraban en torno al Fin-del-Capitalismo, desconectando el deseo de transformación social radical de la idea de revolución, y reconduciéndolo hacia la retórica de la catástrofe y el colapso civilizatorio. Why is it easier to imagine the End of the World than the End of Capitalism? As a contribution to the (as yet) hypothetical discipline of Apocalyptology, which would be devoted to studying Capitalism’s multiple connections with the End of the World, this essay seeks to answer that question through a historical and critical analysis of what American Survivalists call Teotwawki as a meta- narrative framing for a variety of political discourses, ranging from Survivalism itself to the insurrectionary anarchism of the Invisible Committee, or the anarcho-primitivism of the Deep Ecology Movement and some accounts of the Anthropocene. Ever since the end of the 1970s, in a context where Capitalist Realism polices the boundaries of collective imaginaries, pre-empting any alternative to the Neoliberal order, end-of-the-world plots and tropes have been displacing end-of-capitalism narratives by redirecting the desire for radical social change towards the imagery of catastrophe and collapse and away from visions of revolution.