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Vanyukova, Darya V. "ANCIENT EGYPT. TIME AND GODS." Studia Religiosa Rossica: Russian Journal of Religion, no. 4 (2019): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-4158-2019-4-35-50.
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Kritsky, Gene. "Beetle Gods of Ancient Egypt." American Entomologist 37, no. 2 (1991): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ae/37.2.85.
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Ibrahim, Mohammed Abboudy. "Ancient Egypt Gods in Roman Literature." Bulletin of the Center Papyrological Studies 14, no. 1 (December 1, 1997): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bcps.1997.82809.
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Harris, Rivkah. "Gods and Myths of Ancient Egypt. Robert A. Armour." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 48, no. 3 (July 1989): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373403.
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Ikram, Salima. "Creatures of the Gods: Animal Mummies from Ancient Egypt." AnthroNotes : National Museum of Natural History bulletin for teachers 33, no. 1 (September 12, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5479/10088/22463.
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BOWIE, ANGUS. "THE RITUAL ROLE OF HONEY IN ANCIENT EGYPT, HATTI AND GREECE." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 31 (November 12, 2020): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2020.31.7-23.
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This is a comparison between the uses of honey in ritual contexts in the cultures of ancient Egypt, Hatti and Greece. Strong differences are illustrated. In Egypt, more particularly Lower Egypt, honey plays an important role in royal rituals linking the power, health and fertility of gods and pharaohs. By contrast among the Hittites honey, though involved in important rituals, especially those intended to ‘sweeten’ gods and make them appear amongst the gods or men, is only one ingredient among many. In Greece there appears to be a difference between Mycenaean times, when as far as the sparse evidence allows us to see honey was not restricted to particular types of god, and the Archaic and Classical periods, when it was very substantially confined to rites of an abnormal kind, rites evoking past ages and rites concerning the Underworld and the dead. The article ends with reflections on the limitations of such a comparison as this, and speculation on the reasons for the differences noted. Though the evidence must perforce be laid out very selectively, a range of original sources is quoted.
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Dobson, Eleanor. "GODS AND GHOST-LIGHT: ANCIENT EGYPT, ELECTRICITY, AND X-RAYS." Victorian Literature and Culture 45, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150316000462.
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In 1892 the celebrated physicistand chemist William Crookes commented on the existence of “an almost infinite range of ethereal vibrations or electrical rays,” which he believed could revolutionize telegraphic communications (174). A few years later, and aided by Crookes's experiments with vacuums, the German physicist Wilhelm Röntgen successfully produced X-rays, a hitherto unrecorded form of electromagnetic radiation, which he tantalizingly described as “a new kind of invisible light” (Röntgen 413; Warner 256). Crookes was quick to speculate as to “the possibility of links between roentgen rays and the cerebral ganglia,” that an undiscovered organ in the brain might be “capable of transmitting and receiving . . . electrical rays” (Lyons 105; Crookes 176). X-rays, he thought, might prove a psychic counterpart to higher wavelength radio waves, allowing the transmission of messages telepathically rather than telegraphically, and even communication with the world of the spirits (Lyons 105). Crookes theorized that the parapsychological was intimately entwined with the findings of contemporary physics, occupying different zones of the same electromagnetic spectrum. An ardent Spiritualist, he believed that the ether, the “impalpable, invisible entity, by which all space is supposed to be filled” and which contained countless “channels of communication” also sustained “ghost-light . . . invisible to the naked eye” and acted as a medium that allowed “ethereal bodies to rise up” (Crookes 174; Warner 253–56). In other words, the matter through which light and electrical signals passed was envisaged as the same substance which allowed the spirits to fluctuate between visible and invisible forms. These links between the electromagnetic field and the occult, endorsed by Crookes and certain other members of his circles such as the Society for Psychical Research, anticipated turn-of-the-century associations between electricity, radiation and ancient Egypt which, through its reputation as the birthplace of magic, was central to Victorian conceptions of the supernatural.
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Bush, Elizabeth. "Ancient Egypt: Tales of Gods and Pharaohs (review)." Bulletin of the Center for Children's Books 65, no. 1 (2011): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcc.2011.0645.
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Murashko, Andrei. "Laughter, carnival and religion in ancient Egypt." European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.2.437.
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The article highlights the problem of interaction of the ancient Egypt laughter culture with the category of sacred. A person is confronted with the fact that the examples in question can often be phenomena of a different order, and the use of terms such as “carnival” or even “religion”, “temple” or “priest” in relation to ancient Egypt requires an additional explanation. We find “funny” images on the walls of tombs and in the temples, where the Egyptians practiced their cult. In the Ramesside period (1292-1069 BC) a huge layer of the culture of laughter penetrated a written tradition in a way that Mikhail Bakhtin called the carnivalization of literature. Incredible events are described in stories and fairy tales in a burlesque, grotesque form, and great gods are exposed as fools. Applying of the Bakhtinian paradigm to the material of the Middle and New Kingdom allows to reveal the ambivalent character of the Ancient Egyptian laughter: the Egyptians could joke on the divine and remain deeply religious.
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Goedicke, Hans. "Religion in Ancient Egypt: Gods, Myths, and Personal Practice. Byron E. Shafer." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 54, no. 1 (January 1995): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373726.
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Schiller, Vera. "A Szuda és az egyiptomi vallás." Belvedere Meridionale 32, no. 1 (2020): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.1.8.
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The Souda encyclopaedia brought into being around 1000 A.D. is a product of Byzantine humanism. This epoch is proud of its knowledge of classical antiquity, it wants to harmonize it with its own knowledge, and not make it forgotten. It equally wants to look upon the notions of ancient Egyptian religion in a correct way, and give a correct idea of them. In the encyclopaedia three variants of forwarding the Egyptian substance of myths can be detected. The first consists in regarding gods as former monarchs. It enlists the gods under the names of the Greek gods identified with them, and considers them as early monarchs of Egypt. This does not cause any difficulty as also Egyptian tradition is convinced of its first monarchs being creative gods. This in itself is not a new discovery. Earlier World chronicles described the histories of ancient peoples in a similar way; moreover it is exactly the texts of the former that Souda includes in the encyclopaedia. – The second variant mentions Egyptian gods by their own names, and describes them as being of godly character. You cannot feel any aversion in the encyclopaedia, apart sometimes from the euhemistic view, according to which a god was, in reality, an ancient monarch in whose honour a temple was erected after his death. – The third group of knowledge must, however, be a product of the new way of thinking. The editors of Souda preserve the neo-Platonist philosophers of the 5th century by including Damascus’ work. These philosophers fi ght, by means of the saint synchretism, for the preservation of the ancient religion in Egypt. The considerate description of the philosophers defending pagan cults against Christianism allows the emotional atmosphere of the epoch to unfold. The editor/editors of the encyclopaedia does/do not want to keep secret or make disappear the substance of knowledge and the way of thinking of ancient epochs. They want to preserve them and to build them into the substance of present knowledge in a way similar to the one, by which they try to connect, with each other, the traditions of diff erent peoples.
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Reed, Justin Michael. "Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and the Hamitic Hypothesis." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 2, 2021): 712. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090712.
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In this essay, I consider how the racial politics of Ridley Scott’s whitewashing of ancient Egypt in Exodus: Gods and Kings intersects with the Hamitic Hypothesis, a racial theory that asserts Black people’s inherent inferiority to other races and that civilization is the unique possession of the White race. First, I outline the historical development of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Then, I highlight instances in which some of the most respected White intellectuals from the late-seventeenth through the mid-twentieth century deploy the hypothesis in assertions that the ancient Egyptians were a race of dark-skinned Caucasians. By focusing on this detail, I demonstrate that prominent White scholars’ arguments in favor of their racial kinship with ancient Egyptians were frequently burdened with the insecure admission that these ancient Egyptian Caucasians sometimes resembled Negroes in certain respects—most frequently noted being skin color. In the concluding section of this essay, I use Scott’s film to point out that the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in its racial discourse has transformed a racial perception of the ancient Egyptian from a dark-skinned Caucasian into a White person with appearance akin to Northern European White people.
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Reunov, Yury S. "WEAPONS OF ANCIENT EGYPT: THE MILITARY AND THE SACRED. PART 2." Articult, no. 3 (2020): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2227-6165-2020-3-26-46.
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In the second part of the article development of Ancient Egyptian weapons in context of their combat use and ritual and magical understanding continues to be studied. The paper reveals the key aspects of origin and evolution of pole, small arms and throwing weapons. Attention is paid to identifying adoptions of separate technical solutions from other nations, which is mainly relevant to compound bows. Due to the fact that weapons served as a tool for not only solving practical problems, but also performing rites, some Egyptian religious beliefs are briefly discussed, namely those on the role of a pharaoh in maintaining the world order as well as on participation of gods in achieving victory. A system of features that allow attributing weapons as belonging to a utilitarian or ceremonial category is proposed.
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Tageldin, Shaden M. "Fénelon’s Gods, al-Ṭahṭāwī’s Jinn." Philological Encounters 2, no. 1-2 (January 9, 2017): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-00000023.
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Reading Rifāʿa al-Ṭahṭāwī’s 1850s Arabic translation (published 1867) of François Fénelon’sLes Aventures de Télémaquewith and against the realist impulses of nineteenth-century British and French literary comparatism, this essay posits al-Ṭahṭāwī’s translation as a transformational moment in the reception of the “European” literary tradition in the Arab-Islamic world. Arguing that the ancient Greek gods who populate Fénelon’s 1699 sequel to Homer’sOdysseyare analogous to Muslim jinn—spirits of smokeless fire understood to be real—al-Ṭahṭāwī rewrites as Islamized “truth” what Muslims long had dismissed as pagan “fiction,” thereby adroitly negotiating a crisis of comparison and mediating an epistemic sea change in modern Arabic fiction. Indeed, the “untrue” gods of the Greeks (and of French literature) turn not just real but historically referential: invoking the real-historical world of 1850s Egypt, al-Ṭahṭāwī’s translation exhorts an unjust Ottoman-Egyptian sovereign to heed lessons that Fénelon’s original once had addressed to French royalty. Catherine Gallagher has defined the fictionality specific to the modern European novel as neither pure deceit nor pure truth. How might al-Ṭahṭāwī’s rehabilitation of the mythological as the supernatural/historical “real”—and of the idolatrous as secular/sacred “truth”—invite us to rethink novelistic fictionality in trans-Mediterranean terms, across European and Arab-Islamic contexts?
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El-Mahdy, Iman. "Some Weapons of the Gods in Ancient Egypt until the End of the New Kingdom." مجلة کلیة السیاحة والفنادق - جامعة مدینة السادات 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 57–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/mfth.2017.26067.
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Human, DJ. "Perspektiewe op erotiek en seksualiteit in die ou Nabye Ooste." Verbum et Ecclesia 27, no. 1 (November 17, 2006): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v27i1.140.
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Sexuality and erotism form an integral part of life. Both these aspects mediate life fulfilling experiences of love. As part of the creation reality sexuality effects a positive power of life. Evidence from the ancient Near East, especially from Egypt, Canaan and Mesopotamia, confirms human’s facinasion for and participation in sexual behaviour. In the sexual experience the ‘I’ transcends the borders of the ‘self’. Whether the gods or humans are engaged in this act of heavenly ecstacy, it is evident that life’s meaning is captured in this life enriching experience of power, vitality and joy.
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Kalampoukas, Kiriakos, Stavroula Kyriazi, Alicia Maravelia, Eleni Tourna, Constantinos M. Couvaris, Georgios Michailidis, Ioannis Pantazis, Panagiotis Lazaris, Stefanos Geroulanos, and Nikos Bontozoglou. "Crafting a corpse, “cheating” the gods: A composite mummy from ancient Egypt studied with computed tomography." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 30, no. 1 (December 4, 2019): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/oa.2832.
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Marlow, Hilary. "The Lament over the River Nile—Isaiah xix 5-10 in Its Wider Context." Vetus Testamentum 57, no. 2 (2007): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853307x183721.
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AbstractThe 'Lament over the River Nile' in Isaiah xix 5-10 has attracted little interest from scholars yet demonstrates some interesting features in terms of poetic form and structure as well as its relationship to the larger unit of Isaiah xix 1-15. Comparison with ancient Egyptian prophecy suggests that this larger section is a unity and draws heavily on the author's awareness of Egyptian geography and culture. In the lament itself, the author uses various forms of parallelism in order to emphasise the effect of the drought, and in so doing to highlight the superiority of YHWH over the gods of Egypt.
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Ellis‐Barrett, Louise. "The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt20045Richard H. Wilkinson. The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt. London: Thames & Hudson 2003. 256 pp., ISBN: 0 500 051208 £24.95." Reference Reviews 18, no. 1 (January 2004): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09504120410513050.
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Doxey, Denise. "Gods and Men in Ancient Egypt, 3000 BCE to 395 CE - By Francois Dunand and Christiane Zivie." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 1 (January 2006): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00032_9.x.
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Gasparini, Valentino, and Richard L. Gordon. "Egyptianism." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, no. 1-4 (December 2018): 571–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2018.58.1-4.33.
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Summary When dealing with Isis, Serapis and the other members of the so-called ‘gens isiaca’, scholars have hesitated whether to emphasize their (indisputable) historico-geographic origin in the Nile valley or their (no less indisputable) character as Graeco-Roman cults. We thus find these deities referred to as ‘Egyptian’, ‘Graeco-Egyptian’, ‘Graeco-Roman’, ‘Greek’, ‘Roman’ and, again, ‘Oriental’, ‘Orientalized Roman’, and so on. Each of these definitions is evidently partial, which is one reason for the growing preference for the less specific terms ‘Isiac gods’ and ‘Isiac cults’. Yet even these elide the problem of how these cults were perceived in relation to Egypt. This article aims to challenge the terms of the conventional dichotomy between Egyptian and Graeco-Roman, by exploring the many specific contexts in which ‘Egypt’ was appropriated, for example, by institutions, intellectuals (e.g. ‘Middle-’ and Neo-Platonists), Christian apologists, late-antique encyclopedists, etc. Starting with the comparandum ‘Persianism’ recently highlighted in relation to the cult of Mithras, the paper will explore the various interests and aims involved in the construction of ideas of Egypt, which might even involve more than one ‘Egyptianism’ at the same time. Each of our nine suggested ‘Egyptianisms’ is the creation of numerous ‘producers’, who adapted what they knew of ‘Egypt’ (‘foreign’, ‘exotic’, ‘other’) to create their own religious offers. Our basic model is derived from the Erfurt project Lived Ancient Religions, which inverts the usual representation of ancient religion as collective (‘polis religion’, ‘civic religion’) in favour of a perspective that stresses individual agency, sense-making and appropriation within a range of broader constraints.
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van Oppen de Ruiter, Branko F. "Lovely Ugly Bes! Animalistic Aspects in Ancient Egyptian Popular Religion." Arts 9, no. 2 (April 17, 2020): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9020051.
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The popular yet demonic guardian of ancient Egypt, Bes, combines dwarfish and leonine features, and embodies opposing traits such as a fierce and gentle demeanor, a hideous and comical appearance, serious and humorous roles, an animalistic and numinous nature. Drawing connections with similarly stunted figures, great and small cats, sacred cows, baboons, demonic monsters, universal gods and infant deities, this article will focus on the animalistic associations of the Bes figure to illustrate that this leonine dwarf encompassed a wider religious significance than apotropaic and regenerative functions alone. Bes was thought to come from afar but was always close; the leonine dwarf guarded the sun god Ra along the diurnal solar circuit; the figure protected pregnant women and newborn children; it was a dancer and musician; the figure belonged to the company of magical monsters of hybrid appearance as averter of evil and sword-wielding fighter. Exploring the human and animal, demonic and numinous aspects of this leonine dwarf will not only further our understanding of its nature and function, but also its significance and popularity.
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Sowińska, Agata. "Znaczenie Egiptu w apokaliptyce – Λόγος Τέλειος /Asclepius (NHC VI, 8: 70,3-76,1; Ascl. 24-27)." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 551–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4152.
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The aim of this paper was to present the Egyptian land in two apocalyptic texts both written in a Coptic language. First – the Apocalypse of Elijah (written in two Coptic dialectical versions: Sahidic and Achmimic) – shows a typical biblical meaning of Egypt as a place full of pain, death and fear. On the other hand, in the Codex VI of the Nag Hammadi Library there is the Apocalypse which gives us quite different image of that part of African land. This very Apocalypse is called the Apocalypse of Hermes Trismegistos or the Hermetic Apocalypse (written in Sahidic dialect and partly in the ancient Greek, whole test is composed in a Latin version and attributed to Ps-Apuleius of Madaura). Here, Egypt seems to be a paradise – image of heaven, land of gods and beautiful temples. But suddenly, that peaceful part of the world turns into “hell” with death, blood and pain – just like in the Apocalypse of Elijah. Our purpose was to analyze those two Coptic Apocalypse, compare the results and finally, try to find the answer on the basic questions: Egypt – heaven or hell? Could it be that this land was full of blood because of monotheistic religion?
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Decker, Wolfgang. "Some Aspects of Sport in Ritual and Religion in Ancient Egypt = Algunos aspectos del deporte en el ritual y en la religión en el antiguo Egipto." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 15 (November 5, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3839.
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Resumen: El ritual y la religión están conectados al deporte del Faraón. Durante el festival del jubileo, el rey que iba envejeciendo debía demostrar su aptitud en un ritual de carreta que también le daba nuevos poderes. En el Reino Nuevo, el Faraón es comparado con Montu, el dios de la guerra, cuando practica deporte, una calificación para asumir el título de gobernante. Inscrito en la estela de Amenofis II en la Esfinge, el texto egipcio más largo que describe el deporte, se menciona a los dioses Montu (en seis ocasiones), Amón (en cinco) y Atón (en tres), mientras que Astarté, Geb, Horus, Maat, Ra, Reshef y Seth sólo son mencionados una vez cada uno. Más aún, puede resultar sorprendente descubrir que el derecho a gobernar entre los dioses era disputado dos veces por medio de la competición deportiva, como es el caso en el relato mitológico titulado “El conflicto de Horus y Seth”.Abstract: Ritual and religion are connected to the sport of Pharaoh. During the jubilee festival, the ageing king had to demonstrate his fitness in a running ritual which also gave him new powers. In the New Kingdom, Pharaoh is compared with Month, the god of war, when practicing sport, a qualification for assuming the mantle of ruler. Enscribed on the Sphinx-stela of Amenophis II, the longest Egyptian text depicting sport, the gods Month (six times), Amun (five times) and Atum (three times) are mentioned, whereas Astarte, Geb, Horus, Maat, Ra, Reshef and Seth are only mentioned once each. Further, it may be surprising to discover that the right to rule among the gods was disputed twice by means of sporting competition, as is the case in the mythological story entitled “The Conflict of Horus and Seth”.Palabras clave: ritual, religión, deporte, Reino Nuevo, faraón, Egipto, dioses.Key words: ritual, religion, sport, New Kingdom, Pharaoh, Egypt, gods.
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جارحي, محمود مرسي محمد. "أثر الفكر الديني في تطور تصميم معابد الآلهة في مصر القديمة = The Effect of Religious Belief the Evolution of Gods’ Temples in Ancient Egypt." مجلة التصميم الدولية 7, no. 2 (April 2017): 257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0046572.
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Azimirad, Afshin. "Cesarean Section Beyond Cesar’s Borders: A Mini Review on the Cultural History of Cesarean Section High Prevalence Rates in the Middle East." Archives of Iranian Medicine 23, no. 5 (May 1, 2020): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2020.23.
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Cesarean section rates have risen significantly in some Middle Eastern countries like Iran, Turkey, and Egypt. Therefore, this review aims to investigate the cultural background for the high cesarean section rates in some Middle Eastern countries to provide the obstetricians and policymakers a better perspective on the crisis. Firstly, the dimensions of the current crisis in the Middle East are discussed. Then, three famous medieval authors are investigated; Ferdowsi (Shahnameh; the birth of Rostam, the Persian superhero, through the cesarean section), Abu Rayhan Biruni (The Remaining Signs of Past Centuries), and Ibn Abi al-Hadid. All these medieval sources try to teach how proud is the one who is born through a cesarean section, and thus a person born vaginally is of a lower rank and therefore less respected. Then, the influencing ancient resources dealing with this subject are reviewed: the birth of Asclepius, the Greek god of medicine, by his father Apollo through a section on the mother’s corpse, and Talmud of the Jews. In ancient times, a birth through the cesarean section was a pure birth, or a gift from gods and restricted to divinities. Hoping to gain a new and comprehensive understanding of this current crisis in the Middle East, the World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines on reducing the prevalence of cesarean section are subsequently introduced. The C-section prevalence has increased significantly in the Middle East; comprehensive national, regional, and international policies are highly demanded.
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Kloska, Maria Monika. "Dziecięca ikonografia księżniczek Okresu Amarneńskiego." Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia 22 (July 31, 2018): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fpp.2017.22.05.
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This article explains the characteristic style of princesses representations in Amarna Period art. This high essential aspect (in literally way) shows full of love relations between family members from Akhetaten. Children iconography in ancient Egypt remained rather persistent, however, pictures showing Meritaten, Maketaten, Ankhesenpaaten, Neferneferuaten, Neferneferure and Setepenre stand alone not only by details, but also by scenes in which princesses have been presented. The royal daughters are often shown naked or in robes looking like delicate tied with sash in waist or under bust dress belonging to their mother Nefertiti. Though girls – regardless of age – have always been portrayed with the sidelock of youth. The reliefs representing Amarna princesses and their parents deviate significantly from fixed and formal style of iconography which is characteristic for periods before and after Akhenaten’s reigns. The girls have been shown not only in family scenes enjoying a good time with their parents, but also accompanying the royal couple in scenes of tribute from Nubia and Syria, in the scenes of killing enemies of Egypt and in the heart-touching mourning scenes. The representations of the six daughters of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, besides being the symbol of the spouses’ fertility, also performed an important religious function – the girls together with their parents and the god Aten created the divine Ennead just like the model of the nine gods from Heliopolis. The reliefs showing Amarna family seem to present real feelings and emotions of the royal couple and their children, although it could have a propagandist character.
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Olesiejko, Jacek. "Heaven, Hell and Middangeard: The Presentation of the Universe in the Old English Genesis A." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 45, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10121-009-0010-9.
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Heaven, Hell and Middangeard: The Presentation of the Universe in the Old English Genesis A Since the times of Antiquity, people have looked up to the sky and developed various conceptions of Heaven and Hell. Already in the ancient Egypt people developed the tripartite conception of universe with earth placed between the Heaven inhabited by gods above and Hell below. The Old English poetic text of Genesis (MS Junius 11; compilation dated to the 10th century) presents the earthly paradise, Hell and Middangeard (or the middle earth). Both Genesis A and B that comprise the poem indeed show a single and consistent descriptions of cosmos. The overt consistency may well seem as interesting as the tradition that the poem draws upon as well as distorts. The universe found in the poem is a fusion of the Christian religious learning as well as Germanic tradition. The idea that marries Heaven, earth and Hell in the poetic sequence of OE Genesis is the concept of hall and anti-hall, city and anti-city. The aim of the following paper is to investigate the modes of this presentation of these parts of the universe by the analysis of the clusters of meaning that are associated with hall and city.
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Lambert, W. G. "Ištar of Nineveh." Iraq 66 (2004): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001595.
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Ištar of Nineveh at first glance presents a dilemma for the researcher. While she was a most important goddess, patron of a major town in north Mesopotamia, very little is known about her. As to her importance, in Hurrian religion Teššub and Ša'uška of Nineveh were heads of the pantheon. Here she is given her Hurrian name, Ša'uška. Thus the Mitanni king Tušratta in the Amarna letter no. 23, to Amenophis III, writes that Ša'uška of Nineveh, lady of all the lands (dMÙŠ šauruni-i-na nin kur-kur gáb-bi-i-ši-na-ma), wanted to travel to Egypt and to return. She is further called “lady of heaven” (nin ša-me-e) and “our lady” (nin-ne). Amarna letter no. 24, from the same Mitanni king to the same Pharaoh, refers to Ša'uška of Nineveh as “my goddess” (uruni-i-nu-a-a-we dša-uš-ka-a-wa de-en-ni-iw-wu-ú-a: VS XII 200 iii 98). One might conclude that “lady of heaven” alludes to her as Venus in the sky, but it might also mean the abode of the good gods without any astral allusion. It has been alleged that her wish to travel to Egypt was in the capacity of a goddess of healing, to cure the Pharaoh of his malady, but this is mere speculation. The letter gives no hint of this.This brief international affair illustrates the problems excellently. There is a mass of cuneiform material bearing on the Sumerian Inanna and her Babylono-Assyrian counterpart Ištar, especially hymns and prayers. From them one can extract her major attributes — sexuality and war — and her astral presence in the planet Venus. The occurrence of related gods in other ancient Near Eastern regions — Aštart and Anat in Syria, Aṯtar in Arabia — suggests that the origins of the cult go back perhaps to neolithic time or even earlier, and the certain relationship with the Greek Aphrodite and Roman Venus attests to the power of this cult, however one explains the connection. However, in each Mesopotamian well-established centre of this cult one can assume that local customs and traditions will have added something to the basic “theology” we extract from our general knowledge of the goddess. For Ištar of Nineveh the episode of Tušratta may or may not allude to her star Venus, but otherwise it is totally uninformative about her “theology”. And that is typical for most of the other dated and precisely located evidence.
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Stanimirović, Vojislav. "Relicts of the earliest understanding of fairness, justice and law in the first states of antiquity: A legal-anthropological view." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 3 (2020): 907–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-28459.
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All archaic societies were founded on the principles of equality and solidarity. Another common trait were the mechanisms for regulating social behaviour, as they were crucial for a society's survival. In such types of societies, archaic fairness existed. It manifested itself through egalitarianism, solidarity, but also through the static and conservative elements and was based on the customs which were binding on all the members of the society. When archaic societies became layered and started to expand and mix with other communities, the initial cohesion, security and archaic righteousness slowly started to disappear and instead, the concept of justice appeared. Unfortunately, that caused an irreversible damage to the balance that once existed as the ideal state in the archaic societies. The invention of the writing system and the creation of the first states eventually enabled the Cuneiform Law to develop and as the result, the first law codes of the humanity came to life. The first states and their rulers found themselves at the crossroads between "the old" and "the new". The law was heavily shaped by the nobility, so all of the privileges were created explicitly for the nobles, while the poor were yearning for the past times which were more kind to them. The new law slowly started to suppress the old customs. The ancient rulers, at least instinctively, if not consciously, recognised the need for a balance which would guarantee order and peace in the state. In Egypt, where the archaic elements survived the longest, the echoes of archaic societies and ancient beliefs could be found in the principle of Ma'at, the weighing of souls and the Book of the dead. The creators of Cuneiform Law also found their ways and strategies to present themselves as just and caring rulers. The evidence for that can be found especially in the provisions of the law. Whether they are referring to their own achievements and merits, or offering protection and care to the vulnerable members of the society, or revoking privileges of the nobles for the sake of the greater good, or turning back to the tradition, or "buddying up" with the gods, or determining measures and compensation amounts, they are, above all, trying to be exemplary rulers to their subjects by putting the rule of law first.
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Zaiets, Anatolii. "Law Philosophical Foundations of the Early Eastern States." NaUKMA Research Papers. Law 7 (July 20, 2021): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-2607.2021.7.20-27.
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The article is devoted to the elucidation of the ideological foundations of the law of the states of the early civilizations of the East, which last from the VII millennium BC (Sumer and Akkad, Babylon, India, China and Egypt). The spontaneously formed mythical, religious, moral and rational components of the worldview, as well as elements of philosophical doctrines are analyzed, traced as the unity of the notions of the gravity of sin and sinful behavior and even the community as a whole, caste character based on the idea of the inevitability of social inequality, the subordinate position of women, and significant differences in different legal systems, based on the specifics of economic structure and political system, civilizational and cultural differences, historical features of state formation, as well as worldviews of peoples, their understanding of the world, world order, natural and terrestrial laws. It is concluded that the general primary basis of the legal worldview of the peoples of the early states of the East are mythical and religious beliefs of peoples (as, incidentally, in all other early states), which served to explain the world order and justify the general laws of nature, and also served as a criterion for evaluating human actions.These ideas were based on common to all civilizations moral ideas about good and evil, justice and injustice, truth and injustice, moral and immoral. In philosophical treatises, in some literary and legal sources of the ancient East, one can find key common moral postulates that take long from the most ancient beliefs and religions and moral rules, known to science, and then reflected in Hinduism, Christianity, Islam. From the point of view of social and state ideology, the ruling elite was interested in spreading and affirming the notions of the sanctity and inviolability of the supreme power of rulers, who often combined religious and secular power. The laws of the rulers were also proclaimed by the commands of the gods, the highe rpowers, which must be strictly observed by all. This view of laws was reinforced by a system of severe punishments for violating them. Although this together helped to centralize the early states, to establish more effective protection against external enemies, and from the point of view of internal organization to keep the people firmly in subjection, it did not contribute to the development of ideals of individual freedom.
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Kadurina, A. O. "SYMBOLISM OF ROSES IN LANDSCAPE ART OF DIFFERENT HISTORICAL ERAS." Problems of theory and history of architecture of Ukraine, no. 20 (May 12, 2020): 148–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31650/2519-4208-2020-20-148-157.
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Background.Rosa, as the "Queen of Flowers" has always occupied a special place in the garden. The emergence of rose gardens is rooted in antiquity. Rose is a kind of “tuning fork” of eras. We can see how the symbolism of the flower was transformed, depending on the philosophy and cultural values of society. And this contributed to the various functions and aesthetic delivery of roses in gardens and parks of different eras. Despite the large number of works on roses, today there are no studies that can combine philosophy, cultural aspects of the era, the history of gardens and parks with symbols of the plant world (in particular roses) with the identification of a number of features and patterns.Objectives.The purpose of the article is to study the symbolism of rosesin landscape gardening art of different eras.Methods.The historical method helps to trace the stages of the transformation of the symbolism of roses in different historical periods. The inductive method allows you to move from the analysis of the symbolism of roses in each era to generalization, the identification of patterns, the connection of the cultural life of society with the participation of roses in it. Graph-analytical method reveals the features of creating various types of gardens with roses, taking into account trends in styles and time.Results.In the gardens of Ancient Greece, the theme of refined aesthetics, reflections on life and death dominated. It is no accident that in ancient times it was an attribute of the goddesses of love. In antiquity, she was a favorite flower of the goddess of beauty and love of Aphrodite (Venus). In connection with the legend of the goddess, there was a custom to draw or hang a white rose in the meeting rooms, as a reminder of the non-disclosure of the said information. It was also believed that roses weaken the effect of wine and therefore garlands of roses decorated feasts, festivities in honor of the god of winemaking Dionysus (Bacchus). The rose was called the gift of the gods. Wreaths of roses were decorated: statues of the gods during religious ceremonies, the bride during weddings. The custom of decorating the floor with rose petals, twisting columns of curly roses in the halls came to the ancient palace life from Ancient Egypt, from Queen Cleopatra, highlighted this flower more than others. In ancient Rome, rose gardens turned into huge plantations. Flowers from them were intended to decorate palace halls during feasts. In Rome, a religious theme was overshadowed by luxurious imperial greatness. It is interesting that in Rome, which constantly spreads its borders, a rose from a "female" flower turned into a "male" one. The soldiers, setting out on a campaign, put on pink wreaths instead of helmets, symbolizing morality and courage, and returning with victory, knocked out the image of a rose on shields. From roses weaved wreaths and garlands, received rose oil, incense and medicine. The banquet emperors needed so many roses, which were also delivered by ships from Egypt. Ironically, it is generally accepted that Nero's passion for roses contributed to the decline of Rome. After the fall of the Roman Empire, rose plantations were abandoned because Christianity first associated this flower with the licentiousness of Roman customs. In the Early Middle Ages, the main theme is the Christian religion and roses are located mainly in the monastery gardens, symbolizing divine love and mercy. Despite the huge number of civil wars, when the crops and gardens of neighbors were violently destroyed, the only place of peace and harmony remained the monastery gardens. They grew medicinal plants and flowers for religious ceremonies. During this period, the rose becomes an attribute of the Virgin Mary, Jesus Christ and various saints, symbolizing the church as a whole. More deeply, the symbolism of the rose was revealed in Catholic life, when the rosary and a special prayer behind them were called the "rose garden". Now the rose has become the personification of mercy, forgiveness, martyrdom and divine love. In the late Middle Ages, in the era of chivalry, roses became part of the "cult of the beautiful lady." Rose becomes a symbol of love of a nobleman to the wife of his heart. Courtesy was of a socially symbolic nature, described in the novel of the Rose. The lady, like a rose, symbolized mystery, magnificent beauty and temptation. Thus, in the Late Middle Ages, the secular principle manifests itself on a par with the religious vision of the world. And in the Renaissance, the religious and secular component are in balance. The theme of secular pleasures and entertainments was transferred further to the Renaissance gardens. In secular gardens at palaces, villas and castles, it symbolized love, beauty, grace and perfection. In this case, various secret societies appear that choose a rose as an emblem, as a symbol of eternity and mystery. And if the cross in the emblem of the Rosicrucians symbolized Christianity, then the rose symbolized a mystical secret hidden from prying eyes. In modern times, secular life comes to the fore, and with it new ways of communication, for example, in the language of flowers, in particular roses. In the XVII–XVIII centuries. gardening art is becoming secular; sesame, the language of flowers, comes from Europe to the East. White rose symbolized a sigh, pink –an oath of love, tea –a courtship, and bright red –admiration for beauty and passionate love [2]. In aristocratic circles, the creation of lush rose gardens is in fashion. Roses are actively planted in urban and suburban gardens. In modern times, rose gardens carry the idea of aesthetic relaxation and enjoyment. Many new varieties were obtained in the 19th century, during the period of numerous botanical breeding experiments. At this time, gardening ceased to be the property of the elite of society and became publicly available. In the XX–XXI centuries. rosaries, as before, are popular. Many of them are located on the territory of ancient villas, palaces and other structures, continuing the tradition.
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Carl, Peter, Barry Kemp, Ray Laurence, Robin Coningham, Charles Higham, and George L. Cowgill. "Were Cities Built as Images?" Cambridge Archaeological Journal 10, no. 2 (October 2000): 327–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000135.
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Many ancient city sites display a remarkable regularity in their plan which has led to considerable debate on the symbolism and intentionality which may lie behind these arrangements. Grid plan cities of the Greek and Roman world were discussed by Haverfield almost a century ago, but it was above all the cities of South and East Asia analyzed by Wheatley in his influential Pivot of the Four Quarters (1971) which has given new emphasis to the potential of meaning and significance. Such planned cities necessarily incorporate an essential tension between praxis — the practical day-to-day needs of the urban community — and idealism, the desire to impose on those practical concerns a city-plan which expresses a symbolic or cosmological image. Contemporary texts, where they exist, may help towards an answer, but the physicality of the city plan itself provides the crucial ground for argument as to whether symbolic or ideological imperatives governed the actual outcome. Cities may be conceptualized in ideal terms without ever taking on the physical attributes of any ideal form. The contributors to this Viewpoint approach the issue from a diversity of standpoints and with reference to different geographical areas. Were cities built as images? Did powerful belief systems combined with strong centralized control give rise to cities where the moat represented the encircling sea and the raised cathedral the mountain-dwelling of the gods? Or are such readings more the product of Western analysis and wishful thinking than the original intentions of their builders? The discussion here is opened by an architectural historian, who places city-planning firmly within the Western intellectual tradition, and considers it in particular as a product of Greek geometry. A series of regional specialists then take up the baton and assess the evidence for symbolic city planning in Egypt, the Roman world, South and Southeast Asia, and Mesoamerica. How far did cities of the Classical world conform to ideas set out by Aristotle and Vitruvius? Were the regulations of the Artashastra really adopted as a practical guide for city lay-out in South Asia? The balance of evidence — of what may have been intended, against what was actually laid out on the ground — provides fertile ground for a stimulating diversity of opinions.
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Anakwue, Nicholas Chukwudike. "The African Origins of Greek Philosophy: Ancient Egypt in Retrospect." Phronimon 18 (February 22, 2018): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/2361.
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The demand of philosophising in Africa has faced a history of criticism that has been particularly Eurocentric and strongly biased. However, that trend is changing with the emergence of core philosophical thinking in Africa. This paper is an attempt to articulate a singular issue in this evolution—the originality of African philosophy, through Ancient Egypt and its influence on Greek philosophy. The paper sets about this task by first exposing the historical debate on the early beginnings of the philosophical enterprise, with a view to establishing the possibility of philosophical influences in Africa. It then goes ahead to posit the three hypotheses that link Greek philosophy to have developed from the cultural materiality of Ancient Egypt, and the Eurocentric travesty of history in recognising influences of philosophy as from Europe alone, apart from Egypt.
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Tourna, Helen. "`H μαγϵία στὴν ἀρχαία Aἴγυπτo: Mϵταφυσικὴ πϵμπτoυσία τῆς χώρας τῶν θϵῶν [Magic in Ancient Egypt: Metaphysical Quintessence of the Land of Gods]. By Amanda‐Alice Maravelia. Athens: Iamblichos Publications, 2003. Pp. 432 + 177 figs. + 9 tables (in Greek with summaries in English and French)." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 66, no. 2 (April 2007): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/519037.
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Alexander, Hieromonk. "«THE DEMONS SUGGEST AN ILLUSION OF GOD'S GLORY IN A FORM»: CONTROVERSY OVER THE DIVINE BODY AND VISION OF GLORY IN SOME LATE FOURTH, EARLY FIFTH CENTURY MONASTIC LITERATURE." Scrinium 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2007): 49–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-90000150.
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The article investigate the monastic anthropomorphites of Egypt seeing them as the heirs of an ancient, non-Hellenic, Jewish visionary tradition, a tradition rendered anachronistic by the theological settlement of Nicea. By examining certain works of fourth-century monasticism, the article seeks to trace the outlines of this tradition, both in its advocates and in its critics.
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Benes, Tuska. "The Shared Descent of Semitic and Aryan in Christian Bunsen’s History of Revelation." Philological Encounters 2, no. 3-4 (August 16, 2017): 270–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-12340027.
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The desire to uphold monogenesis encouraged Christian Bunsen (1791-1866) to bridge the Semitic and Indo-European language families. Bunsen’s identifying ancient Egyptian as a linguistic bridge had implications for the supposed history of God’s revelation to humankind, as well as for German conceptions of “Semitic” as a racial category in the 1840s. The rise of Sanskrit as a possible Ursprache, as well as new critical methods and the rationalist critique of revelation, altered the position Egypt once held in ancient wisdom narratives. However, the gradual decipherment of hieroglyphs and efforts to historicize ancient Egyptian encouraged Bunsen to rethink the history of religion. His faith in monogenesis and Bunsen’s deriving Aryans and Semites from a common ancestor did not inhibit the racialization of “Semitic” as a category or reverse the loss of status Hebrew antiquity suffered as other scholars located primordial revelation in the Aryan past. Instead religion itself became racialized.
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Braulińska, Kamila. "The secretarybird dilemma: identifying a bird species fromthe Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 27, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 83–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3198.
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Known from a few representations in Predynastic Egyptian art, the secretarybird has otherwise been elusive, in the art of Pharaonic Egypt as well as the scientific discourse on iconographic imagery of birds in ancient Egypt. The author's studies of the animal decoration at the Temple for her doctoral dissertation identified three images of birds belonging most likely to the same species, depicted in the context of the expedition of Hatshepsut shown in the Portico of Punt. The zoological identification of the species as the secretarybird (another possibility is the African harrier-hawk) derives from an in-depth analysis of the bird’s systematics, appearance, distribution and habitat, as well as behavior, which are essential for proper species recognition and instrumental for understanding the rationale behind bringing it from the “God’s Land”. Iconographic features contesting this identification and suggesting a different species, that is, the African harrier-hawk, are discussed based on a combination of theoretical background, material analysis, on-site interviews with experts and the author’s personal experience with the species.
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Woodman, Neal. "On the original description of the Sacred Shrew, Sorex religiosa I. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, 1826 [nec 1827] (Mammalia: Soricidae)." Bionomina 9, no. 1 (December 24, 2015): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/bionomina.9.1.5.
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The original description of the Egyptian Pygmy Shrew or Sacred Shrew, Sorex religiosus I. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (Mammalia: Soricidae: Crocidura religiosa), was based on mummies obtained by Joseph Passalacqua from the ancient Egyptian necropolis at Thebes, Egypt. The description and naming of this species is commonly credited to Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire’s (1827) compendium and review of shrews in the Mémoires du Muséum d’Histoire naturelle. However, this author also described this species in two earlier publications. The first was in a footnote to Passalacqua’s (1826) Catalogue raisonné et historique des antiquités découvertes en Égypte; the second in January 1827 in the 11th volume of the Dictionnaire classique d’Histoire naturelle. In each case, he explained what he considered to be the distinguishing characteristics of the species and presented its common and scientific names. Priority, therefore, goes to Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire’s description in Passalacqua’s (1826) Catalogue.
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Burkert, Walter. "Pleading for Hell: Postulates, Fantasies, and the Senselessness of Punishment." Numen 56, no. 2-3 (2009): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852709x404955.
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If the ideal of justice includes effective punishment of offenders, an extension into afterlife must be postulated. This still involves all the questionable aspects and paradoxes of punishment that make rational and enlightened argumentation difficult. A historical survey of ancient tentatives at hell lore shows diverse starting points and interests. There is just a germ of such speculations in Sumerian. When hell fire first appears in Egypt, it goes together with the fear of magic from the dead; in Zoroastrianism and Judaism it is partisan interest which makes the adherents of the wrong religion destined for hell. In Greece we find various ethical and poetical motifs interfering, from the powerful yet enigmatic images in the Odyssey to a general proclamation of punishments in the Hymn to Demeter. The most graphic and horrible descriptions of something like hell are finally found in Plato, whose sources — besides Homer — can be postulated but not identified.
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Brakke, David. "Canon Formation and Social Conflict in Fourth-Century Egypt: Athanasius of Alexandria's Thirty-Ninth Festal Letter." Harvard Theological Review 87, no. 4 (October 1994): 395–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000030200.
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In histories of the formation of the Christian biblical canon, the thirty-ninthFestal Letterof Athanasius of Alexandria, written for Easter 367, holds a justifiably prominent place. Not only is this letter the earliest extant Christian document to list precisely the twenty-seven books that eventually formed the generally accepted canon of the New Testament, but Athanasius is also the first Christian author known to have applied the term “canonized” (κανονιςόμενα) specifically to the books that made up his Old and New Testaments. Athanasius's canon is explicitly closed: “In these books alone,” the bishop declares, “the teaching of piety is proclaimed. ‘Let no one add to or subtract from them’ (LXX Deut 12:32).” The significance of this document goes beyond these formal and terminological issues, however, for the extant fragments of the letter provide a glimpse into the social and political factors that accompanied the attempted formation of a closed canon of the Bible in one ancient Christian setting. Christianity in fourthcentury Egypt was characterized by diverse and conflicting modes of social identity and spiritual formation: study groups led by charismatic teachers, Melitian communities centered around the veneration of martyrs, and the emerging structure of imperial orthodoxy headed by Athanasius all presented themselves as legitimate expressions of Christian piety. Within this complex setting, the formation of a biblical canon with a proper mode of interpretation was an important step in the formation of an official catholic church in Egypt with its parish-centered spirituality.
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Friedman, David A. "Josephus on the Servile Origins of the Jews." Journal for the Study of Judaism 45, no. 4-5 (September 23, 2014): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340063.
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The story of the Israelites’ slavery in Egypt and subsequent redemption is the central narrative element of the Pentateuch. Josephus’ claim that he was providing an accurate account of the Jews’ ancient history in Jewish Antiquities thus meant that he had to address the Jews’ servile origins; however, first-century Roman attitudes toward slaves and freedmen would have made this problematic for ideological and political reasons. Although Josephus added references to Jews’ slavery to the account of Jewish history in Jewish Antiquities, he appears deliberately to downplay the Jews’ servile origins at key parts of the narrative, including God’s promise to Abraham in Gen 15 and the account of the Jews’ enslavement in Exod 1. Josephus also demonstrates a concern with the servile status of Jacob’s secondary wives Zilpah and Bilhah. The account of Joseph’s life in Jewish Antiquities emphasizes his non-servile qualities and his chance enslavement. Roman hostility to slaves and freedmen, Josephus’ own personal experience of captivity, and the likely presence in Rome of Jewish freedmen might explain Josephus’ sensitivity to the Jews’ servile origins.
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Zhmud, Leonid. "PYTHAGORAS’ NORTHERN CONNECTIONS: ZALMOXIS, ABARIS, ARISTEAS." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 2 (September 9, 2016): 446–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000641.
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Apart from his teachings, wonders and scientific discoveries, Pythagoras was also known for his wide-ranging journeys. Ancient authors alleged that he visited many countries and nations from Egypt to India, stayed with the Phoenicians and the Ethiopians and talked to the Persian Magi and Gallic Druids. However, he never went to the North. If, nevertheless, he was eventually associated with the northern inhabitants, it is only because they themselves came into close contact with him. The first of them was Zalmoxis, a deity of a Thracian tribe, the Getae, who guaranteed them immortality after death (Hdt. 4.94). Having described a blood ritual that the Getae practised to become immortal, Herodotus relates a story he heard from the Hellespontine and Pontic Greeks. It goes that Zalmoxis was not a daimōn but a former slave of Pythagoras on Samos and, having adopted the doctrine of immortality from him, he returned to Thrace and converted his tribesmen to it with a cunning trick. He invited the most prominent of them to a men's hall (ἀνδρείων) for entertainment and told them that neither he nor they or their descendants would die, but would live eternally. Then, having constructed a secret underground chamber, he suddenly disappeared from the eyes of the Getae and hid in his shelter for three full years, being lamented as dead. Then he showed himself again to the Getae, thus persuading them of the truth of his promises (4.95).
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Jocelyn, H. D. "The Annotations of M. Valerivs Probvs, III: some Virgilian Scholia." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 2 (December 1985): 466–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040301.
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Most of the commentaries on Greek authors which circulated in the towns of Egypt during the late Ptolemaic and early Imperial periods ignored the critical and colometrical problems which had engaged the attention of the great Alexandrian grammarians. A few, however, based themselves on texts equipped with signs, included the signs in their lemmata and offered explanations. Such commentaries must be the source of the scattered references to signs in the older marginal scholia in Byzantine manuscripts of Homer, Hesiod, Pindar and the Attic dramatists. The only Byzantine manuscript to transmit a pagan text still equipped with a large number and a variety of signs, namely cod. Venice, Bibl. Marc. gr. 454, is also the only one to transmit scholia with lemmata retaining prefixed signs. Just as texts and scholium-lemmata lost their signs in the course of transmission, so too did references to signs within scholia either disappear or become garbled. At best, a statement about the reasons for affixing a sign would turn into one about the content or style of the verse in question. The few mentions made of the great Alexandrians give no cause for thinking that we ever have a verbatim quotation of anὑπόμνημαwritten by one of them in order to explain his own signs. Time and again it is demonstrable that an explanation of a sign's presence against a particular verse goes back to some writer like Aristonicus.What survives of the ancient discussion of Latin literature is exiguous in comparison with the Greek material.
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Klorman, Bat-Zion Eraqi. "Jewish and Muslim Messianism in Yemen." International Journal of Middle East Studies 22, no. 2 (May 1990): 201–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800033389.
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The last three messianic claimants to appear in the Jewish diaspora appeared in Yemen in the 19th century. At this time and place the mutual influences of Jews and Muslims were notable both in messianic movements and in literary expression. Muslim society in Yemen was aware of the messianic tension among the Jews, and individual Muslims even took part in each of the known messianic movements. Conversely—and this is the subject of this article—Jewish society, at least on the popular level, was receptive to Muslim apocalyptic ideas and beliefs and integrated them into Jewish apocalyptic anticipations.The belief in messianism and the sharing of ideas on redemption or of the golden age in the eschatological era (i.e., at the End of Time) have long been maintained by the Jews. Some of the concepts that served as paradigms for later messianic speculations were derived from the Bible. For instance, the concept of rescue—the rescue by God of the Israelites from slavery in Egypt—became the example of God's intervention to help his people and mirrored the rescue at the End of Days. Likewise, the Davidic kingdom was believed to be the fulfillment of an ancient covenant between God and the Israelites—and, therefore, the Davidic kingdom became in the history of Jewish messianism the paradigm for how the future kingdom would be, how the covenant would be fulfilled. Also, the term “messiah” (mashiah)—i.e., the anointed one—was originally the official title for the Davidic kings and the early root for the later messiah; hence, it would be a Davidic descendant who would lead the Jews into the messianic age.
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Бобренева, Ирина, Irina Bobreneva, Ахмед Адель Баюми, and Ahmed Adel Baioumy. "Tiger Nut in Meat Products." Food Processing: Techniques and Technology 49, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2074-9414-2019-2-185-192.
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The article discusses the physical, chemical and functional properties of tiger nut (Cyperus esculentus) and the possibility of its use in meat products. Tiger nuts grow on the territory of the Republic of Egypt. This traditional plant goes back to ancient times. As a rule, its tubers are soaked and then eaten as a snack. Tiger nuts are currently used in beverages, bakery, and dairy products. According to the data obtained, tiger nuts contain 15.77% of dietary fibers, 22.64% of lipids, namely 79.41% of unsaturated and 20.59% of saturated fatty acids. The experiment proved that tiger nuts contain a substantial amount of minerals: potassium – 710 mg/100g, calcium and magnesium – 90 mg/100g. The plant also contains vitamins C, E, and B, while its antioxidant activity reaches 10.4 mg/g. The research featured the sensory properties of meat samples with various concentrations of tiger nuts as a partial replacement. The study revealed that the tiger nut is a cream-colored and odorless fine powder, with a weak sweet taste of almonds. During the experiment, 2.5%–10% of tiger nut powder was introduced into first grade beef samples with a 2.5% interval. When used as a meat substitute, 5% of tiger nut was found to have a positive effect on such indicators as taste, smell, color, and aroma. Hence, tiger nuts can be used as a functional ingredient in meat products to increase the content of dietary fibers, vitamins, and minerals. In addition, tiger nuts have a good antioxidant property, which increases the shelf life of meat products, and is a cheap partial substitute for raw meat.
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Author, Placeholder. "In God’s Image: The Natural History of Intelligence and Ethics • The Global Bell Curve: Race, IQ, and Inequality Worldwide • A Race Against Time: Racial Heresies for the 21st Century • Race in Ancient Egypt & the Old Testament • Saxons, Vikings and Celts: The Genetic Roots of Britain and Ireland • La Cruche Celte de Brno • Kari’s Saga." Mankind Quarterly 49, no. 1 (2008): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.2008.49.1.9.
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"The complete gods and goddesses of ancient Egypt." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 01 (September 1, 2003): 41–0039. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-0039.
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"Religion in ancient Egypt: gods, myths, and personal practice." Choice Reviews Online 29, no. 04 (December 1, 1991): 29–2282. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.29-2282.
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Grzesiak, Hanna. "Dwarfism in ancient times: from worship to rejection." Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, no. 31 (December 15, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2020.31.14.
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The objective of this paper is to outline some aspects of dwarfism in the Antiquity. The author focuses in particular on Ancient Egypt where one of the most prominent of gods – Bes – suffered from dwarfism. It was believed that little people were somehow connected to other Egyptians gods, which is why they were treated with respect and dignity. Different attitude towards little people can be seen in AncientIsrael where they were excluded from the society, as disability at the time was considered as a punishment from God. The paper also covers Ancient Greece. Aristotle was the first scholar to describe dwarfism. He noted in particular the intelligence of the little people, which according to him was not developed particularly well, compared to the rest of the society.