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Molina Marín, Antonio Ignacio, and Deborah Molina Verdejo. "Elizabeth D. Carney." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.60.
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Elizabeth Donnelly Carney is one of the most renowned scholars on Ancient Macedonia. Carney’s research has contributed to open the studies about Ancient Macedonia to the scope of Gender Studies. Her influence in many modern interpretations concerning the complex relations of power and court network in Argead Macedonia also includes topics like mutiny, social performances (like royal banquets) and court groups (like the Royal Pages). Her scope is wide, and she usually focuses on concrete topics from multiple perspectives. Books like Women and Monarchy in Ancient Macedonia, or the recent Eurydice and the Birth of Macedonian Power (2019) (completing the works devoted to three generations of Macedonian Royal women with her Olympias (2006) and Arsinoë of Egypt and Macedon: A Royal Life (2013)) are now must-to works for world-wide researchers concerning Ancient Greece and Macedon. Among her many skills, the Editorial Board of Karanos wants to remark her kind proximity and her usual predisposition to comment and help, with her experience, to improve discussions, projects and papers with admirable knowledge.
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Agudo, Mario, and Ignacio Molina. "William Greenwalt." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 1 (November 8, 2018): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.9.
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Interview with William Greenwalt (Santa Clara University)In this first issue, Karanos’ Editorial Board wants to pay a well-merited tribute to one of the main promoters of the Ancient Macedonian Studies: William (Bill) Steven Greenwalt (University of Santa Clara). His name is most that well known in our fieldwork, but maybe he has not enjoyed the deserved authority as far as he does not finalize his research achievements with a typical monography or a History of Macedon. Nevertheless, Greenwalt is one of the researchers who had contributed mostly in the return of the interest on Ancient Macedonia beyond the figure of Alexander the Great, concretly attending to the Argead dynasty. Thanks to his work and efforts, questions like the royal charisma of the Argeads or his polygamy are now discussed in full and accepted in the academic sphere. Likewise, he is also a researcher who has popularized in the academia the name of Karanos, legendary monarch who gives name to our journal. It was, then, almost mandatory to begin with him our section of interviews to the Main Voices in Ancient Macedonian Studies.Disciple of Harry Del and E. Gruen, Greenwalt has developed a research line focused in religious topics, with a strong influence from the anthropological perspective. Some of his theories can be put in question and discussed by researchers who does not agree with him, but as far as we think that almost anything in the Ancient (Macedonian) World can be subject to question, we are sure that Greenwalt’s contribution to the knowledge of Ancient Macedonia and the force and weight of his ideas along the last decades is beyond any doubt, and helped to the brilliant progress and renovation of our fieldwork.
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Antela, Borja. "Terrible Olympias. Another Study in Method." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.52.
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Olympias of Epirus is one of the main characters in the history of the emergency of Macedonia as an international power with Philip II and Alexander. Nevertheless, despite the many books, papers and studies that had been improving our knowledge about Argead Macedonia in times of the great Macedonian conquerors, the historians of the XIXth and XXth centuries treated Olympias in the same terms of the ancient sources. This uncritical perspective denotes a clear tendency and aims to reproduce gender stereotypes that comes to our own days.
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Carney, Elizabeth, and Argyro B. Tataki. "Macedonians Abroad: A Contribution to the Prosopography of Ancient Macedonia." Phoenix 54, no. 1/2 (2000): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089106.
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Witczak, Krzysztof Tomasz. "Etniczny charakter Epirotów i Macedończyków." LingVaria 13, no. 25 (May 30, 2018): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lv.13.2017.25.03.
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The Ethnic Character of Ancient Epirotes and MacedoniansThe inhabitants of Epirus and Macedonia were treated as “barbarians” by ancient Greeks (so Hecataeus of Miletus, Herodotus, Thucydides, Ps.-Scylax, Ps.-Scymnus, Strabo, and others). According to Plutarch (Pyrrhus I 3), the intensive hellenization of Epirus started with Tharrypas’ reign in the end of fifth century BC. According to Strabo (VII 7.8), ancient Epirotes and Macedonians spoke the same language but some of them were bilingual. This means that the original language of Epirotes and Macedonians was non-Greek, but they used Greek in the capacity of the international language of the East Mediterranean area. Numerous preserved glosses demonstrate an Indo-European (and non-Greek) origin of Epirotes and Macedonians.
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Vangeli, Anastas. "Nation-building ancient Macedonian style: the origins and the effects of the so-called antiquization in Macedonia." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 1 (January 2011): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.532775.
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The background of the contemporary Macedonian “antiquization” can be found in the nineteenth century and the myth of ancient descent among Orthodox Slavic speakers in Macedonia, adopted partially due to Greek cultural inputs. The idea of Ancient Macedonian nationhood has also been included in the national mythology during the Yugoslav era. An additional factor for its preservation has been the influence of the Macedonian Diaspora. After independence, attempts to use myth of ancient descent had to be abandoned due to political pressure by Greece. Contemporary antiquization on the other hand, has been revived as an efficient tool for political mobilization. It is manifested as a belated invention and mass-production of tradition, carried out through the creation of new ceremonies, interventions in the public space and dissemination of mythological and metaphysical narratives on the origin of the nation. There have also been attempts to scientifically rationalize claims to ancient nationhood. On the political level, the process of antiquization reinforced the political primacy of its promoters, the ruling Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), but had a negative impact on the interethnic relations and the international position of the country.
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Rizakis, Athanase D. "Zeus Hypsistos en Macédoine : la dynamique sociale d’un culte « nouveau » dans le contexte socio-culturel de l’Empire." Tekmeria 16 (April 18, 2022): 123–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.30218.
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The cult of Zeus Hypsistos seems to have emerged first in Macedonia and then to have spread to the other eastern provinces of the Roman Empire. Indeed, it is in western and central Macedonia, the heart of the ancient kingdom, that we find a large number of sanctuaries devoted to Zeus Hypsistos, together with offerings and votive dedications of various types, some of which date back to the second century BCE. This cult is quite distinct from that of Theos Hypsistos, which –with the exception of the cosmopolitan city of Thessalonike– is effectively absent from Macedonia. It is to be noted that in Macedonia Zeus Hypsistos retained the traditional iconographic elements of Zeus Olympios and was represented either anthropomorphically, in a sacrificial pose, or through his symbols (eagle, bull). Nevertheless, the two cults were not identical. Zeus Hypsistos was not a substitute for the patron god of the Macedonian royal house, which had been suppressed by Rome, nor did he represent a metamorphosis of the ancient divinity, associated with novel religious practices. It is clear that the new cult maintained the Zeus tradition but combined this with new elements and features, which gradually lent a different profile and character to the cult of Zeus Hypsistos, adapted to the religious and cultural context of the Roman Empire.
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Sazdovski, Aleksandar. "Nation-building under the societal security dilemma: The case of Macedonia." Journal of Regional Security 10, no. 1 (2015): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x151sps54.
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In 2009, the Government of the Republic of Macedonia announced the Skopje 2014 Project, a project that envisioned an urban reconstruction of the city through a series of monuments of historical and religious figures, as well as various public buildings resembling neo-classical, or neo-baroque style. The Project was the culmination of a wider nation-building project initiated several years earlier that became known as 'antiquisation' that sought to reconstruct and redefine Macedonian national identity, in which the uppermost importance was given to the figure of Alexander the Great. The nation-building project stressed a linear continuity of Macedonian national identity from antiquity to the present thereby emphasizing the nation's unceasing existence and affirmation throughout the centuries. But what were the underlying causes that shaped the nation-building project? How have historical, political and other factors influenced the nation-building project in Macedonia? And why was ancient Macedonia chosen as the narrative around which the nation-building project could take place? These are the questions that the present article will attempt to answer. The aim of this article is to examine the complex interplay between security policy and nation-building, in the Macedonian context. More specifically, it will argue that the current nation-building project in Macedonia has been developed as a response to internal and external perceived identity threats. Namely, ever since declaring independence the Republic of Macedonia has been facing a double societal security dilemma - an external, stemming from the country's immediate neighbors who constantly dispute the existence of a distinct Macedonian national identity, and an internal reflected in the constant challenges of the character of the State, by the country's ethnic Albanian community. In response, the nation-building project sought to address these concerns.
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Παναγιώτου-Τριανταφυλλοπούλου, Άννα. "Εγχάρακτη στλεγγίδα από την Αιανή." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 519–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.34.
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The incised inscription on a fifth century BC strigil from Aiani, in Elimeia, Macedonia, is revisited. The first editor read Ἄπαϙος, the owner’s name, so far unattested and of unknown etymology and formation. A new reading is suggested here, Ἄπαρος (nominative), known also as a Thessalian personal name of the Archaic period. The etymology, the formation and the semantics of this personal name offer new evidence for the lexicon of ancient Macedonian
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Beryl Barr-Sharrar. "Some Comprehensive New Publications on Ancient Macedonia." American Journal of Archaeology 117, no. 4 (2013): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.117.4.0599.
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Theodossiou, E., and P. Mantarakis. "The lost Roman calendars of ancient Macedonia." Astronomical & Astrophysical Transactions 25, no. 4 (August 2006): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10556790601029591.
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Sujecka, Jolanta. "The Continuity and Discontinuity. The Question of Territorialism and Double Identity from the Perspective of 20th Century Macedonia." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.003.
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The Contuinity and Discontinuity. The Question of Territorialism and Double Identity from the Perspective of 20th Century MacedoniaThe sense of territorial identity gains force whenever political means of solving the Macedonian Question, a repugnant legacy of the Eastern issue, become scarce. This attitude is reflected in the articles published by the representatives of the Macedonian diaspora in journals of its different centres. Due to space constraints I decided to present only (and at least) the views of Krste Misirkov, a very complex figure indeed, who in contemporary Macedonia belongs to the undisputable national pantheon. His opinions on the Macedonian Question were far from explicit and his statements delivered at different stages of his life do not fit into a cohesive whole as the national purists would want it. However, it is difficult to imagine a better mirror for “Macedonian matters” in the 20th century and a more comprehensive picture of the twisted paths that the Macedonian Slavs took to reach the concept of ‘Macedonian’ understood as an ethnos, not only in its territorial aspect.A bond with the territory has never disappeared from Macedonian self-perception. Only the constant presence of territorial identity explains the assimilation of the ancient heritage, which is in fact heritage of a territory, into the Macedonian national canon. It is further confirmed by the most recent Macedonian history textbooks for high school students where the ancient tradition is treated as a part of their own heritage. While the bond with the territory is still an integral part of the Macedonian elite’s consciousness, the question of double identity remains less obvious. In Misirkov’s time double identity, expressed through various ethnic configurations, on the one hand shaped Macedonian self-identity and on the other proved the distinctiveness of a ‘Macedonian’ at that time (i.e. in the first half of the 20th century) from a ‘Serb’ in Serbia proper and a ‘Bulgarian’ in Bulgaria proper, thus creating favourable conditions for the emergence of separatist understanding of Macedonianness, allowing even non-Slavs to be Macedonians. Macedonianness began to be founded on Slavicness relatively late and this dependence was propagated quite naturally mainly by Slavophile circles (the circle of Nace Dimov) and by the communists in the 1920’s and 1930’s. However, in the first half of the 20th century there still existed alternatives, such as, for instance, the above-described project of Krste Misirkov. The most evident connection between the term ‘Macedonian’ and Slavicness crystallised in Tito’s post-war Macedonia, de facto undermining the notion of double identity in the sense in which it had functioned in the first half of the 20th century.Ciągłość i jej brak. Kwestia terytorializmu i podwójnej tożsamości z perspektywy macedońskiejPoczucie tożsamości terytorialnej odzywa się ze szczególną siłą w sytuacjach, kiedy wyczerpują się polityczne możliwości rozwiązania problemu macedońskiego, jako niedobrego spadku po kwestii wschodniej. Potwierdzają to wypowiedzi przedstawicieli macedońskiej diaspory publikowane na łamach czasopism, wychodzących w różnych miejscach jej skupisk. Zdecydowałam się na przedstawienie jedynie (i aż) poglądów Krste Misirkova, należącego w dzisiejszej Macedonii do niekwestionowanego panteonu narodowego, w istocie postaci wielce skomplikowanej. Jego poglądy w kwestii macedońskiej były dalekie od jednoznaczności, a wypowiedzi wygłaszane na różnych etapach życia nie układają się w całość, jakiej chcieliby narodowi puryści, natomiast trudno sobie wyobrazić lepsze zwierciadło „spraw macedońskich” w XX wieku i pełniejszy obraz krętych dróg, jakimi macedońscy Słowianie dochodzili do pojęcia „Macedończyk” rozumianego jako éthnie, a nie tylko terytorialnie.Więź z terytorium nigdy nie zniknęła z macedońskiego myślenia o sobie samych. Jedynie stałą obecnością tożsamości terytorialnej można wytłumaczyć asymilację dziedzictwa antycznego, czyli faktycznie dziedzictwa terytorium, do macedońskiego kanonu narodowego. Potwierdzają to najnowsze macedońskie podręczniki do nauki historii dla szkół średnich, w których tradycja antyczna jest traktowana jako część tradycji własnej. O ile jednak więź z terytorium jest nadal integralną częścią świadomości macedońskich elit, to zupełnie inaczej wygląda kwestia podwójnej tożsamości. W czasach Misirkova podwójna tożsamość, wyrażająca się poprzez różne etniczne konfiguracje, z jednej strony kształtowała macedońską tożsamość własną, z drugiej zaś to dzięki niej pojęcie „Macedończyk” w tym czasie (tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX) potwierdzało swoją odrębność od Serba z Serbii właściwej i od Bułgara z Bułgarii właściwej i tym samym sprzyjało kształtowaniu się separatystycznego rozumienia macedońskości. Ten sposób widzenia umożliwiał bycie Macedończykiem także nie-Słowianom. Oparcie pojęcia macedońskości o słowiańskość nastąpiło stosunkowo późno i było propagowane w sposób naturalny głównie przez środowiska słowianofilskie (petersburski krąg Nace Dimova), ale w latach dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX w. także przez środowiska komunistyczne. Jednak w pierwszej połowie XX wieku miało wciąż alternatywne propozycje, jak chociażby omówiony przeze mnie projekt K. Misirkova. Najwyrazistsze powiązanie pojęcia „Macedończyk” ze słowiańskością nastąpiło w powojennej Macedonii czasów Josipa Broz Tity i w istocie podważyło pojęcie podwójnej tożsamości, w tym sensie w jakim funkcjonowała ona w okresie wcześniejszym, tzn. w pierwszej połowie wieku XX.
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Проева [Proeva], Наде [Nade]. "Националните митови во современа Европа и негирањето на македонскиот идентитеm." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 107–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.008.
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National myths in modern Europe and denial Macedonian identity The independence proclamation of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 provoked ardent reactions and denials by its neighbours, against the fact that she was the only peaceful actor in the Yugoslavia’s dissolution. The first negative reactions and denials came from the Southern Neighbor, whose denial was directed towards the name, i.e. the identity, while the others referred to the language, identity and even a part of the territory. The most vociferous and at the same time the most successful was the reaction of the Southern Neighbour, who gained support of the European ‘democrats’, which de facto turned them into accomplices in the open blackmail that demanded the Republic of Macedonia to change its constitutional name. Namely, the 1992 Lisbon Declaration of the E(uropean) C(ouncil) imposed a demand to the Republic of Macedonia to accept any name that would not contain the word “Macedonia” in order to be recognized by the EU!?! The newly independent state was finally admitted to the UN under a reference “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” through violation of the provisions of the UN Charter. Twenty years later the country is still enforced to use the offensive reference, and often even to tolerate the FYROM acronym. This article deals precisely with the politics of pressures and blackmail exercised by NATO and EU with regard to the so‑called name dispute. It also centers on national myths that are used in order to “justify” such politics and on the attitude of the European ‘democrats’ towards those national myths. In contrast to the democratic rules preached by NATO and EU across the world, the Republic of Macedonia was and still is blackmailed by an unprincipled demand to select a NEW name in order to please one member-state. As a consequence of that demand, the national myth linked with ancient Macedonians (so-called antiquisation, although the better term is antique-mania) has been revived and upgraded. A number of pseudo-historians with various professional backgrounds, such as journalists, politicians, writers, physicians, and even university professors, has involved in this endeavor. To make things worse, even some historians and archaeologists may be seen in this group, with a mission to defend the right to the name and identity. The societal climate has been politicized to such a degree that not only the neighbours, but even EU has been caught in the vicious circle of competing and mutually exclusive national myths. The Union obviously insists on the philhellenic myth i.e. on the alleged Hellenic roots of the European culture as such. Mity narodowe współczesnej Europy i negowanie tożsamości macedońskiej Niepodległość Republiki Macedonii - państwa, które w 1991 roku drogą pokojową odłączyło się od struktur Jugosławii - wywołała ostre spory z jej sąsiadami. Pierwszy wywołał jej południowy sąsiad, negując jej nazwę, pozostali sąsiedzi podważali natomiast jej język, tożsamość i prawo do części terytorium. Najgłośniejszy i najbardziej skuteczny w tych działaniach okazał się sąsiad południowy, który otrzymał wsparcie demokracji europejskich, przyczyniając się do tego, że Europejczycy stali się de facto współodpowiedzialni za szantażowanie RM w celu zmiany jej konstytucyjnej nazwy. W oparciu o Deklarację Lizbońską z 1992 roku Rada Europy uwarunkowała uznanie Republiki Macedonii tylko wtedy, gdy z konstytucyjnej nazwy państwa usunięte zostanie słowo Macedonia. Niespotykanym dotąd precedensem w historii ONZ stało się przyjęcie nowego państwa do jej struktur pod nazwą „Była Jugosłowiańska Republika Macedonii”, skróconej do uwłaczającego akronimu FYROM.W artykule podjęto kwestię dotyczącą nacisków ze strony NATO i UE wobec tzw. problemu nazwy a także mitów narodowych, którymi usprawiedliwia się tę politykę oraz stosunku demokracji europejskich wobec tych mitów. Jednak wbrew zasadom demokracji, jakie szerzy UE i NATO, Republika Macedonii była i nadal jest szantażowana bezzasadnym żądaniem znalezienia NOWEJ nazwy według żądań jednego z jej członków.Następstwem tych działań w RM stało się odnowienie i rozszerzenie narodowego mitu o związki z Macedończykami antycznymi. Nieodłącznym elementem towarzyszącym temu zjawisku jest turbo folk oraz wsparcie pseudohistoryków wszelkich profesji: dziennikarzy, polityków, literatów, lekarzy a nawet profesorów uniwersyteckich. Najbardziej zatrważającym – w celu ochrony właściwej nazwy państwa dowodzącej tożsamości – stało się włączenie do tego nurtu zawodowych historyków i archeologów.Sytuacja uległa upolitycznieniu do takiego stopnia, że nie tylko sąsiedzi, ale również UE wkroczyła do magicznego kręgu demonstrowania mitów narodowych, odwołując się do filohelleńskiego mitu rzekomych helleńskich korzeni kultury europejskiej.
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Kaimaris, Dimitris, George Karadedos, Charalampos Georgiadis, and Petros Patias. "Locating and Mapping the Traces of the Covered Ancient Theater of Amphipolis (Eastern Macedonia, Greece)." Heritage 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 306–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage1020020.
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Ancient Amphipolis (Eastern Macedonia, Greece) is one of the most important archaeological sites of Greece. Despite the restricted excavation studies, important monuments have been discovered, such as the city walls and the Macedonian burial site at the Kasta hill, etc. Currently, the location of the ancient theater is unknown and only assumptions can be made regarding its location. In the current study, we aim to detect the accurate location of the ancient theater using archaeological prospection tools, data collected from the excavated sites, and testimonies of people of the modern city. For the first step of the approach, the approximate location of the ancient theater was determined using information derived by archived geospatial data (multi-temporal aerial photographs, satellite image, and Digital Terrain Model (DTM) of the area) as well as information regarding the neighboring excavated sites. For the in-depth study of the area of interest, a drone was used for the acquisition of high-resolution geospatial data. The generated orthorectified image (3 cm spatial resolution), DTM, and Digital Surface Model (DSM) allowed the determination of the potential location of the buried orchestra’s center using geometric rules for the design of ancient theaters. Furthermore, using the produced DSM and DTM, terrain cross-sections were generated.
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Molina, Ignacio. "Reseña de Hatzopoulos, Ancient Macedonia, Berlin–Boston, De Gruyter, 2020, 241 pp. [ISBN 9783110718645]." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 4 (February 1, 2022): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.77.
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Le Bohec, Sylvie. "Philippe II et les dieux." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.59.
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Macedonian kings kept close bonds with the divine sphere. They considered themselves as Heraklids (and, in consequence, they traced back their lineage to Zeus himself) and the kingship kept noteworthy religious functions. Philip II made wide use of this religious side and it became a key element of his public image and propaganda, both inside and outside the kingdom of Macedonia. It was especially important the relation Philip established with Panhellenic shrines, like Delphi and Olympia, in close connection with his aspiration for hegemony all over Greece. Philip also regarded his coinage as useful political tools and the religious motives engraved are very telling about the king's claims and objectives. Originally published in Ancient Macedonia / Archaia Makedonia VI (Papers Read at the Sixth International Symposium held in Thessaloniki by the Institute of Balkan Studies (Greece): Le Bohec 2002a. Published in Karanos by kind permission of the author and the Institute for Balkan Studies.
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Hammond, N. G. L. "The Battle between Philip and Bardylis." Antichthon 23 (1989): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400003658.
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The defeat of Bardylis ‘the king of the Illyrians‘ was one of the decisive battles of ancient history. It ended forty years of military ascendancy by the Illyrians, during which huge losses had been inflicted on the Molossians, Amyntas III had twice been driven out of Macedonia, and Perdiccas III and 4,000 Macedonians had been killed ‘in a great battle’ of359B.C.(Diod. 16.2.5). One reason for that ascendancy was that the Illyrians adopted Greek hoplite equipment and tactics earlier than their opponents. The victory of Philip marked the beginning of Macedonia’s progress to a military supremacy, of which the marks were the infantry fighting with the pike (sarissa) and the cavalry exploiting a break in an enemy line. Evidence about the battle is provided only by Diodorus and Frontinus, and there are uncertainties about the background to the affair. I think that progress can be made if we ask the appropriate questions.
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Stathopoulos, Panagiotis. "Did King Philip II of Ancient Macedonia Suffer a Zygomatico-Orbital Fracture? A Maxillofacial Surgeon's Approach." Craniomaxillofacial Trauma & Reconstruction 10, no. 3 (September 2017): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0037-1601431.
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Philip II, father of Alexander the Great, succeeded his brother, Perdiccas III, to the throne of Macedonia in 360 BC. He has been described by historians as a generous king and military genius who managed to achieve his ambitious plans by expanding the Macedonian city-state over the whole Greek territory and the greater part of the Balkan Peninsula. The aim of our study was to present the evidence with regard to the facial injury of King Philip II of Macedonia and discuss the treatment of the wound by his famous physician, Critobulos. We reviewed the literature for historical, archaeological, and paleopathological evidence of King Philip's facial injury. We include a modern reconstruction of Philip's face based on the evidence of his injury by a team of anatomists and archaeologists from the Universities of Bristol and Manchester. In the light of the archaeological findings by Professor Andronikos and the paleopathological evidence by Musgrave, it can be claimed with confidence that King Philip II suffered a significant injury of his zygomaticomaxillary complex and supraorbital rim caused by an arrow as can be confirmed in many historical sources. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first attempt to present the trauma of King Philip II from a maxillofacial surgeon's point of view.
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Mitevski, Vitomir. "The Influence of Ancient Greek Culture on Macedonian Literature of the 19th Century." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.002.
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The Influence of Ancient Greek Culture on Macedonian Literature of the 19th CenturyIn Macedonia under the Ottoman rule during the nineteenth century, the Macedonian people-the nation is subject to political pressure and the cultural influence of Turkey and other countries. Under the influence of propaganda leading by Athens and education politics in the area of contemporary Republic of Macedonia, some Macedonian militant intellectuals embraced, at the same time, were influenced by romanticism and the Old-Greek culture, which strongly affect their literary works. In this context, two authors are viewed as the most significant-Jordan Hadji Murad Konstantinov Džinot and Grigor Prlichev. Džinot is the author of dramatized dialogue inspired by the classic Greek mythology, at the school, where he is a teacher. On the pages of the press he announces the publication of its ancient-themed dramas, however, for unknown reasons, none of them does not appear in print. Prlichev well knew the Old-Greek and is an admirer of the works of Homer. Influenced by the poetry of Homer writes in an epic poem in the archaized Greek. Wpływ starogreckiej kultury na literaturę macedońską w XIX wiekuW ramach imperium osmańskiego, którego częścią jest Macedonia w ciągu XIX wieku, macedoński lud-naród podlega politycznej presji i wpływom kulturowym ze strony Turcji i innych państw. Pod wpływem propagandy, którą prowadzą Ateny i która wyraża się m.in. w zakładaniu swoich szkół w Macedonii, niektórzy macedońscy intelektualiści, ogarnięci w tym samym czasie wpływami romantyzmu poznają kulturę starogrecką, co silnie wpłynie na ich twórczość literacką. W tym kontekście wybijają się dwie najbardziej znaczące postaci – Jordan Hadži Konstantinov-Džinot i Grigor Prličev. Džinot jest autorem dramatyzowanych dialogów inspirowanych klasyczną, starogrecką mitologią, wystawianych w szkole, w której sam jest nauczycielem. Na łamach prasy zapowiada publikację swoich dramatów o tematyce antycznej, jednak z niewiadomych przyczyn żaden z nich nie pojawia się w druku. Prličev dobrze zna starogrecki i jest znawcą twórczości Homera. Pod wpływem poezji Homera pisze w archaizowanym języku greckim poemat epicki zatytułowany ‛Ο 'Aρματωλός (w macedońskim przekładzie Сердарот albo Мартолозот), który przynosi mu zwycięstwo w konkursie poetyckim w Atenach w 1860 roku. Jego drugie dzieło epickie zatytułowane Σκενδέρμπεης jest napisane także w duchu poezji Homera, głównie jeśli chodzi o styl (epitety i porównania) i kompozycję (opracowanie typowych dla eposu motywów tematycznych). Obydwaj są także tłumaczami, Džinot zapowiada w prasie przekład Antygony Sofoklesa, o losach przekładu nic nam nie wiadomo, a Prličev dokonuje poetyckiego przekładu Iliady Homera na wymyślony przez siebie język, który jest w istocie mieszanką języków słowiańskich, a sam autor nazywa go "ogólnosłowiańskim". Влијанието на старогрчката култура врз македонската литература во XIX–иот векВо рамките на Турската Империја од која Македонија е дел во текот на 19-иот, македонскиот народ е изложен на политичка пресија и културното влијание и на Турција и на некои соседни држави. Под влијание на пропагандата на владата во Атина која отвора свои школи во Македонија, а во исто време и зафатени од бранот на романтизам, некои македонски интелектуалци се запознаваат со старогрчката култура што ќе остави силен печат врз нивното литературно творештво. Во тој поглед се издвојуваат две најзначајни имиња – Јордан Хаџи Константинов Џинот и Григор Прличев.Џинот се јавува со драмски дијалози инспирирани од класичната старогрчка митологија кои се изведуваат на приредбите во школите во кои тој е учител, а во печатот најавува објавување на свои драми со античка тематика кои, од непознати причини, не се појавиле.Прличев е добро образован во старогрчкиот јазик и особено добар познавач на Хомер. Под влијание на хомерската поезија, тој пишува на еден архаизиран грчки јазик епска поема под наслов ‛Ο ’Aρματωλός (во македонски превод Серадот или Мартолозот) и со неа победува на поетскиот конкурс во Атина 1860 година.Второто негово епско дело под наслов Σκενδέρμπεης исто така е напишано во духот на хомерската поезија и тоа се гледа главно во областа на стилот (епитети и споредби) и во композицијата (обработка на типични епски теми). На преведувачки план, Џинот најавува во печатот превод на трагедијата Антигона од Софокле, дело чија судбина исто така не ни е позната, а Прличев пишува препев на Хомеровата Илијада на еден посебен јазик кој претставува смеса од словенските јазици, а самиот автор го нарекува „општословенски“.
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Koloskov, Evgenii. "[Review] Lukin P.E., Safonov A.A. (2018) In the Heart of the Balkans: Essays on the History of Macedonia (From Ancient Times to the Early Twenty-First Century). Moscow: Indrik." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 14, no. 1-2 (2019): 283–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2019.14.1-2.19.
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This review is devoted to the book of Pavel E. Lukin and Alexander A. Safonov “In the Heart of the Balkans: Essays on the History of Macedonia (from ancient times to the early twenty-first century)”. The authors challenged themselves to write a textbook of the History of Macedonia for history and philology university students, which was the very first attempt in the Russian historiography. The textbook was provided with an extension of a selected bibliography and a list of abbreviations and illustrations. In addition, the authors also proposed an exemplary history course curriculum, which is actually the full content of the university course program. Lukin and Safonov’s book also contains a brief history of the most important historical cities and the illustrative material which demonstrates the beauty of the cultural heritage of the region in architecture and painting. It could be interesting to a wide circle of readers. The work due to the stated framework of the textbook may sometimes lack the deep analysis of some issues; however, it will certainly be fundamental for all those who would choose the specialization in the history of the Macedonian lands and the countries of the Balkan Peninsula in general.
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Guštin, Mitja. "THE BURIAL OF A CELTIC WARRIOR IN THE ANCIENT MACEDONIA." Macedoniae acta archaeologica 23 (2021): 257–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.55973/maa2123257g.
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Iordanidis, A., J. Garcia-Guinea, and G. Karamitrou-Mentessidi. "Characterisation of Mycenaean and matt-painted pottery from Alani, ancient upper Macedonia, Greece." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 40, no. 4 (January 1, 2007): 1796. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.17141.
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Several analytical methods were applied for the study of ancient pottery from Aiani, ancient upper Macedonia, northern Greece. Mycenaean and matt-painted pottery sherds, dated form Late Bronze age, were analysed with the help of X-Ray Diffraction (XRD), X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and Environmental Scanning Electron Microscopy, coupled with Energy Dispersive X-ray system (ESEM-EDX). Morphological, chemical and mineralogical characteristics of both types of ancient pottery indicated a rather local provenance, thus strengthening the hypothesis of the co-existence of Mycenaean and Dorian pottery workshops in the region, during Late Bronze period
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Estrin, Seth. "Myrina Kalaitzi. Figured Tombstones from Macedonia, Fifth–First Century BC." Journal of Greek Archaeology 4 (January 1, 2019): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v4i.500.
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Myrina Kalaitzi dedicates this important new study of ancient Macedonian tombstones of the fifth through first centuries BC not to any named individual but to ‘the courageous reader.’ Most readers will not need courage to understand its familiar structure: a catalogue of surviving tombstones preceded by a chronological survey discussing major trends in the corpus. As Kalaitzi outlines in her Introduction, it is a structure determined less by a conceptual or theoretical model than by scholarly precedent – a structure that has been developed and deployed by scholars of ancient material culture on numerous occasions in order, ostensibly, to describe rather than interpret. The framework presumes that, when the corpus is addressed in comparative terms, visual patterns will emerge, ones that might tell us about cultural values shared between the people who produced or commissioned the individual monuments.
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Dany, O. P. "Livy and the chronology of the years 168–167." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 432–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.432.
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All our ancient sources agree on the basic sequence of events after the battle of Pydna on 22 June 168: the consul L. Aemilius Paullus advanced to take possession of the whole of Macedonia and finally managed to capture Perseus, the defeated king, who had taken refuge on Samothrace. Once in complete control of the situation he sent his troops into winter quarters and himself set off on a trip that was to take him round the most famous sights of Greece. Only when he heard of the arrival of the customary senatorial commission did he return to Macedon, settle its affairs, hold magnificent games, and finally return to Italy. Thus far there is little cause for concern, but what most of these events lack is a properly established date. Livy, our only ancient source venturing to date them, places everything up to sending the troops into winter quarters (45.8.8–9) in the same consular year as Pydna and assigns the remaining events to autumn and winter 167 (45.27ff). He thereby creates an awkward gap of somewhat more than a year between the battle of Pydna and the subsequent actions of Aemilius Paullus. A majority of scholars either seem to have ignored this point altogether or silently corrected Livy's chronology by simply shifting the events in question back to 168/ (Julian calendar). Others, ranging from Miiller and Weissenborn to Hammond and Walbank in their magisterial History of Macedonia, have kept Livy's date,4 while only one scholar has actually attempted to argue for a correction of Livy.
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Wiseman, James. "Environmental deterioration and human agency in ancient Macedonia: A case study." Geoarchaeology 22, no. 1 (2006): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/gea.20148.
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Antonovska, Daniela. "Surrogacy: A Novelty Concept in North Macedonia." Women's Health – Open Journal 7, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17140/whoj-7-140.
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Surrogacy has existed since ancient times. Depending on the way of creating an embryo, two types of surrogacy differ, traditional and gestational. When it comes to monetary compensation, two types of surrogacy exist, altruistic and commercialized. A lot of questions come to light such as: Is the altruistic surrogacy a humane gesture for all contracted parties? What if the mother changes her mind? Do the babies born of surrogacy mothers have rights? In North Macedonia, surrogacy was introduced for the first time in 2014 in the amended Law on Biomedicine and Assisted Fertilization. It was a novelty having in mind that in the Law of 2008 the surrogacy as a practice was outlawed. The amended law applies the term gestational mother and provides a liberal stance, but many provisions are unclear.
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Sivkina, Nataliya Yurievna. "Mythologization and rationalization of the image of the famous Queen of Macedonia." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2022): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.1.37557.
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One of the famous women of ancient history – Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great – is represented in the sources as a cruel, vindictive and domineering woman. Traditionally, it is believed that the formation of such an image was influenced by the peculiarities of the sources: the non-Greek origin of the authors, the writing of works in later times, misunderstanding of Macedonian customs and mores. The purpose of this work is to consider some well-known facts from the life of the Olympiad in a mythological context. Highlighting the characteristic features that influenced the image of this famous queen that has developed in historiography will allow us to change modern ideas about her. The study used traditional methods and approaches for ancient history. The principle of historicism is necessary for understanding cause-and-effect relationships, the principle of consistency is important for systematization of preserved data about this queen. The general philosophical methods of analysis and synthesis are supplemented by special ones: comparative historical, the method of retrospection. The novelty of this research lies in the author's attempt to show the influence of mythological images and symbols on Hellenistic historiography and highlight the rationalistic constructions of ancient authors. As a result of the research, the author concludes that the image of the Olympiad, which has become entrenched in historiography, was influenced not only by the negative attitude of ancient historians towards it, but also by their attempts to rationally explain events based on knowledge of the consequences. However, the mythological consciousness also left its mark on their work. The life of Alexander the Great was overgrown with myths, and all the people close to him also fell into the sphere of mythological representations. Therefore, in the sources, the image of the queen is not just greatly distorted, but is endowed with symbolic characteristics characteristic of myths.
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Hammond, N. G. L. "The Sources of Justin on Macedonia to the Death of Philip." Classical Quarterly 41, no. 2 (December 1991): 496–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800004638.
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In this article I am making what is, as far as I know, the first systematic analysis of Justin books 7, 8 and 9. The method is that which I employed in analysing the sources of Diodorus 16 in CQ 31 (1937), 79ff. and 32 (1938), 137ff. Previous scholars had looked for similarities between the fragments of ancient historians and details in the text of Diodorus, and they had taken any such similarity as proof of a particular source being followed. They had carried their method to extremes: A. Momigliano, for instance, had concluded that Diodorus changed his source 12 times within 23 chapters, and R. Laqueur 18 times within 4 chapters in book 16. My system was to define separable Groups of narrative on the basis of fullness, accuracy, military and political detail, and attitude to the general theme, and to see how far any one Group could be attributed to an ancient author. I begin, therefore, with separable Groups of narrative.
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Hammond, N. G. L. "Casualties and reinforcements of citizen soldiers in Greece and Macedonia." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632032.
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The contention of this paper is that the growing disbelief in the ancient casualty figures of one's own side and the tendency to regard them as ‘propagandist’ are generally mistaken. The arguments turn on the origins of the figures and on the practicalities of warfare. In the last section special attention is given to those of Alexander's citizen forces. The casualties of mercenaries are not considered.
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Hoffmann, N., K. Reicherter, T. Fernández-Steeger, and C. Grützner. "Evolution of ancient Lake Ohrid: a tectonic perspective." Biogeosciences 7, no. 10 (October 29, 2010): 3377–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/bg-7-3377-2010.
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Abstract. Lake Ohrid Basin is a graben structure situated in the Dinarides at the border of the Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Albania. It hosts one of the oldest lakes in Europe and is characterized by a basin and range-like geological setting together with the halfgraben basins of Korca, Erseka and Debar. The basin is surrounded by Paleozoic metamorphics in the northeast and north and Mesozoic ultramafic, carbonatic and magmatic rocks in the east, northwest, west and south. Paleocene to Pliocene units are present in the southwest. With the basin development, Neogene sediments from Pliocene to recent deposited in the lows. There are three major deformation phases: (A) NW–SE shortening from Late Cretaceous to Miocene; (B) uplift and diminishing compression during Messinian – Pliocene; (C) vertical uplift and (N)E–(S)W extension from Pliocene to recent led to the basin formation. Neotectonic activity of the study area concentrates on N–S trending normal faults that bound the Ohrid Basin eastwards and westwards. Seismic activity with moderate to strong events is documented during the last 2000 yrs; the seismic hazard level is among the highest in Albania and Macedonia. Activity of the youngest faults is evidenced by earthquake data and field observations. Morphotectonic features like fault scarps, a stepped series of active normal faults, deformed paleosols, a wind gap and fault-related hydrothermal activity are preserved around Lake Ohrid and allow delineating the tectonic history. It is shown that the Lake Ohrid Basin can be characterized as a seismogenic landscape. This paper presents a tectonic history of the Lake Ohrid Basin and describes tectonic features that are preserved in the recent landscape. The analysis of morphotectonic features is used to derive the deformation history. The stratigraphy of the area is summarized and concentrates on the main units.
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González, Elena Martín, and Paschalis Paschidis. "The 21st-century epigraphic harvest from Macedonia." Archaeological Reports 63 (November 2017): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608418000133.
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On 16 June 1936 the young American epigraphist Charles Edson signed an agreement with the Berlin Academy of Sciences for the publication of all Greek inscriptions from Macedonia (Fig. 146) in the prestigious Inscriptiones Graecae series (see the text in Nigdelis 2015b: 10–12), estimating that the whole project could be completed within four years. His estimate proved, as so often in epigraphy, too optimistic. By 2016, only two volumes of inscriptions from ancient Macedonia had appeared in IG: the one Edson managed to complete in 1972 containing the inscriptions of Thessalonike (IG X 2.1) and the 1999 volume covering most of the northwestern border areas prepared by Fanoula Papazoglou and her collaborators (IG X 2.2.1). A further volume, of new material published after or not included in Edson's corpus, has just been published (IG X 2.1, Suppl. 1; most inscriptions have already been published and commented upon in Nigdelis 2006a and 2015a) and another is planned: a supplement to Edson's volume and full photographic documentation (due for publication in 2018).
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KALLITHRAKAS-KONTOS, N., A. A. KATSANOS, A. ARAVANTINOS, M. OECONOMIDES, and I. TOURATSOGLOU. "STUDY OF ANCIENT GREEK COPPER COINS FROM NIKOPOLIS (EPIRUS) AND THESSALONIKI (MACEDONIA)." Archaeometry 35, no. 2 (August 1993): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4754.1993.tb01042.x.
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Lorenschat, Julia, Xiaosen Zhang, Flavio S. Anselmetti, Jane M. Reed, Martin Wessels, and Antje Schwalb. "Recent anthropogenic impact in ancient Lake Ohrid (Macedonia/Albania): a palaeolimnological approach." Journal of Paleolimnology 52, no. 3 (July 6, 2014): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10933-014-9783-5.
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Reames, Jeanne. "Becoming Macedonian: Name Mapping and Ethnic Identity. The Case of Hephaistion." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 3 (December 1, 2020): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.50.
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An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea.Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos –long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing– was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and “Pelasgian” regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations.This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king’s best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name.If Hephaistion’s ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.
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Franks, Hallie M. "LANGUAGE IN ANCIENT MACEDONIA - (G.K.) Giannakis (ed.) Ancient Macedonia. Language, History, Culture. Pp. 295, ill. Thessaloniki: Centre for the Greek Language, 2012. Paper. ISBN: 978-960-7779-52-6." Classical Review 64, no. 1 (March 20, 2014): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x13002412.
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Kovacheva, Lidija. "The Funeral Customs in the Folk Traditions of Greece and the Territory of the Republic of Macedonia." South East European University Review 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2013): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2013-0004.
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Abstract This paper explores the parallel interpretation of the funerals, the folk beliefs and the symbolic understandings of funeral customs in the Greek and the folk tradition in the territory of the Republic of Macedonia. Most of the Greek funeral customs, as well as those in the Macedonian folk tradition, can be connected with those that were practiced in other people and in other times. Although impression is gained that the ancient funeral customs have been forgotten, they have lived their development thus as they could, with the aim to satisfy the living and to give expression of human grief, pain, enthusiasm and even hope. In the Greek and Macedonian folk traditions, old beliefs and rites are present today as well in these areas. In some places they have been altered as a result of the contemporary views, and in some rural areas are almost identical as in the time when they first appeared. The aim is to show the similarities and differences within the scope of the funeral and magical - ritual actions between these two folk traditions that begin immediately after the death of a loved one and continue until the funeral. This paper will also offer a comparative analysis of the funeral customs between the Greek and the Macedonian folk tradition by observing the rudiments of the funeral customs that were practiced in the past. In certain cases they have been altered as a result of modern views, and in some rural areas they have remained unchanged
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Molina, Ignacio. "Death on the Nile . The murder of Perdiccas and the river crossing in Ancient Macedonia." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 1 (November 8, 2018): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.6.
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The death of Perdiccas, son of Orontes, during his invasion of Egypt is a fact hardly understandable, so that we can find different explanations for this event. The main goal of this paper is to establish a connection between Perdiccas’ death and the importance, meaning of rivers and its crossing for the ancient Macedonians. Indeed, rivers were related to kingship. This fact is reflected in its relationship with kings of the Balkan geographical area (Polyaen. 4.12.3). Thus, we can find passages in which some of most important mythical characters were begotten by a god-river (Asteropaios, Rhesus, Orpheus, etc). Besides, sometimes even the majesty comes from the river, because the kings were crowned into the river or near one (App. Syr. 56; Justin 15. 4.2-7). In fact, the founder of the Argead royal house, Perdiccas I, became king after being saved by a river (Hdt. 8. 138). The strong connection between kings and rivers can be perceived during the crossing, because the Macedonian monarchs, especially Alexander the Great, were responsible of this act. In other words, a true king was able to protect his soldiers during the crossing, given his close link with the water. Perdiccas son of Orontes wanted to become king, therefore the disaster of Nile could be understood like ordeal which showed the will of the river. Perdiccas was not considered a true king, while Ptolemy should become one.
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Hammond, N. G. L. "The King and the Land in the Macedonian Kingdom." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (December 1988): 382–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037022.
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Two recently published inscriptions afford new insights into this subject. They were published separately and independently within a year or two of one another. Much is now to be gained by considering them together. The first inscription, found at Philippi in 1936, published by C. Vatin in Proc. 8th Epigr. Conf. (Athens, 1984), 259–70, and published with a fuller commentary by L. Missitzis in The Ancient World 12 (1985), 3–14, records the decision by Alexander the Great on the use of lands given by his father, Philip II, and in some cases confirmed by himself. The second inscription, found at the site of ancient Kalindoia (Toumpes Kalamotou) in 1982, was published with exemplary speed and an excellent commentary by I. P. Vokotopoulou in Ancient Macedonia 4 (Thessaloniki, 1986), 87–114. It records the names of the priests of Asclepius on a stele dedicated to Apollo; and in the preamble it mentions the name of Alexander, being Alexander the Great. Philippi and Kalindoia were both within the limits of the kingdom of Philip and Alexander (Str. 7 fr. 35).
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Holtvoeth, J., H. Vogel, B. Wagner, and G. A. Wolff. "Lipid biomarkers in Holocene and glacial sediments from ancient Lake Ohrid (Macedonia, Albania)." Biogeosciences Discussions 7, no. 3 (June 16, 2010): 4607–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/bgd-7-4607-2010.
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Abstract. Organic matter preserved in Lake Ohrid sediments originates from aquatic and terrestrial sources. Its variable composition reflects climate-controlled changes in the lake basin's hydrology and related organic matter export, i.e. changes in primary productivity, terrestrial plant matter input and soil erosion. Here, we present first results from lipid biomarker investigations of Lake Ohrid sediments from two near-shore settings: Site Lz1120 near the southern shore, with flat lands nearby and probably influenced by river discharge, and site Co1202 which is close to the steep eastern slopes. Variable proportions of terrestrial n-alkanoic acids and n-alkanols as well as compositional changes of ω-hydroxy acids document differences in soil organic matter supply between the sites and during different climate stages (glacial, Holocene, 8.2 ka cooling event). Changes in the vegetation cover are suggested by changes in the dominant chain length of terrestrial n-alkanols. Effective microbial degradation of labile organic matter and in situ contribution of organic matter derived from the microbes themselves are both evident in the sediments. We found evidence for anoxic conditions within the photic zone by detecting epicholestanol from sulphur-oxidising phototrophic bacteria and for the influence of an early human community from the occurrence of coprostanol, a biomarker for human and cattle faeces, in an early Holocene sample. This study illustrates the potential of lipid biomarkers for future environmental reconstructions using one of Europe's oldest continental climate archives, Lake Ohrid.
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Holtvoeth, J., H. Vogel, B. Wagner, and G. A. Wolff. "Lipid biomarkers in Holocene and glacial sediments from ancient Lake Ohrid (Macedonia, Albania)." Biogeosciences 7, no. 11 (November 8, 2010): 3473–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/bg-7-3473-2010.
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Abstract. Organic matter preserved in Lake Ohrid sediments originates from aquatic and terrestrial sources. Its variable composition reflects climate-controlled changes in the lake basin's hydrology and related organic matter export, i.e. changes in primary productivity, terrestrial plant matter input and soil erosion. Here, we present first results from lipid biomarker investigations of Lake Ohrid sediments from two near-shore settings: site Lz1120 near the southern shore, with low-lying lands nearby and probably influenced by river discharge, and site Co1202 which is close to the steep eastern slopes. Variable proportions of terrestrial n-alkanoic acids and n-alkanols as well as compositional changes of ω-hydroxy acids document differences in soil organic matter supply between the sites and during different climate stages (glacial, Holocene, 8.2 ka cooling event). Changes in the vegetation cover are suggested by changes in the dominant chain length of terrestrial n-alkanols. Effective microbial degradation of labile organic matter and in situ contribution of organic matter derived from the microbes themselves are both evident in the sediments. We found evidence for anoxic conditions within the photic zone by detecting epicholestanol and tetrahymanol from sulphur-oxidising phototrophic bacteria and bacterivorous ciliates and for the influence of a settled human community from the occurrence of coprostanol, a biomarker for human and animal faeces (pigs, sheep, goats), in an early Holocene sample. This study illustrates the potential of lipid biomarkers for future environmental reconstructions using one of Europe's oldest continental climate archives, Lake Ohrid.
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Panovski, S. "C. J. KING, Ancient Macedonia, London – New York: Routledge, 2017. pp. xxi, 307." Živa Antika 68, no. 1-2 (2018): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47054/ziva18681-2231p.
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Savostina, Elena A. "CONCERNING THE PECTORAL FROM THE BURIAL MOUND TOLSTAYA MOGILA. BASED ON THE STUDY OF SCYTHIAN RELICS OF GREEK WORK." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 6 (2021): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2021-6-14-27.
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The uniqueness and complexity of the composition on the pectoral examined here, a piece gold jewelry from the Scythian burial mound Tolstaya Mogila, С. 4 BC, encouraged researchers to assume it held exceptional significance in Scythian culture, and the idea emerged that the pectoral belonged to a Scythian cult role, and this view has been developed in most studies. However, we do not have any information confirming ritual its use. The pectoral was found in the mound, but outside the burial itself. The plot of the main narrative depicted can be correlated with an ancient legend about the origin of the dynasty of the Macedonian kings, the Argeades. Its style and technical features do not rule out identification of the place of manufacture as Macedonia or Northern Greece. The “Scythian tradition” in modern scholarship allows for the exchange of Royal gifts, as well as military trophies, between Scythian and Macedonian (Greek) rulers. Still, many things remain unclear. The pectoral has no analogues either in the Scythian world, or in the Greek. Despite the correspondence of its elements and techniques with those of other works, the pectoral remains an exceptional and individual work of art, still unsurpassed in the complexity of its design and the quality of its workmanship.
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Brecoulaki, Hariclia, Sophia Sotiropoulou, Christos Katsifas, Andreas G. Karydas, and Vicky Kantarelou. "A Microcosm of Colour and Shine. The Polychromy of Chryselephantine Couches from Ancient Macedonia." Technè, no. 40 (November 26, 2014): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/techne.3001.
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Kallithrakas-Kontos, N., A. A. Katsanos, C. Potiriadis, M. Oeconomidou, and J. Touratsoglou. "PIXE analysis of ancient Greek copper coins minted in Epirus, Illyria, Macedonia and Thessaly." Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam Interactions with Materials and Atoms 109-110 (April 1996): 662–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0168-583x(95)00988-4.
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Wagner, Bernd, André F. Lotter, Norbert Nowaczyk, Jane M. Reed, Antje Schwalb, Roberto Sulpizio, Verushka Valsecchi, Martin Wessels, and Giovanni Zanchetta. "A 40,000-year record of environmental change from ancient Lake Ohrid (Albania and Macedonia)." Journal of Paleolimnology 41, no. 3 (July 11, 2008): 407–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10933-008-9234-2.
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Drougou, Stella. "The Bronze Calyx-Krater from the ‘Heuzey B’ Tomb in Vergina (Ancient Aigai)." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 19 (December 30, 2015): 139–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.19.2015.19.08.
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The calyx-krater with masks of Maenads on the handles was found in the small built tomb ‘Heuzey B’ on the east side of the necropolis of ancient Aigai (Vergina). The tomb belongs to the burial group Heuzey and is dated to the last decades of the 4th century BC based on archaeological evidence. The new crater from Vergina (krater ‘Heuzey’) complements the small group of bronze krater of the second half of the 4th century BC, which served as the urn (Urne). It seems no coincidence that all of the examples come from Macedonia, as shown by the excavations (Vergina-Aigai, Pydna) or the comparative study (Athens, ex White Collection).
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Tataki, Argyro B. "Ancient Macedonia and ‘Macedonia’ - (J.) Roisman, (I.) Worthington (edd.) A Companion to Ancient Macedonia. Pp. xxviii + 668, ills, maps, b/w & colour pls. Malden, MA and Oxford: Wiley–Blackwell, 2010. Cased, £110, €132, US$199.95. ISBN: 978-1-4051-7936-2." Classical Review 62, no. 1 (March 9, 2012): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x11003647.
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Kavur, Boris. "We’re same colours, and we’re different breeds … | Smo iste barve in smo različnih vrst ..." Studia universitatis hereditati, znanstvena revija za raziskave in teorijo kulturne dediščine 10, no. 1 (June 20, 2022): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.26493/2350-5443.10(1)13-22.
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The paper analyses amphoriskos-shaped glass beads from different archaeological contexts. As they reflect the complex social networks that connected different worlds, they can be used to interpret broader cultural processes – from ancient Macedonia to the Baltic, from the central Balkans to the heart of the Pannonian plain. Most importantly, we can use the finds to explain the concept of prestige in the analysis of material culture and to reconstruct the intercultural character of social elites, which created and sustained long-distance trade networks.
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Lorenschat, Julia, Liseth Pérez, Alexander Correa-Metrio, Mark Brenner, Ullrich von Bramann, and Antje Schwalb. "Diversity and Spatial Distribution of Extant Freshwater Ostracodes (Crustacea) in Ancient Lake Ohrid (Macedonia/Albania)." Diversity 6, no. 3 (July 17, 2014): 524–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/d6030524.
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Oikonomidis, Dimitrios, Michael Vavelidis, Vasilios Melfos, and Mariam Artashova. "Searching for ancient gold mines in Filippoi area, Macedonia, Greece, using Worldview-2 satellite imagery." Geocarto International 32, no. 1 (January 12, 2016): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10106049.2015.1128487.
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