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Journal articles on the topic 'Ancient Political Theory'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Wallach, John R. "Democracy in Ancient Greek Political Theory: 1906–2006." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 23, no. 2 (2006): 350–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000101.

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The notion of ‘democracy’ as found in ancient Athens and the work of ancient Greek political theorists has crucially functioned as a critical, distant mirror for major authors of twentieth-century political thought — starting importantly with Ernest Barker but continuing along diverse paths in the works of Karl Popper, Leo Strauss, Hannah Arendt in the wake ofWorld War II, as well as for recent theorists of democracy who have read Athenian practices and critical discourses against the grain of contemporary philosophy, politics, and culture. In all of them, images of ‘democracy’ in ancient Greek political theory operate simultaneously as historical discoveries, theoretical constructions, and rhetorical supplements for critical renditions of the political realm. As such, they evidence the slippery centrality of ideas of democracy in ancient Greek political thought for the necessary, problematic, and divergent efforts of recent political theorists to justify their ideas as historically rooted, philosophically true, and politically relevant.

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2

Bartninkas, Vilius. "What is Ancient Political Thinking?" Problemos 96 (October 16, 2019): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.96.4.

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This paper examines the origins of ancient political thinking from (roughly) 750 to 348 B.C. The analysis of authors who had been discussing political questions over this period shows that ancient political thinking can be classified into three discourses: political thought, political theory, and political philosophy. The purpose of this paper is to define the characteristics of each discourse and to illustrate them with specific historical examples which show how these discourses interacted with the Greek political experiences and how political thought transformed into a theory and philosophy.

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3

Campion, Nicholas. "Astronomy and political theory." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 5, S260 (January 2009): 595–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921311002894.

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AbstractThis paper will argue that astronomical models have long been applied to political theory, from the use of the Sun as a symbol of the emperor in Rome to the application of Copernican theory to the needs of absolute monarchy. We will begin with consideration of astral divination (the use of astronomy to ascertain divine intentions) in the ancient Near East. Particular attention will be paid to the use of Newton's discovery that the universe operates according to a single set of laws in order to support concepts of political quality and eighteenth century Natural Rights theory. We will conclude with consideration of arguments that the discovery of the expanding, multi-galaxy universe, stimulated political uncertainty in the 1930s, and that photographs of the Earth from Apollo spacecraft encouraged concepts of the ‘global village’.

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4

De Bom, Erik. "Book Review: Political Theory: History of Political Theory: An Introduction, Volume I: Ancient and Medieval." Political Studies Review 12, no. 2 (April 7, 2014): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12053_16.

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5

Thomas, Megan C. "Orientalism and Comparative Political Theory." Review of Politics 72, no. 4 (2010): 653–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670510000574.

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AbstractEighteenth- and nineteenth-century Orientalists such as Schlegel and Müller sought to broaden narrow European scholarly horizons by comparing ancient Indian ideas with those of classical Greece and Rome and modern Europe, and thus to transform the human sciences. These aims are similar to contemporary comparative political theory's concerns to remedy the Eurocentrism of the field of political theory and to identify valuable ideas in non-Western sources. These similarities suggest that we ought to revisit our understanding of Orientalism, reconsider how and when epistemological appropriation has political consequences, and recognize the limits of text-based approaches to political theory.

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Pangle, Lorraine Smith. "Eros and Polis: Desire and Community in Greek Political Theory." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 3 (September 2004): 777–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904430108.

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Eros and Polis: Desire and Community in Greek Political Theory, Paul W. Ludwig, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. xiii, 398In Eros and Polis, Paul Ludwig explores a rich array of issues relating to eros, homosexuality, and pederasty and their implications for republican political life. He examines ancient accounts of eros and its relation to other forms of desire, to tyranny and aggression, to spiritedness and the love of one's own, and to bonds of affection between citizens. He discusses ancient attempts to overcome the divisiveness of the private realm by controlling erotic relations between citizens, both in practice (such as at Sparta) and in theory (Plato's Republic). He concludes with a critique of the attempt of Thucydides' Pericles to stir up erotic desire and harness it in the service of the city, and of the erotic passion implicit in the attraction to foreign customs and sights. Ludwig draws upon a wide range of ancient sources including Homer, Sophocles, Aristophanes, Herodotus, Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle, Thucydides, Lucretius, and many others. But he does not limit himself to textual analysis; much of the book is devoted to putting these texts in historical context, and much is also devoted to drawing connections between ancient thoughts and practices and the concerns of contemporary political theory.

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7

Svizzero, Serge, and Clement Tisdell. "Inequality and Wealth Creation in Ancient History: Malthus’ Theory Reconsidered." ECONOMICS & SOCIOLOGY 7, no. 3 (September 20, 2014): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2014/7-3/17.

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8

Buchstein, Hubertus. "Countering the “Democracy Thesis” – Sortition in Ancient Greek Political Theory." Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 18, no. 2 (November 1, 2015): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.18.2.2.

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9

Slaughter, M. Jane. "Women in political theory: From ancient misogyny to contemporary feminism." Social Science Journal 26, no. 2 (June 1, 1989): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0362-3319(89)90028-1.

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10

Arena, Valentina. "Ancient history and contemporary political theory: the case of liberty." History of European Ideas 44, no. 6 (August 18, 2018): 641–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2018.1513704.

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11

Orrù, Marco. "Anomie and social theory in ancient Greece." European Journal of Sociology 26, no. 1 (May 1985): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560000432x.

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It is only recently that social scientists have rediscovered the importance of setting their research in historical perspective. Twenty years ago, Alvin Gouldner remarked that ‘Many modern social scientists scarcely manage to conceive of their work as having nineteenth century roots, and most of us live in an intellectual world whose historical boundaries usually stop at the Enlightenment’ (I). Today such an attitude has ceased to be the rule. Historical grounding is needed, not only for social theory in general, but also for key concepts that appear with increasing frequency in contemporary sociological work. Anomie is one of them.

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12

Adamson, Jordan. "Political institutions, resources, and war: Theory and evidence from ancient Rome." Explorations in Economic History 76 (April 2020): 101324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2020.101324.

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13

Lee, Ngok, and Chen-Ya Tien. "Chinese Military Theory: Ancient and Modern." Pacific Affairs 66, no. 3 (1993): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759625.

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14

Visone, Tomasso. "Which theory of Democracy?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no. 2 (October 31, 2007): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.2.2.

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Democracy. Nowadays, this term is used quite freely but by going beyond its literal meaning (demos = power) we can find a lot of other possible interpretations that generate the political need to ponder over the historical meaning of the word. In the article the two main and different theories of Democracy, contemporary and ancient, shall be explained and confronted in order to fully understand what can be intended as current Democracy. The objective is also, as indicated in the title, to answer the question that set up a contrast between the two main theories (which theory of Democracy? The Ancient or the contemporary one?) showing that contemporary Democracy was influenced by the Ancient theory proving that the answer is to be found in the ever different relationship existing due to the specific historical moment in which such confrontation was made and not between to opposing and contrasting worlds.

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15

Saxonhouse, Arlene W. "Ancient Greek Tragedy Speaks to Democracy Theory." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (November 11, 2017): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340123.

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Abstract This essay initially distinguishes Athenian democracy from what I call ‘hyphenated-democracies’, each of which adds a conceptual framework developed in early modern Europe to the language of democracy: representative-democracy, liberal-democracy, constitutional-democracy, republican-democracy. These hyphenated-democracies emphasize the restraints placed on the power of political authorities. In contrast, Athenian democracy with the people ruling over themselves rested on the fundamental principle of equality rather than the limitations placed on that rule. However, equality as the defining normative principle of democracy raises its own problems, namely: How do we – of limited vision – identify who is equal, and what injustices attend the criteria used to establish who is equal? Consideration of several ancient tragedies illustrates how the Athenian playwrights explored these questions and how they identified the challenges faced by those who understand democracy as grounded on egalitarian principles.

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16

Cook, Margaret. "Ancient Political Factions: Boiotia 404 to 395." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 118 (1988): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284162.

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17

Carvalho, John M. "The Use and Abuse of Ancient Political Theory in Contemporary Social Theories." Social Philosophy Today 10 (1995): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday19951027.

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18

Edge, Matt. "Equality for Equals." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 36, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340207.

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Abstract Discussions of the liberty of the ancients, in contemporary political theory, treat democratic freedom, and the political equality on which democracy was premised, as anathema to the liberty of the moderns. This article discusses ancient democratic liberty by referencing the theory of arithmetic equality preserved by Aristotle and Plato and suggests that we need to re-investigate this relationship in the interests of modern freedom. The article argues that, in fact, Greek, particularly Athenian, democratic ideas, construe freedom in a negative way and that democratic, arithmetic, accounts of equality are, at root, anti-oppressive and require further investigation in the name of justice for the moderns.

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19

Eremeev, Stanislav, Aleksandr Shirinyants, and Andrej Shutov. "THE PAGES OF MODERN HISTORY OF UNIVERSITY POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE SCIENTIFIC SCHOOL OF PROFESSOR VLADIMIR GUTOROV." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 1 (2021): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.102.

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The article is devoted to Vladimir Alexandrovich Gutorov, whose 70th birthday was celebrated on December 7, 2020. Vladimir Gutorov is a polyglot and polymath, a world-renowned scientist, a leading national specialist in the history of socio-political thought, political philosophy and modern political theories, one of the organizers of the first university departments of political science in Russia (1989) and its head (since 1994), founder of an authoritative pedagogical and scientific school of the history of socio-political thought, political theory and political education at St. Petersburg State University, Honorary Professor of the Faculty of Political Science, Moscow State University named after M. V. Lomonosov. He was one of the few in Soviet science who defended his doctoral dissertation in the form of a monograph. His monograph Ancient social utopia: questions of history and theory, published by the publishing house of Leningrad University in 1989, is recognized as one of the best Russian studies devoted to the problems of the genesis of social thought in Ancient Greece and various ancient projects of political reconstruction. Since the publication of the book on ancient utopia and the defense of his doctoral dissertation, Gutorov has become one of the most prominent representatives of the St. Petersburg school of modern Russian political science, an authoritative scientist recognized in Russia and the world.

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20

Skonicki, Douglas. "A Buddhist Response to Ancient-style Learning: Qisong's Conception of Political Order." T'oung Pao 97, no. 1-3 (2011): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853211x592570.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the political thought of the Song-dynasty Chan monk Qisong (1007-1072). In opposition to earlier studies, which have tended to view Qisong's political theorizing simply as an offshoot of his philosophical syncretism, it is contended here that his political arguments played an important role in his refutation of the Ancient-style Learning movement's attacks against Buddhism. As is well known, several Song-dynasty proponents of Ancient-style Learning impugned Buddhism for the negative impact it exerted on Chinese social and political culture. Qisong responded to their attacks by crafting a comprehensive political theory, which sought to demonstrate not only that Ancient-style Learning thinkers had misunderstood the dao and proper governance, but also that Buddhist institutions were indispensable to the creation of political order.

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21

Bullock, Katherine H. "Re-Telling the History of Political Thought." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1974.

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This paper explores the construction of the canon of political theory. I argue that the interpretation of the canon that defines ancient pagan Greeks as the founders of western political thought, includes medieval Christian thinkers, and yet defines out Muslim and Jewish philosophers is based upon western ethnocentric secular assumptions about the proper role of reason, experience and revelation in philosophical thinking.

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22

Wilson, P. "The Athenian Revolution: Essays on Ancient Greek Democarcy and Political Theory. J Ober." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (February 1, 1998): 374–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.2.374.

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23

GOLDIE, MARK. "THE ANCIENT CONSTITUTION AND THE LANGUAGES OF POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 62, no. 1 (November 5, 2018): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000328.

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AbstractHistorians of political thought speak of ‘languages’ of politics. A language provides a lexicon, an available resource for legitimating positions. It is looser than a ‘theory’, because protean, and not predictive of particular doctrines. Some languages attract considerable scholarly attention, while others languish, for all that they were ambient in past cultures. In recent scholarship on early modern European thought, natural law and civic humanism have dominated. Yet prescriptive appeals to national historiographies were equally pervasive. Many European cultures appealed to Tacitean mythologies of a Gothic ur-constitution. The Anglophone variant dwelt on putative Saxon freedoms, the status of the Norman ‘Conquest’, whether feudalism ruptured the Gothic inheritance, and how common law related to ‘reason’, natural law, and divine law. Whigs rooted parliaments in the Saxonwitenagemot; though, by the eighteenth century, ‘modern’ Whigs discerned liberty as the fruit of recent socio-economic change. Levellers and Chartists alike talked of liberation from the ‘Norman Yoke’. These themes were explored from the 1940s onwards under the stimulus of Herbert Butterfield; one result was J. G. A. Pocock's classicAncient constitution and the feudal law(1957).

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24

Bayazitova, Gulnara. "On the Concepts of the “Family” and the “Household” in the Political Theory of Jean Bodin." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 18, no. 4 (2019): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2019-4-130-148.

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The article examines the tradition of formation of the concepts “family” (famille) and “household” (ménage) in the political theory of the French lawyer, Jean Bodin. The article looks into different editions of Six Books of the Commonwealthto explore the connotations of the key concepts and the meaning that Bodin ascribed to them. As secondary sources, Bodin uses the works by Xenophon, Aristotle, Apuleus, and Marcus Junianus Justin, as well as the Corpus Juris Civilis. Bodin examines three different traditions, those of Ancient Greece, Ancient Hebrew, and Ancient Rome. Each of these traditions has its own history of the concepts of the “family” and of the “household”. Bodin refers to ancient traditions for polemics, but eventually offers his own understanding, not only of the concepts of “famille” and “ménage”, but also of the term «République», defined as the Republic, a term that (with some reservations) refers to the modern notion of state. The very fact that these concepts are being used signifies the division of the political space into the spheres of the private and the public. Furthermore, the concepts of the “family” and of the “household” are key to understand the essence of sovereignty as the supreme authority in the Republic. The author concludes that the difference between Bodin’s concepts of the “family” and the “household” lies not only in the possession of property and its legal manifestation, but also in the fact that the “household” is seen by Bodin as the basis of the Republic, the first step in the system of subordination to the authority.

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Dinu, Dana. "Ancient Greek Military Theory And Practice. Aeneas Tacticus (II)." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 2 (June 25, 2017): 287–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0129.

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AbstractThe attention still enjoyed today by Aeneas’ treatise on how to withstand a siege is not merely due to its antiquity. Many of the military principles and practical instructions it conveys are still valid. In addition to these, a closer examination opens a broader insight into the Greek city of the fourth century BC than that for which the manual was originally designed, for scholars found many interesting historical, political, social, ethnographic, and linguistic aspects scattered throughout the text. The aim of this paper is firstly, to emphasize the way in which the ideas and instructions of Aeneas Tacticus are articulated in a rigorous and clear plan and, secondly, to draw attention to some of the issues which are not specific to the military, but began to be considered relevant to the overall picture of the treatise.

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Baehr, Peter. "An ‘ancient sense of politics’? Weber, Caesarism and the Republican tradition." European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 2 (November 1999): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007505.

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This article critically examines recent claims that Weber's political thought has close associations with classical republicanism. One salient indication of Weber's distance from this tradition is his theory of Ceasarism, and his view that modern polities are most robust when they assume a version of it consistent with civil liberties. By employing the resources of Begriffsgcschichte, I examine the extent of Weber's departure from the ‘ancient sense of politics’ and the originality of his own political theory.

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27

Barker, Kye Anderson. "Of Wonder: Thomas Hobbes’s Political Appropriation of Thaumazein." Political Theory 45, no. 3 (November 20, 2015): 362–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591715617513.

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This essay presents a reading of the use of wonder in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. In this essay, I argue that not only did Hobbes incorporate the ancient conception of wonder into his design for the emotional apparatus of the modern sovereign state, but that when he did so he also transformed it and other concepts. Previous scholars have paid close attention to Hobbes’s confrontation with ancient philosophy, but there has been no sustained study of Hobbes’s use of wonder, which was a concern of his over the entire course of his authorship. More broadly, this study opens up a place for the study of wonder in contemporary political theory as part of the broader reassessment of emotion.

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28

Richardson, Seth. "Mesopotamian Political History: The Perversities." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 61–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0005.

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AbstractThis essay outlines approaches and problems in writing ancient Mesopotamian political history. A brief review of Assyriological studies is contrasted to political history generally. What follows are six points of theory which present problems and opportunities for moving these studies forward, based on a refocus away from the state; the strategic use of ambiguity by political entities; the role of social forgetting; the productive use of absences of evidence; a renewed effort at period history; and an appraisal of environmental explanations of historical change.

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Richardson, Seth. "Obedient Bellies: Hunger and Food Security in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (November 7, 2016): 750–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341413.

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This essay argues that a broad survey of the evidence for hunger in ancient Mesopotamia shows that, while it was relatively rare in fact (if familiar enough in theory), the political management of hunger by early states points to its use in simulating their positions, in rhetoric and ideology, as providers of security and political membership as a rational economic choice. In fact, the social marginalization and moral pejorativization of the hungry points to these protections as “security theater” rather than security in fact.

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30

Kopek, Wojciech. "Bellum civile, bellum externum. Ambiwalencja obrazów wojny w twórczości Horacego." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia Historicolitteraria 15 (December 12, 2017): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/3909.

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Bellum civile, bellum externum. Ambivalence of war images in Horace’s works The article aims at illustrating and explaining the ambivalence of images of just, external war (bellum externum) and civil, fratricidal war (bellum civile) in relation to the ancient literary theory and criticism, the phenomenon of political and cultural ‟patronage” and the political events of Augustan period. By analyzing the odes II 7 and III 2, epode 9 and ode I 37 the author argues that Horace’s initial litterary concept of presentation of civil and external war conventions as fas/nefas changes under the patronage. However, the poet himself, trying to preserve the poetic autonomy and meet the requirements of the ancient literary theory and criticism includes a new political and social situation in the sphere of his work.Key words: Horace; criticism; war; patronage; autonomy;

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31

Edwards, Amelia Blandford. "The Social and Political Position Of Woman in Ancient Egypt." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 120, no. 3 (May 2005): 843–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081205x68133.

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When James Russell Lowell, John Greenleaf Whittier, Oliver Wen-Dell Holmes, and two hundred other prominent American Literary and intellectual figures joined efforts to bring Amelia Edwards to the United States for a public lecture tour in 1889-90, they were acknowledging her importance as a writer and educator. The author of novels, short stories, popular histories, and works of travel literature, Edwards had established a second career as an advocate for the new science of Egyptology. As cofounder of and secretary for the Egypt Exploration Fund (EEF) in 1882, Edwards wrote extensively for the Morning Post and the Academy in England and Harper's in the United States. By 1887, she had established a strong working relationship with William Copley Winslow of the Boston Museum and received honorary degrees from Smith College and Columbia College for her literary and scholarly achievements. By the time of her tour, Edwards had succeeded in fostering a new understanding of a culture more ancient and exotic than those of Greece and Rome. Audiences for her lectures in both England and America were thus prepared for her to illuminate the Egyptian past, but listeners to this lecture on the social and political position of women in ancient Egypt may have been somewhat startled to find shadows from that past cast on their own present.

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Kewes, Paulina. "Introduction: Ancient Rome in English Political Culture, ca. 1570–1660." Huntington Library Quarterly 83, no. 3 (2020): 401–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hlq.2020.0020.

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Kewes, Paulina. "Translations of State: Ancient Rome and Late Elizabethan Political Thought." Huntington Library Quarterly 83, no. 3 (2020): 467–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hlq.2020.0024.

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34

Coleman, Janet. "The Dominican Political Theory of John of Paris in its Context." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1991): 187–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001940.

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The Dominican John of Paris (d. 1306) wrote a tract De potestate regia et papali which would later influence fifteenth-century conciliarists and seventeenth-century republicans. But the manuscript tradition shows no widespread diffusion of the work in its own times, and, according to Leclercq, the Depotestate does not figure amongst the works attributed to John of Paris in ancient Dominican catalogues of Dominican authors. It has long been thought that it should be dated c. 13023 as a contribution to the debate between Boniface VIII and Philip the Fair of France. John has been judged a major advocate of the royal position and his treatise has been taken to be a principal literary weapon in Philip’s arsenal against the Pope. It has also been judged by many to be a single-issue treatise of great coherence.

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Economides, Neophitos. "The Theory of Social Contract and Legitimacy Today." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 5 (September 1, 2018): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0135.

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Abstract The theory of social contract has played - and still plays - an important role in the central stage of political philosophy. The social contract answers the question of the origin of the society. The history of the theory originates in the ancient Greece political philosophy and extends to the recent years. However, the foundation of the theory resulted in the Renaissance period through the treatises of classical contractarians Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau. The manuscript describes the main arguments regarding the theory of social contract and suggests the main similarities and differences among them. Finally, the manuscript, according to the main description of the theories, suggests the main categorization of their results in legitimizing the political authority. In the final section, the article proposes the contribution of the theory of the social contract to the modern era and summarizes the positive aspects of its arguments to the legitimization of the political authority of modern states.

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Nasyrov, I. R. "On Preconditions for Ibn Khaldun’s Philosophy of History." Islam in the modern world 17, no. 2 (July 23, 2021): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2021-17-2-51-76.

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This article is devoted to the study of the preconditions for Ibn Khaldun’s philosophy of history. It is argued that his theory of history was both a result of his own intellectual development and previous theories. The author states that Ibn Khaldun was inﬂuenced by ancient thought, political culture of Western Asia and Islamic intellectual tradition. The ﬁrst was Ancient Greek philosophy and medicine that he inherited from the great physicians and philosophers like Aristotle, Hippocrates and Galen. The second was cultural and political legacy of Sassanid Persia. The third prerequisite for formation of Ibn Khaldun’s theory of history was the adoption of the achievements of his predecessors, Islamic scientists, theologians and philosophers who had contributed to the rational critique of history.

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SONENSCHER, MICHAEL. "JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF MODERN POLITICAL THOUGHT." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (May 15, 2015): 311–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000104.

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This essay is about the relationship between the moral and political thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the related concepts of autonomy, social science and industrialism. Its aim is to show why these three concepts throw more light both on Rousseau's theory of the relationship between democratic sovereignty and representative government, and on his explanation of the sharply counterintuitive historical trajectory followed by democracy in its passage from ancient to modern times.

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Milburn, Olivia. "The Book of the Young Master of Accountancy: An Ancient Chinese Economics Text." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 50, no. 1 (2007): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852007780324002.

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AbstractIn ancient China, economic theory developed from the Warring States period onwards. Many philosophers included economic ideas in their works. A number of important theories were first articulated in an extremely obscure text, the Jinizi, a book was associated with the preunification state of Yue. The Jinizi is the earliest known text to include the concept of economic cycles, and it stresses the role of investment and savings in economic development, and price stabilisation. These ideas subsequently formed the cornerstone of ancient Chinese economic theory. This paper includes the first translation of the Jinizi into English. En Chine ancienne, la théorie économique se développa à partir de la période des Royaumes Combattants. Plusieurs philosophes inclurent des concepts économiques dans leurs travaux. Un nombre de théories importantes furent articulées dans un texte extrêmement obscure, le Jinizi, un livre associé avec l'état de Yue avant l'unification de la Chine. Le Jinizi est le premier texte à avoir inclu le concept des cycles économiques, et il appuie le rôle de l'investissement et de l'épargne dans le développement économique, et de la stabilisation des prix. Ces idées formèrent par la suite le point clé de la théorie économique en Chine ancienne. Cet article comprend la première traduction du Jinizi en Anglais.

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Locke, Jessica. "Buddhist Modernism Underway in Bhutan: Gross National Happiness and Buddhist Political Theory." Religions 11, no. 6 (June 17, 2020): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11060297.

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This article synthesizes and clarifies the significance of the last half-century’s developments in Bhutan’s politics within the frame of Buddhist political thought. During this time, Bhutan has held a curious position in the international community, both celebrated as a Buddhist Shangri-La defending its culture in the face of globalized modernity, and at times, criticized for defending its heritage too conservatively at the expense of ethnic minorities’ human rights. In other words, Bhutan is praised for being anti-modern and illiberal and denounced for being anti-modern and illiberal. As an alternative to understanding Bhutan vis-à-vis this unhelpful schema, and in order to better grasp what exactly is underway in Bhutan’s political developments, I read Bhutan’s politics from within the tradition of Buddhist political literature. I argue that the theory of governance driving Bhutan’s politics is an example of Buddhist modernism—both ancient and modern, deeply Buddhist and yet manifestly inflected by western liberalism. To elucidate Bhutan’s contiguity with (and occasional departures from) the tradition of Buddhist political thought, I read two politically-themed Buddhist texts, Nāgārjuna’s Precious Garland and Mipham’s Treatise on Ethics for Kings, drawing out their most relevant points on Buddhist governance. I then use these themes as a lens for analyzing three significant political developments in Bhutan: its recent transition to constitutional monarchy, its signature policy of Gross National Happiness, and its fraught ethnic politics. Reading Bhutan’s politics in this manner reveals the extent to which Buddhist political thought is underway in this moment. Bhutan’s Buddhist-modernist theory of governance is a hybrid political tradition that evinces a lasting commitment to the core values of Buddhist political thought while at the same time being responsive to modern geopolitical and intellectual influences.

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Landauer, Matthew. "Democratic Theory and the Athenian Public Sphere." Polis 33, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340072.

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Classical Athens has left to political theorists a dual legacy: a crucial historical case of democratic practice, and a rich tradition of political reflection. A growing number of scholars have placed the relationship between these two legacies at the center of their research. I argue that these scholars collectively offer us a model of a broad, engaged, Athenian public sphere. Yet I also caution that we should avoid overly harmonizing pictures of what that public sphere was like. I focus in particular on two prominent claims in the literature: that Socratic philosophy can be read as an expansion of Athenian accountability practices, and that ancient dramatists, philosophers, and historians were alike engaged in a project to educate citizen judgment. I argue that both claims threaten to obscure arguments over the appropriate role of the judgment of the demos in democratic politics.

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Leonard, Miriam. "Antigone, the political and the ethics of psychoanalysis." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 49 (2003): 130–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500000985.

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The Freudian engagement with the classical world represents one of the most important and intriguing episodes in the ongoing dialogue between antiquity and modernity. That Freud returned to antiquity to formulate his revolutionary theories of the human mind should strike classicists and psychoanalysts alike as a fascinating enigma. And yet classicists have to a large extent given short shrift to this issue. They have not only shown themselves indifferent to the question of why Freud takes the ancient world as the starting-point for his examination of modern man, they have also, by and large, rejected psychoanalysis as a methodological tool for providing insights into the classical world. Even those classicists who are most open to the benefits of contemporary theory have largely isolated psychoanalysis as a uniquely inappropriate methodology for understanding antiquity.So, for instance, those classicists who display an interest in the complex series of discourses and practices which surround the construction of the ancient self have explicitly distanced their analyses from the insights of psychoanalysis. Thus in Christopher Gill's 500-page work on ‘Personality’ in Greek culture, Freud gets a mere three perfunctory citations.

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Colodrero, Andrés Jiménez. "Theology and Politics in Thomas Hobbes's Trinitarian Theory." Hobbes Studies 24, no. 1 (2011): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502511x563844.

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AbstractThis article intends to analyse the Hobbesian version of the Christian dogma of the Trinity as it is observed in the corresponding sections of Leviathan, De Cive and Heresy, and alluded to in other texts (controversy with Bramhall). It shall be important to specify: (a) As a starting point, the exact place of such concept within the general problem expressed by the difference between "political theology" and "theologico-political problem" (C. Altini); (b) The main items of the philosopher's Trinitarian exposition as well as his intention while writing it, according to the "secularist", "theistic" and "Divine Omnipotence" interpretations. (J. Overhoff, A. Martinich, P. Springborg, L. Foisneau, F. Lessay, G. Wright); (c) His relationship with the contemporary orthodox currents (Trinitarian) and heterodox currents (antitrinitarian), as well as with the elements from ancient antitrinitarian heresies (subordinationism, modalism, sabellianism).

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Williams, Abigail. "The Politics of Providence in Dryden's Fables Ancient and Modern." Translation and Literature 17, no. 1 (March 2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136108000034.

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The politics of Dryden's Fables Ancient and Modern (1700) are at once transparent and obscure. These poems speak the idiom of late seventeenth-century political debate, introducing into, or simply discovering in the fictions of Chaucer, Ovid, Homer, and Boccaccio, the language and concepts of patriotism, abdication, passive obedience, arbitrary power, and political flattery. They seem to invite political reading on account of their subject matter itself – their narratives of tyrants, wronged parents and children, dynastic disputes, and usurpation. Moreover, they have been shown to incorporate numerous topical reflections on contemporary political issues: there are clear allusions to the standing army debates in Sigismonda and Guiscardo and Cymon and Iphigenia; to contemporary controversy over moral reformation and satire on Puritanism in The Cock and the Fox. Yet although the seventeenth century, and the 1690s in particular, saw an outpouring of explicitly political fables, Dryden's translations frustrate the application of sustained political allegory, as numerous critics have found.1 They offer contradictory signals: so, for example, we are invited to identify the conquering Theseus at the beginning of Palamon and Arcite as a type of William III, but by the end of the translation he has become a stoic figure offering a humanist consolation on loss and love.2 The collection as a whole tends to deny us the consistent political allegory that it invites us to make through its vocabulary and topical allusion.3

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Moody, Peter R. "Trends in the Study of Chinese Political Culture." China Quarterly 139 (September 1994): 731–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000043137.

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A systematic concern with political culture has its heritage in the Enlightenment and 19th-century sociology, if not ancient times, but came to the fore in political science with the post-Second World War behavioural revolution and the emergence of new states whose formal institutions were similar to Western models but whose politics did not follow the Western pattern. The mainstream political science version of political culture was associated with structure-functionalism and modernization theory; a premise was that technological change could help generate modernizing mentalities, while traditional mentalities could inhibit modernizing technical change. Modernization theory went out of fashion in the late 1960s for a variety of ideological, intellectual and empirical reasons, and the political cultural approach fell from favour along with it. More recently, it seems, scholars have returned to an interest in culture, and some even place culture at the heart of emerging political cleavages.

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Pankenier, David W. "Weaving Metaphors and Cosmo-political Thought in Early China." T’oung Pao 101, no. 1-3 (August 28, 2015): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10113p01.

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The deployment of weaving/netting metaphors in ancient Chinese socio-political thought has been noted, but the degree to which those metaphors may have prefigured cosmo-political thought in the earliest period has not been explored. This essay traces the crucial role of weaving technology in providing a fertile source for the constitutive image schema nearly ubiquitous in early cosmo-political discourse. Le déploiement des métaphores faisant intervenir le tissage ou le maillage dans la pensée socio-politique de la Chine ancienne a bien été remarqué, mais on n’a pas exploré le degré auquel ces métaphores peuvent avoir préfiguré la pensée cosmo-politique des périodes les plus reculées. Cet essai retrace le rôle crucial de la technologie du tissage dans la formation du schéma constitutif de représentation pratiquement omniprésent dans le discours cosmo-politique fondamental.

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Polonsky, Pinchas, and Golda Akhiezer. "Bnei Noah: History, Theory, and Practice." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 41, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjab002.

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Abstract The concept of Bnei Noah originated in ancient times. Throughout history it has remained purely theoretical, however, in recent times, we are witnessing tentative steps towards its practical implementation. The Bnei Noah is an emerging movement in a variety of countries. As such, Noahism now has practical halakhic and social implications. Our research focuses on changes in perception of Bnei Noah in the context of modern Judaism and the state of Israel. This is a first attempt to explore the characteristics, tendencies, and motivations of the contemporary Noahide movement.

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Wright, David P., and Gary A. Anderson. "Sacrifices and Offerings in Ancient Israel: Studies in Their Social and Political Importance." Journal of Biblical Literature 108, no. 2 (1989): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267304.

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Connor, W. R. "Tribes, festivals and processions; civic ceremonial and political manipulation in archaic Greece." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630068.

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In recent years classicists and ancient historians have devoted renewed attention to the Archaic Age in Greece, the period from approximately the eighth century to the fifth century BC. Important articles, excavation reports and monographs, as well as books by Moses Finley, L. H. Jeffery, Oswyn Murray, Chester Starr and others, not to mention a recent volume of the Cambridge Ancient History, bear witness to the vigor of recent scholarship in this area. Among many of these treatments of the period, moreover, is evident an increasing recognition of the close connection between social and economic developments and the political life of the Greek cities of the period. At the same time that this renewed interest in the Archaic Age has become so prominent in classical studies, a group of scholars working in more modern periods has developed a fresh approach to the role of ritual and ceremonial in civic life, especially during the European Middle Ages and Renaissance. Deeply influenced by cultural anthropology, they have found in the often surprisingly rich documentation about festivals, processions, charivaris etc. important insights into the societies in which these activities took place. Classicists looking upon this movement may be inclined to undervalue its originality and perhaps its controversiality, pointing out that a serious interest in ancient festivals has long been prominent in classical scholarship and is well represented in recent books such as those by Mikalson, Parke and Simon and such older works as Martin Nilsson's frequently cited Cults, myths, oracles and politics in ancient Greece (Lund 1951). Yet there is a great difference both in method and in results between the traditional approaches to ceremonial represented in the study of ancient Greece and those being developed in more recent fields.

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Goodman, M. D., and A. J. Holladay. "Religious Scruples in Ancient Warfare." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (May 1986): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800010612.

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M. I. Finley in his Politics in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 1983), 92–6 has recently cast doubt on the extent to which religious phenomena were taken seriously in ancient times. We believe that in stressing the reasons for scepticism he has overlooked much positive evidence for the impact of religious scruples on political behaviour and that in generalising he has undervalued the differences in this respect between ancient societies. The significance of some of this positive evidence is admittedly uncertain since in civilian life scruples might be easy to observe without great suffering. The acid test is in time of war, so that is the concern of our present enquiry. That attitudes varied can be shown only by comparing societies. We have here limited our discussion to three for which the evidence is well preserved: the world of the Greek city before Alexander the Great, Rome before Constantine, and the Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman period. Elucidation of the reasons for their distinct attitudes would reveal much about each of these societies and its religious practices and conceptions, but there will be space here only to show that considerable variety did indeed exist.Most ancient peoples assumed that their gods approved of war; the pacifism of some pre-Constantinian Christians was exceptional. Nor did such rules in combat as were observed necessarily have a religious foundation. Ancient like modern scruples were often based on moral and humanitarian grounds, as in the treatment of corpses and civilians; the gods, as the guardians of general morality, might be involved in such matters, but only at a remove.

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Paul, Joanne. "The Use ofKairosin Renaissance Political Philosophy*." Renaissance Quarterly 67, no. 1 (2014): 43–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/676152.

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AbstractAlthough the Greek concept ofkairos (καιρός)has undergone a recent renewal of interest among scholars of Renaissance rhetoric, this revival has not yet been paralleled by its reception into the history of political thought. This article examines the meanings and uses of this important concept within the ancient Greek tradition, particularly in the works of Isocrates and Plutarch, in order to understand how it is employed by two of the most important political thinkers of the sixteenth century: Thomas Elyot and Niccolò Machiavelli. Through such an investigation this paper argues that an appreciation of the concept ofkairosand its use by Renaissance political writers provides a fuller understanding of the political philosophy of the period.

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