To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Ancient Roman religion.
Journal articles on the topic 'Ancient Roman religion'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Ancient Roman religion.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Pérez Yarza, Lorenzo. "Sol romano y Sol Invictus: circo y ludi en Roma = Roman Sol and Sol Invictus: circus and ludi in Rome." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 15 (November 5, 2018): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3845.
Full textAbstract:
Resumen: El Sol está presente en todas las religiones antiguas en mayor o menor medida. Numerosas versiones sobre el mismo dios de la cuenca mediterránea entraron en contacto gracias al helenismo y, más tarde, al Imperio Romano, compartiendo teónimos epítetos y simbología. A consecuencia de esto, diferentes epíclesis grecorromanas y orientales del dios desarrollaron un lenguaje común de representación. Pese a todo, la vinculación a los ludi y la cuádriga son un hecho que se mostrará exclusivo del ámbito romano.Abstract: The Sun is present to a greater or lesser extent in all Ancient Religions. Various Mediterranean versions of the same god came into contact due to Hellenism and to Roman Empire later, sharing theonyms, epithets and symbology. As a result of that, diverse Greco-Roman and Oriental epikleseis of Sun developed a common language. However, beyond formal similarities Sol’s vinculation with Ludi and quadrigae is revealed as exclusively Roman.Palabras clave: Sol, religión romana, Ludi, cuadriga, Circo Máximo, orientalizante.Key words: Sol, Sun, Roman religion, Ludi, quadriga, Circus Maximus, orientalizing.
2
Gallimore, Daniel. "Ninagawa’s Ancient Journeys." Critical Survey 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2022.340407.
Full textAbstract:
The Japanese director Ninagawa Yukio, who directed all four of the Roman plays between 2004 and 2014, noted the challenge he faced in making Shakespeare’s Roman settings accessible for native audiences, his typical strategy being Japanisation. Ninagawa’s Brechtian strategy works two ways in offering audiences a helpful perspective on cultural difference while harnessing Shakespeare’s humanism to the anti-rational energies of his theatre that modernity had earlier suppressed. This article explores the mythopoeic aspect of Ninagawa’s project first in the context of comparative religion and then with an analysis of his Antony and Cleopatra (2011), which was innovative in casting a Japanese-Korean actress from the western Kansai region as Cleopatra against an established Tokyo actor. The polytheism that native Shinto has in common with ancient Roman religion is a significant subtext.
3
Rogers, Dylan. "The Hanging Garlands of Pompeii: Mimetic Acts of Ancient Lived Religion." Arts 9, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9020065.
Full textAbstract:
Roman painting is full of items associated with religious practice. Garlands, in particular, are found represented in Roman frescoes, often draped over different panels to enliven the painted surface with the semblance of abundant fresh flowers. There are indications, however, that in Roman domestic spaces, latrines, and streets, physical garlands were actually attached to the frescoes as votive offerings that mimic the painted garlands behind them. This paper considers how Roman paintings worked in tandem with garlands and other physical objects, and how Pompeiians engaged in mimetic acts. The two-dimensional painted surface depicting “mimetic votives” should be viewed within a three-dimensional space inhabited by people and objects. The mimetic act of hanging a garland was part of ancient lived religion, and, as such, enables us to examine past religious experiences, focusing on the individual and communication with the divine. The relationship between these various visual media would have created unique experiences in the daily lives of ancient Romans that are rarely considered today.
4
Bremmer, Jan. "Religious Pluralism and Diversity in the Ancient World: Herodotus, the Roman Republic and Late Antiquity." TEOLOGICKÁ REFLEXE 29, no. 2 (January 23, 2024): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/27880796.2023.2.2.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of religious pluralism and diversity is much debated today, but has attracted much less attention in discussions of ancient Greek and Roman religion. In my contribution, I first look at the genealogy of the term ‘religious pluralism’ and differentiate it from diversity as being more normative. Subsequently, I look at Herodotus’ view of Persian religion as an example of religious diversity. I note that this Greek author, himself from a multicultural background, would today be considered a relativist. In his time, though, there was not yet a specific term for religious deviancy, which, as noted, started to emerge in the later fourth century BC (§ 1). I continue by looking at the Roman Republic and the early Principate. From a quantitative analysis, it is clear that the Roman term religio becomes more important in the first century BC and also acquires the meaning of a system of religious observances that can be regulated, which is an important step towards its later meaning ‘religion’. At the same time, we note the rise of the concomitant term superstitio as the wrong religio. Still, the Roman elite tolerated a wide variety of new cults outside civic religion and basically practised diversity (§ 2). After this, I will turn to the demise of religious diversity and pluralism in Late Antiquity, where we start to see religious persecutions for the very first time (§ 3). I conclude with some final considerations on the necessity of dialogue in negotiating religious differences.
5
Cruse, Audrey. "Roman Medicine: Science or Religion?" Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89 (September 2013): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.s.12.
Full textAbstract:
In ancient Greece and Rome magical and religious healing continued to be practised at the same time as a burgeoning of research and learning in the natural sciences was promoting a seemingly more rational and scientific approach to medicine. Was there, then, a dichotomy in medical treatment or was the situation more complex? This paper draws on historical textual sources as well as archaeological research in examining the question in more detail. Some early texts, such as the Egyptian papyri from about 2,600 bc and the Hippocratic Corpus from the third and fourth centuries bc, contain an intriguing mixture of scientific and religious material. Archaeological evidence from, for example, sites of healing sanctuaries from ancient times, show medical prescriptions used as part of votive offerings and religious inscriptions on surgical instruments, while physicians were prominent among donators to shrines. Other archaeological finds such as the contents of rubbish tips, buried hoards, sepulchral deposits and stray artefacts from occupation levels, have also added to the archive of medical material available for discussion. The paper concludes that such intertwinings of religion and science were not only common in Roman medicine but, in fact, continue into the present time.
6
Grig, Lucy. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 269–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000140.
Full textAbstract:
Ancient history often seems to lag behind other areas of history when it comes to adopting new methodological and theoretical approaches. This crop of books, however, does offer contributions in two notable and significant areas of current scholarship: first in the area of memory studies, and second representing what we might call the ‘cognitive turn’. In addition there is a robust defence of a structuralist-informed approach to Greco-Roman religion, as well, of course, as books representing the more traditional areas of ancient history such as epigraphy and biography.
7
Hughes, Jessica. "The texture of the gift." Body and Religion 2, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bar.36486.
Full textAbstract:
What did ancient religion feel like? This article explores different elements of tactile experience in Greco-Roman sanctuaries, focusing on a group of 'confession stelai' from Roman Asia Minor. Themes explored include the transgressive touching of ancient sacred objects by mortals, and the punitive touching of mortal bodies by the Greco-Roman gods.
8
Lennon, Jack J. "VICTIMARIIIN ROMAN RELIGION AND SOCIETY." Papers of the British School at Rome 83 (September 16, 2015): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246215000045.
Full textAbstract:
This paper brings together literary, epigraphic and iconographic evidence for thevictimarii— the attendants responsible for slaughtering sacrificial animals in ancient Rome. It aims to explore the problematic status ofvictimariiin Roman society, and argues that the often hostile views of the aristocracy have led to the continued marginalisation of this prominent group within scholarly discussions of religion and society. It argues that when the various strands are considered together a far more positive view ofvictimariiwithin Roman society emerges, suggesting that this was in some respects one of the most respectable of professions among the slave and freedman communities.
9
Šmerda, Martin. "Quirinus and his Role in Original Capitoline Triad." Sapiens ubique civis 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.57-64.
Full textAbstract:
This article is focused mainly on ancient Roman god Quirinus and his origin, character and role in the First Capitoline Triad of ancient roman religion. This article enumerates theories and views of Roman authors on the origin and character of Quirinus as one of the oldest members of ancient Roman pantheon. The available evidence from literary sources pertaining to Quirinus, his priests and festivals is also considered. Author of this article evaluates the similarities between Mars and Quirinus and their priests (Salii and flamines) and possible warlike competences of Quirinus – his connection to war.
10
Mason, Steve. "Jews, Judaeans, Judaizing, Judaism: Problems of Categorization in Ancient History." Journal for the Study of Judaism 38, no. 4-5 (2007): 457–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x193108.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe very title of this journal reflects a commonplace in scholarly discourse. We want to understand "Judaism" in the Persian and Graeco-Roman periods: the lives and religion of ancient Jews. Some scholars in recent years have asked whether Ioudaioi and its counterparts in other ancient languages are better rendered "Jews" or "Judaeans" in English. This essay puts that question in a larger frame, by considering first Ioudaismos and then the larger problem of ancient religion. It argues that there was no category of "Judaism" in the Graeco-Roman world, no "religion" too, and that the Ioudaioi were understood until late antiquity as an ethnic group comparable to other ethnic groups, with their distinctive laws, traditions, customs, and God. They were indeed Judaeans.
11
Evlampiev, Igor I. "The Birth of Christianity from the Spirit of the Roman Empire. A Paradoxical View of the Religious Development of Europe in the Works of F.F. Zelinski." RUDN Journal of Philosophy 26, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2022-26-1-75-93.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the original concept of the development of ancient religions and the emergence of Christianity set out in the six-volume work of F.F. Zelinski History of Ancient Religions. Zelnski refutes the well-established idea of the origin of Christianity from Judaism and proves that it was based on the Hellenistic-Roman religion of the early Roman Empire. In this religion, a idea of monotheistic and pantheistic God was formed, which is the basis of all world processes and human actions, at the same time the idea arose of the possibility of a "particle" of God entering a separate human personality (the personality of the emperor). According to Zelinski, it was these ideas that became the basis of Christianity, which radically rethought them, but nevertheless left them close to the beliefs of the majority of the citizens of the Roman Empire; that is why early Christianity quickly spread throughout the empire. The article suggests that Zelinski's flight from Bolshevik Russia in the 1920s and his life in the Polish Catholic environment led to the fact that he refused to develop his ideas to their natural outcome, which could conflict with Catholic teaching. The article reconstructs the result that Zelnski should have come to with the consistent implementation of his ideas: he would have to admit that the teachings of Jesus Christ and early Christianity which arose from the Roman religion and not from Judaism coincides with that religious tradition which the Catholic Church has persecuted in a story called the Gnostic heresy.
12
Miller, Daniel R. "Is There Anything New under the (Mediterranean) Sun? Expressions of Near Eastern Deities in the Graeco-Roman World." Religion & Theology 20, no. 3-4 (April 2, 2014): 345–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-12341268.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The concept of divine translatability was a prominent feature of Graeco-Roman religion. Major deities of the Greek and Roman pantheons had their origins in the ancient Near East, and the Greeks and Romans equated members of their pantheons with ancient Near Eastern divinities having similar characteristics and functions. This study employs salient examples of equations and correspondences between the Graeco-Roman and ancient Near Eastern pantheons, as well as attestations of multiple manifestations of the same deity based on function or geographic region, as a heuristic device for problematizing the issue of divine translatability in general. It is asserted that a deity is but a projection of human will, a signifier without a signified. This, in turn, locates the phenomenon of divine translatability within the realm of the subjective, making any reasonable “translation” of two or more deities as valid as any other, with no external adjudication of the matter possible.
13
Roma, Andrianna. "Mythological Components in Roman Paganism Tradition." Roczniki Kulturoznawcze 12, no. 2 (June 17, 2021): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rkult21122-5.
Full textAbstract:
The culture of ancient Rome is impressive with its uniqueness, so scholars have always been interested in it. In ancient societies religious component always plays a great role, so studying it becomes key in understanding the depth of human feelings. The ancient perception of the world is clearly represented in mythology, the first type of human consciousness, whose reflections manifest itself in all the following stages of human development. The article seeks to identify the mythological components in Roman paganism tradition that facilitates deep understanding of the religion of ancient Rome. At the same time, the cornerstone of the study is the relationship between the religious and the human—what role in the process of social and cultural transformations the religious component played, how deeply mythological components intertwined with religious doctrine, what was the nature of the relationship of the Romans with their gods, and how the features of mentality transformed universal human aspirations as seen by the ancient Romans. A comprehensive analysis of this issue opens up further prospects for research, which can be considered a broader layer of the culture of ancient Rome.
14
Rüpke, Jörg. "Hellenistic and Roman Empires and Euro-Mediterranean Religion." Journal of Religion in Europe 3, no. 2 (2010): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489210x501509.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article argues that two important phenomena that are characteristic for the image and self-image of religions in and beyond Europe can be traced to Mediterranean antiquity in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The first is the transformation of religious practices and beliefs that led to the formation of boundary-conscious and knowledge-based religious groups that could be called 'religions.' At the same time, however, religious individuality is shown to be much more important than is usually admitted in dealing with ancient pre-Christian religion. The first process is clearly gaining in momentum during the period analysed, as is shown by the history of several important terms and organisational developments; the second area does not allow a clear judgment on any progressive individualisation. The concept of axial ages is applied to stress the role of empire in these processes.
15
Nongbri, Brent. "Dislodging "Embedded" Religion: A Brief Note on a Scholarly Trope." Numen 55, no. 4 (2008): 440–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852708x310527.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractScholars of ancient cultures are increasingly speaking of the "embeddedness" of ancient religion — arguing that the practices modern investigators group under the heading of "religion" did not compose a well-defined category in antiquity; instead, they claim that "religion was embedded" in other aspects of ancient culture. These writers use this notion of "embeddedness" to help us see that categories post-Enlightenment thinkers often regard as distinct (such as politics, economics, and religion) largely overlapped in antiquity. The trope of "embedded religion" can, however, also produce the false impression that religion is a descriptive concept rather than a redescriptive concept for ancient cultures (i.e., that there really is something "out there" in antiquity called "Roman religion" or "Mesopotamian religion," which scholars are simply describing rather than creating). By allowing this slippage between descriptive and redescriptive uses of "religion," the rhetoric of "embedded religion" exacerbates the very problem it is meant to solve.
16
Gasparini, Valentino, and Richard L. Gordon. "Egyptianism." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, no. 1-4 (December 2018): 571–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2018.58.1-4.33.
Full textAbstract:
Summary When dealing with Isis, Serapis and the other members of the so-called ‘gens isiaca’, scholars have hesitated whether to emphasize their (indisputable) historico-geographic origin in the Nile valley or their (no less indisputable) character as Graeco-Roman cults. We thus find these deities referred to as ‘Egyptian’, ‘Graeco-Egyptian’, ‘Graeco-Roman’, ‘Greek’, ‘Roman’ and, again, ‘Oriental’, ‘Orientalized Roman’, and so on. Each of these definitions is evidently partial, which is one reason for the growing preference for the less specific terms ‘Isiac gods’ and ‘Isiac cults’. Yet even these elide the problem of how these cults were perceived in relation to Egypt. This article aims to challenge the terms of the conventional dichotomy between Egyptian and Graeco-Roman, by exploring the many specific contexts in which ‘Egypt’ was appropriated, for example, by institutions, intellectuals (e.g. ‘Middle-’ and Neo-Platonists), Christian apologists, late-antique encyclopedists, etc. Starting with the comparandum ‘Persianism’ recently highlighted in relation to the cult of Mithras, the paper will explore the various interests and aims involved in the construction of ideas of Egypt, which might even involve more than one ‘Egyptianism’ at the same time. Each of our nine suggested ‘Egyptianisms’ is the creation of numerous ‘producers’, who adapted what they knew of ‘Egypt’ (‘foreign’, ‘exotic’, ‘other’) to create their own religious offers. Our basic model is derived from the Erfurt project Lived Ancient Religions, which inverts the usual representation of ancient religion as collective (‘polis religion’, ‘civic religion’) in favour of a perspective that stresses individual agency, sense-making and appropriation within a range of broader constraints.
17
Lannoy, Annelies, and Corinne Bonnet. "Narrating the Past and the Future: The Position of the religions orientales and the mystères païens in the Evolutionary Histories of Religion of Franz Cumont and Alfred Loisy." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 20, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2018-0010.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:In their grand narratives on the ancient history of religions, the Belgian historian of religions, Franz Cumont (1868 – 1947) and his French colleague and correspondent, Alfred Loisy (1857 – 1940) both assigned a prominent place to the so-called pagan mystery religions. This paper seeks to identify the specific theories of religion and the deeper motivations underpinning Cumont’s and Loisy’s historiographical construction of the mystery cults as a distinct type of religion within their evolutionary accounts of the history of religions. Through a comparative analysis of their rich correspondence (1908 – 1940) and a selection of their publications, we demonstrate how their historical studies of the religious transformations in the Roman Empire, their in-depth dialogues in the troubled times in which they lived, and their philosophical views on the overall history and future of religion, were in fact mutually constitutive.
18
Ambasciano, Leonardo. "Zombies Roaming Around the Pantheon." Implicit Religion 25, no. 1-2 (November 17, 2023): 33–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/imre.24338.
Full textAbstract:
The present contribution explores how the field of Roman History has formalized and justified the absence of “belief”—and religious belief in particular—as part of its standard research programme. In positing an unbridgeable gap between ancient Romans and modern human beings mainly based on the idea that “belief” and “faith” are modern Protestant concepts, Roman History inadvertently transmogrified its subjects of study into a legion of zombies incapable of holding meta-representations of their own religious (and non-religious) beliefs. While Roman History might have been an outlier in its staunch commitment to this exclusionary approach, the post-1970s move towards the abandonment of “belief” insofar as the study of ancient religion(s) is concerned was part of a widespread paradigm shift within the Humanities, which only very recently has been questioned. The history of the concept of “belief” in both Roman History and anthropology, as well as its rejection from the former’s disciplinary toolbox, are tackled, while the peculiar disciplinary concepts of Roman “orthopraxy” and “demythicization” (sometimes hailed as explananda or replacements for the absence of “belief” in Roman antiquity) are also explained. Finally, a cognitive rebuttal of this absence is provided through a reappraisal of David Chalmers’ “philosophical zombies” mental experiment.
19
Shoba, C. "TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF PALM TREE AND PALM MANUSCRIPTS." International Journal of Advanced Research 10, no. 12 (December 31, 2022): 902–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/15921.
Full textAbstract:
Palms are one of the best known and most widely planted tree families. They have held an important role for humans throughout much of history. Many common products and foods come from palms. The palm branch was a symbol of triumph and victory in Roman times. The Romans rewarded champions of the games and celebrated success in war with palm branches. The palm has many meanings in both ancient and modern eastern religion.
20
Rotiroti, Francesco. "Religion and the Construction of a Christian Roman Polity." Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no. 1 (2020): 76–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.1.76.
Full textAbstract:
This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.
21
McCarty, Matthew M., Mariana Egri, and Aurel Rustoiu. "The archaeology of ancient cult: from foundation deposits to religion in Roman Mithraism." Journal of Roman Archaeology 32 (2019): 279–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759419000151.
Full textAbstract:
In the past two decades, the “archaeology of religion” has moved from the margins of scholarship to the center, led by the growth of postprocessual archaeological hermeneutics. 1 Such theoretical frames – whether the materiality of religion, objects as agents, the entanglement of humans and objects, or “thing theory” – demonstrate the centrality of the physical world and its archaeological correlates to religion. They offer new ways of posing questions about the construction of meanings for worshippers through materials.2
22
Rekutina. "MYTHOLOGY AND REALITY OF OLYMPIC AGON OF ANCIENT GREECE IN THE ROMAN ERA." SCIENCE AND SPORT: current trends 8, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.36028/2308-8826-2020-8-2-44-51.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the research: to identify changes in the nature of relationship between mythological, religious and social aspects in the sphere of agonistics in Ancient Greece in the Roman Era. Methods and research: Analysis of literature and written sources on the history of ancient agonistics. The result of the study is the determination of the specific traits of agonal traditions of Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome. The article explores the sacral and secular aspects of the traditions and rules of antique agon. The Author shows a change in their ratio in Ancient Greece in the Roman Era. The paper focuses on the process of transformation of the sacral and secular content of agonistics and a variety of agon in Ancient Greece in the Roman Era, which is characterized by the clash of Hellenic and Roman agonal traditions. One of the most significant phenomena in the ideological life of that period was the cult of the Emperor, which was the official political religion of the Roman Empire. The Emperor’s cult with agon as one of the rituals became widespread in the western and eastern provinces including Greece. Greece had the status of "Achaea Roman Province" at that time. The Author describes the events that took place in Olympia and other religious centers of Ancient Greece at that time. Conclusion: Agonist features of the period were determined by changing the ratio of religious and social components of agonistics and transforming agony as a religious ritual into a spectacle that was widely used for political purposes.
23
Rubel, Alexander. "Persönliche Frömmigkeit und religiöses Erlebnis Wesenszüge der griechischen Religion am Beispiel von Heilkulten." Numen 60, no. 4 (2013): 447–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341276.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Ancient Greek healing cults can be studied in the context of “personal piety.” This article emphasizes personal aspects of the Greek religion. It shows that the concept of “polis religion” does not embrace major aspects of ancient Greek piety. I analyze the direct and personal relation of worshippers in healing cults, especially that of Apollo, with the deity. By doing so, I put forward a new reading of Greek religion in the context of the concept of “personal piety” developed in Egyptology. The well-known “embeddedness” of religion in the structures of the Ancient Greek city-state led to a one-sided view of ancient Greek religion, as well as to aspects of ritual and “cult” predominating in research. Simultaneously, aspects of “belief ” are often labelled as inadequate in describing Greek (and Roman) religion. Religion as ritual and cult is simply one side of the coin. Personal aspects of religion, and direct contact with the deity, based on “belief,” are thus the other side of the coin. It follows that they are also the fundament of ritual. It is necessary to combine “polis religion” with “personal piety” to display a complete picture of Greek religion. The Isyllos inscription from Epidaurus is presented here as a final and striking example for this view. It reports the foundation of a cult of the polis on behalf of a personal religious experience.
24
Hong, Run, Jinqi Liu, and Jiacheng Xu. "Comparative Study of Roman Empire and Qin Dynasty." Communications in Humanities Research 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 367–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/4/20220580.
Full textAbstract:
Rome is a great empire centered on the Mediterranean Sea and spanning Europe, Asia, and Africa. After the republic system collapsed, the political and economic markets of the Roman Empire underwent various changes, while the cultural and foreign policies remained unchanged. The Qin Dynasty, the representative of the eastern empire, was the first unified feudal dynasty in ancient China. This paper presents a comparative study of Rome and the Qin Dynasty from the aspect of politics, economy, culture, and foreign policies. Romans political power was concentrated and spread out, as the power was controlled by the Senate and the Roman emperor. Meanwhile, the power within the Qin dynasty was highly concentrated in the hands of the emperor. Roman Culture is centered around religion, while the culture of the Qin dynasty is quite different. The mainstream thought was legalism, so the influence of religion was very tiny in the Qin Empire. Roman had a diverse economy, but the Qin dynasty implemented land nationalization, controlled commercial activities, and unified market management. Romes foreign policy was complex, and they used multiple tactics to deal with different nations, while the Qin Dynastys foreign policy aimed to resist foreign enemies. For example, the Qin Dynasty built the Great Wall, whose primary function was to resist the Huns.
25
Lange, Armin. "Jews in Ancient and Late Ancient Asia Minor between Acceptance and Rejection." Journal of Ancient Judaism 5, no. 2 (May 14, 2014): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00502009.
Full textAbstract:
This article surveys the evidence for and history of Jews and Judaism in Asia Minor with a special focus on the denigration and persecution of Jews by pagans and Christians in Asia Minor. The article argues that Jews thrived in this part of the Roman empire from the Hellenistic period until the Arab conquest and lived both in urban and rural settings in most parts of Asia Minor. Despite their flourishing, Jews had to deal with Anti-Semitic slander, denigration, and attacks from pagans and Christians. The situation worsened with the rise of Christianity to the official religion of the Roman Empire. In the 7th cent., increased anti-Semitism led to a decline of Judaism in Asia Minor. Before this time, despite legal and other persecutions, Jews emphasized and practiced their Judaism and despite a prohibition to the contrary Jews build new synagogues even in the century before the Arab conquest. Anti-Semitism in Asia Minor would thus not have blocked the construction of a synagogue in Limyra in this period.
26
Lozko, Halyna. "THE EUROPIAN CONGRESS OF ETHNIC RELIGIONS AS INTERNATIONAL FORUM OF HEATHENS." Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 13, no. 1 (2019): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2019.13.9.
Full textAbstract:
From the beginning of the 20th century the crisis of world religions caused to the search for autochthonous spiritual alternatives. There is a steady trend towards the revival of ethnic religions in Europe for the whole century. In the article was considered the history and main conceptual foundations of The European Congress of Ethnic Religions (ECER) as an international forum for communication of European ethnoreligious communities, which revive authentic spiritual traditions and practices in their countries. In particular, a detailed ХVІ ECER (2018) report from the direct participant and Declaration XIV ECER (2014) were presented for illustration, as well as observations on the development of traditionalism in the Italian organization "Movimento Tradizionale Romano", which will have a scientific and applied value for religious studies. A conclusion was drawn about the historical patterns of ethnoreligious Renaissance. The Roman ethnic religion, whose development was interrupted by the expansion of Christianity in the 4th century, did not disappear suddenly after the decrees of the Emperor Theodosius I, but continued to exist in deeply veiled forms. Many literary sources of faith have been preserved, which gives the opportunity for Italian traditionalists to reliably revive their worldview, theological and ritual traditions. Now, the authentic Italian confession of the native faith is "Movimento Tradicionale Romano". The existence of common Indo-European sources of faith, such as the Vedas in India, the poems of Homer, the works of Hesiod, the orphan hymns in Greece, the works of ancient Greek and Roman philosophers, the German and Scandinavian epics, Slavic folklore, etc., provide an opportunity for scientific comparative methods to restore the ancient spiritual heritage of European nations with the aim of returning it in the living national environment.
27
Hurtado, Larry W. "“Ancient Jewish Monotheism” in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods." Journal of Ancient Judaism 4, no. 3 (May 14, 2013): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00403005.
Full textAbstract:
Although “monotheism,” defined as affirmation that only one deity exists, is a dubious descriptor of ancient Jewish religion, there are distinguishing features of Jewish religious belief and practice (particularly in the late Hellenistic and early Roman period) that must be recognized, reflecting particularly a concern to distinguish the one biblical deity from all others. After engaging terminological debates, I propose that “ancient Jewish monotheism” can serve as a handy label for this concern. Then, I identify key features of this religious stance, which are evident in religious rhetoric and even more crucially cultic practice, particularly in the restriction of cultus to the one deity.
28
Prósper, Blanca María, and Marcos Medrano Duque. "Ancient Gaulish and British Divinities: Notes on the Reconstruction of Celtic Phonology and Morphology." Вопросы Ономастики 19, no. 2 (2022): 9–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2022.19.2.015.
Full textAbstract:
The linguistic study of Celtic divinities attested on Latin inscriptions has proved instrumental in disclosing a number of facts about ancient religion, the relationship with the Roman rule, and the spread of indigenous or syncretic cults. In fact, minor divinities were worshipped on a local basis only, but even under such unfavourable circumstances they managed to become partly integrated in the religious system of the Roman Empire: they acted in the sphere of the higher gods for a time before they vanished for ever, and they must have been much more common than our fragmentary sources suggest. Crucially, the study of their names also provides priceless clues about the early stages of Celtic phonology and morphology, it also helps illuminate insufficiently known aspects of the evolution of Continental and Insular Celtic and their interaction with Latin. In this work, the authors focus on several hitherto misinterpreted Celtic divine names from Britannia (MEDOCIO, ARNOMECIE, BRACIACAE, ARCIACONI, COROTIACO) and Gaul (MEDVTONI, COBRANDIAE, CENTONDI, ROQVETIO, SINQVATI) and try to test their relative importance for Indo-European language reconstruction, distant cultural relationship of ancient populations, ancient religion with special attention to the interaction of major Roman divinities with minor Celtic ones, Latin and Celtic phonetics and morphology, loan phonology and the spread and adaptation of the Latin alphabet to write texts in the indigenous Celtic languages and foreign names in Latin epigraphy.
29
Ullucci, Daniel. "Before Animal Sacrifice, A Myth of Innocence." Religion and Theology 15, no. 3-4 (2008): 357–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430108x376582.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAnimal sacrifice was one of the most pervasive and socially significant practices of Graeco-Roman religion. Yet, numerous Greek and Latin writers tell of a golden before the advent of sacrifice and meat eating. In this idealized world, humans lived at one with the gods and animal sacrifice did not exist. Such texts are often seen as part of a wider ancient critique of Greco-Roman religion in general and animal sacrifice in particular. This interpretive model, largely sprung from Christian theologizing, sees animal sacrifice as a meaningless and base act, destined to be superseded. As a result of this 'critique model', scholars have not asked what the myth of a world without sacrifice means in a world in which sacrifice predominated. This paper seeks to correct the above view by analyzing these texts as instances of created myth. It approaches each occurrence of the myth as an instance of position-taking by a player in the field of cultural production. The paper seeks to further a redescription of Greco-Roman antiquity by revealing the variety of ancient positions on sacrifice and their strategic use by competing cultural producers.
30
DeMaris, Richard. "Demeter in Roman Corinth: Local Development in a Mediterranean Religion." Numen 42, no. 2 (1995): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527952598701.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study constructs a history of Demeter worship in Corinth and its environs based on archaeological finds from the Demeter and Kore sanctuary on Acrocorinth and elsewhere in the Corinthia. These finds document the changing character of Demeter devotion from the Greek to Roman period. Demeter worship survived the Roman sacking of Corinth in 146 BCE, but the reemerging cult changed: Demeter's chthonic aspect became dominant in the Roman period. The earlier Greek emphasis on fertility, substantiated by votive pottery finds from the Classical and Hellenistic periods, gave way to funerary and underwold emphases. Evidence both from the Demeter and Kore sanctuary on Acrocorinth and from Isthmia attests to the growing importance of Persephone and Pluto, the rulers of the dead, and of snake symbols, whose funerary and chthonic affinities were deeply rooted in ancient Mediterranean culture.
31
Babii, Mykhailo. "Religious Tolerance, Freedom of Conscience, Freedom of Religion and Belief in the period of Establishment of Christianity." Religious Freedom, no. 24 (March 31, 2020): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2020.24.1783.
Full textAbstract:
The author examines the process of establishment of Christian understanding of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion and tolerance. In doing so, he draws on the achievements of the Greek and Greek-Roman traditions of interpreting freedom of conscience. The time of late antiquity accounts for the time of organizational establishment and strengthening of the new religion - Christianity. Describing this period, the author notes the presence of a variety of cults and sects in which foreign gods (in particular, Egyptian and Iranian) were worshiped. In this situation, individuals were free to choose their faith and satisfy their personal need for spiritual connection with God or gods. Against the background of the fall of the authority of ancient religions, the emergence and strengthening of the Emperor cult Christians seek recognition by the authorities, the equation of rights. After all, Christianity becomes a state religion. At this time, a new religious paradigm was emerging that could be a factor in the multi-ethnic, multi-tribal, or multilingual unity of the Roman Empire. The tendency of growing interest in monotheistic, in particular Jewish, religion became noticeable: the idea of one and all-pervading God was opposed to ancient polytheism.
The article reveals the peculiarities of the Christian understanding of freedom, which underlies the inner personal spiritual freedom bestowed by God. Christianity the first formulated the idea of freedom of religious conscience as freedom to choose religion. In addition to the individual dimension of freedom of conscience, Christianity has actualized the community's right to freedom of religion, freedom of outside religion, and worship. At the same time, it theoretically substantiated these rights and practically required its observance by the authorities.
The legitimacy of the affirmation of the principle of freedom of religious conscience is the Milan edict of 313, which opened the union of the Christian church and the state, as well as the constitutionalization of the Christian church as a state church. This provoked persecution on religious grounds and the struggle of different movements, both within Christianity and beyond, for the right to freedom of religion, the free expression of their religious beliefs.
Christianity significantly influenced the evolution of ideas about freedom of conscience, becoming the semantic nucleus of its modern understanding. However, early Christianity proved to be a force that, in the struggle for its claim, was repeatedly harassed, but also resorted to persecution of dissenters, showing intolerance to other worldviews and religions.
32
Eshel, Ruth. "Concert Dance in Israel." Dance Research Journal 35, no. 1 (2003): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700008779.
Full textAbstract:
Israel is a society of Jewish immigrants who have returned to their ancient biblical homeland. It is also a complex society made up of people of varied cultures and ideologies, enduring changing economic and political situations. For the past eighty years, Israeli dancers have reflected and helped to shape the internal dialogues of Israeli life and contributed to a global exchange of dance ideas, especially with modern dancers from Europe and America.The independence of ancient Israel came to an end in C.E. 73, when Romans destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem after fierce battles with the Jews. The great revolt against Roman rule (132–135) failed, and in its wake the Romans banished the Jews from their country. Thus began a two-thousand-year exile, during which the Jews in the diaspora preserved their religion, suffered anti-Semitic persecutions, and dreamed of returning to their land, to Eretz Israel—Zion.
33
Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000315.
Full textAbstract:
A bumper edition this time, by way of apology for COVID-necessitated absenteeism in the autumn issue. The focus is on three pillars of social history – the economy (stupid), law, and religion. First up is Saskia Roselaar's second monograph, Italy's Economic Revolution. Roselaar sets out to trace the contribution made by economics to Italy's integration in the Roman Republic, focusing on the period after the ‘conquest’ of Italy (post 268 bce). Doing so necessitates two distinct steps: assessing, first, how economic contacts developed in this period, and second, whether and to what extent those contacts furthered the wider unification of Italy under Roman hegemony. Roselaar is influenced by New Institutional Economics (hereafter NIE), now ubiquitous in studies of the ancient economy. Her title may be an homage to Philip Kay's Rome's Economic Revolution, but the book itself is a challenge to that work, which in Roselaar's view neglects almost entirely the agency of the Italians in the period's economic transformation. For Roselaar, the Italians were as much the drivers of change as the Romans; indeed, it is this repeated conviction that unifies her chapters.
34
Samardžić, Gligor. "On ancient cults from the south of the province of Dalmatia: A few examples from East Herzegovina." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, no. 3 (2021): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-33900.
Full textAbstract:
Statues that testify about the religiousness of the Roman citizens exist in East Herzegovina (south of the province of Dalmatia) as well as in all areas within the Roman Empire. The spiritual life of the citizens from the south of the province of Dalmatia (east Herzegovina) reflected in the respect for a significant number of cults. The religion of an ancient man from East Herzegovina is represented, above all, by modest archeological findings and epigraph statues. It manifested itself in the respect for a significant number of cults that relied on Illyrian tradition, Roman and oriental deities.
35
Гаврилов, И. Б., О. А. Джарман, and А. В. Ялалов. "On the characteristics of the ancient Roman religion by G. Dumézil. Book review: Dumézil G. The religion of ancient Rome, with an appendix, dedicated to the Etruscan religion = La religion Romaine archaïque, avec un appendice sur la religion des Étrusques / transl. from French by T. I. Smolyanskaya. M.: Tradition; St. Petersburg: Quadrivium, 2018. 891 p. (Seria Hellenica)." Труды кафедры богословия Санкт-Петербургской Духовной Академии, no. 1(21) (March 1, 2024): 270–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47132/2541-9587_2024_1_270.
Full textAbstract:
Статья представляет собой отзыв на книгу выдающегося французского религиоведа, историка религии, лингвиста, мифолога и структуралиста Жоржа Дюмезиля «Религия Древнего Рима», впервые переведенную на русский язык в 2018 г. Рассмотрены сфера деятельности и основные интересы ученого, а также главная идея его научных поисков — выявление чистой трехчастной структуры, применимой к индоевропейским обществам и, следовательно, присутствующей в римской культуре. Показано, как Дюмезиль раскрывает различные проявления трехчастной структуры в главах книги, посвященных древнеримским богам, теологии и культу. Делается вывод, что автор глубоко проработал тему религии индоевропейцев и на протяжении всего труда показал множество параллелей в ней с религией Древнего Рима. Высказывается предположение, что Дюмезиль был близок к тому, чтобы выразить трехчастную модель и в христианстве, но не пришел к осознанию проявления этой модели в Троичности Бога не только в индоевропейских культурах. The article is a review of the book “The religion of ancient Rome” by the outstanding French religious scholar, historian of religion, linguist, mythologist and structuralist Georges Dumézil, first translated into Russian in 2018. The authors consider the scope of activity and main interests of the scholar, as well as the main idea of his scientific search — the identification of a pure tripartite structure applicable to Indo-European societies and, therefore, present in Roman culture. It is shown how Dumézil reveals various manifestations of the tripartite structure in the chapters of the book devoted to ancient Roman gods, theology and cult. It is concluded that the author studied profoundly the topic of the Indo-European religion and demonstrated throughout his work many of its parallels with the religion of ancient Rome. It is suggested that Dumézil was close to expressing the tripartite model in Christianity, but did not come to realize the manifestation of this model in the Trinity of God beyond Indo-European cultures.
36
Kippenberg, Hans. "Europe: Arena of Pluralization and Diversification of Religions." Journal of Religion in Europe 1, no. 2 (2008): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489108x311441.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIf participation in church activities is critical for the strength or weakness of religion, there is no denying that Europe comes off poorly. According to American sociologists of religion the rise of religious pluralism in the USA was due to the strict separation between state and church; it compelled congregations and denominations to compete for believers. The European case is different. Here the diversity of religions existed long before the modern period. Since its ancient beginning European culture sought its authorities outside its geographical confines. Greeks and Jews, Hellenism and Hebraism, Athens and Jerusalem, later Mecca and Islam became cultural points of orientation for people living in Europe. The article addresses the cultural and social processes that transformed these and other foreign religious traditions into typical European manifestations: the Roman legal system turned foreign religions into legal categories; it was modernization that led to the articulation of distinctly religious meanings of history and of nature; and it was the detachment from the church that provided the impetus for new societal forms of religion. Those processes are at the center of the European plurality and diversity of religions.
37
Brand, Mattias. "Religious Diversity in the Egyptian Desert: New Findings from the Dakhleh Oasis." Entangled Religions 4 (July 14, 2017): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v4.2017.17-39.
Full textAbstract:
New archaeological and papyrological discoveries in the Egyptian desert are destined to impact the study of religion in late antiquity. This extended review of An Oasis City (2015) will highlight some of most important findings related to the religious diversity of the region. The tremendous wealth of the new discoveries offers insight into the development of religion during the later Roman Empire. Building on this archaeological overview of Amheida (ancient Trimithis in the Dakhleh Oasis), this paper discusses the local situation of Egyptian religion, Christianity, and Manichaeism in late antiquity, with a particular focus on religious diversity and interaction in everyday life.
38
Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 318–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000115.
Full textAbstract:
After a focus on social and cultural history in the last issue, this issue's offerings return us to more traditional subjects – political institutions, and historiography. That spring review ended with religion, which is where we start here: an apposite reminder that religion pervades all aspects of the Roman world. It is precisely that principle which undergirds our first book, Dan-el Padilla Peralta's Divine Institutions. Padilla Peralta is interested, at root, in how the Roman state became such through the third and fourth centuries bce. That is a story usually told – in a tradition going back to the ancient historians themselves – via a swashbuckling tale of successive military campaigns. Padilla Peralta, however, sets that anachronistic narrativization aside, and instead builds a careful case that between the siege of Veii and the end of the Second Punic War ‘the Roman state remade and retooled itself into a republic defined and organized around a specific brand of institutionalized ritual practices and commitments’ (1). Specifically, he shows that the construction of temples and the public activities they facilitated were a key mechanism – one as important as warfare – by which the consensus necessary to state formation was generated: the Republic more or less stumbles into a bootstrapping formula that proves to be unusually felicitous: high visibility monumental enterprises are paired with new incentives for human mobility in ways that dramatically and enduringly reorganize the rhythms of civic and communal experience. (17–18) In particular, Padilla Peralta argues that output was greater than input; that the genius – whether accidental or deliberate – of this formula was that it facilitated a confidence game whereby the res publica appeared more capable – via the apparent support of the gods whom its visible piety secured – than was in fact the case.
39
Meng, Qingpeng, Chuheng Qian, and Yiming Weng. "Analysis of the Way of Rule in Ancient Rome through Today’s Tourist Sites." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 1338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4482.
Full textAbstract:
There are many magnificent monuments, from big cities to even small towns, in ancient Rome. These public buildings built by emperors and local elites are today’s famous Roman tourist sites. This essay will study the famous Roman public buildings—the religious building, amphitheater, and baths and understand how they influenced the rule of Rome and why emperors and local elites built so many public buildings. This study will combine archeological and written sources to analyze. Emperors and local elites used religion and many kinds of entertainment as a kind of soft power to maintain and consolidate their rule, which encouraged the rulers to build more baths, amphitheaters, and temples. Religious buildings aimed to unify people in the conquered area into Roman and make various regions in harmony under the same ruler. Both amphitheaters and baths provided people with various entertainments, which became an essential session in Roman social life and made it easy for rulers to consolidate their region. Amphitheaters could also function as places for political purposes. Public architecture could be regarded as a means of soft power, which brought Roman prosperity and the fate of collapse.
40
Rogers, Dylan Kelby. "Water Culture in Roman Society." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 1, no. 1 (March 16, 2018): 1–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Water played an important part of ancient Roman life, from providing necessary drinking water, supplying bath complexes, to flowing in large-scale public fountains. The Roman culture of water was seen throughout the Roman Empire, although it was certainly not monolithic and it could come in a variety of scales and forms, based on climatic and social conditions of different areas. This discussion seeks to define ‘water culture’ in Roman society by examining literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence, while understanding modern trends in scholarship related to the study of Roman water. The culture of water can be demonstrated through expressions of power, aesthetics, and spectacle. Further there was a shared experience of water in the empire that could be expressed through religion, landscape, and water’s role in cultures of consumption and pleasure.
41
Deligiannakis, Georgios. "Two Late-Antique statues from ancient Messene." Annual of the British School at Athens 100 (November 2005): 387–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021225.
Full textAbstract:
This article gives a first publication of two late antique statues; it discusses their archaeological context suggesting an appropriate date and tries to place them in their historical and cultural environment.The statues of Messene are important because they represent a rare instance of two late antique statues from Achaia for the study of which a precise archaeological context is available. They were the products of a local workshop and could be dated to the first quarter of the fourth century. The two late antique statues, of an emperor (perhaps Constantine I) and of Hermes, and a third earlier one showing Artemis Laphria, were part of a late Roman sculptural assemblage. It is here argued that they all stood together in niches, inside the reception room of a wealthy town mansion. They offer a vivid insight into the taste and self-representation of the owner of the house. It is suggested that they represent a mix of contemporary political reference and traditional values of the Greco-Roman aristocracy: loyalty to the Imperial House, social status and education, euergetism, and perhaps traditional religion.
42
Susanto, Susanto, and Saifullah Idris. "RELIGION: SIGMUND FREUD'S INFANTILE ILLUSIONS AND COLLECTIVE NEUROSIS PERSPECTIVE." Ar-Raniry, International Journal of Islamic Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20859/jar.v4i1.125.
Full textAbstract:
<div>This paper concerns Freud's thoughts on religion. Religion is not only about faith in a great God, but also encompasses the order and discipline of life. Religion involves human relationships, either with God or with others. Freud saw religion as the fulfillment of a childish desire. This can not be separated from his work as a psychologist who produced the concept of psychoanalysis and human sexual stages. Freud disputed the basis of human trust claims by giving three mutually exclusive and holistically unsatisfactory reasons. First, we must trust without demanding proofs; Second, we must believe because our ancestors also believed; And third, we must believe because we have evidence from ancient times. Freud contends that such beliefs are nothing more than an illusion.</div><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><em><span style="font-size: 10.5pt; font-family: 'Book Antiqua','serif';">This paper concerns Freud's thoughts on religion. Religion is not only about faith in a great God, but also encompasses the order and discipline of life. Religion involves human relationships, either with God or with others. Freud saw religion as the fulfillment of a childish desire. This can not be separated from his work as a psychologist who produced the concept of psychoanalysis and human sexual stages. Freud disputed the basis of human trust claims by giving three mutually exclusive and holistically unsatisfactory reasons. First, we must trust without demanding proofs; Second, we must believe because our ancestors also believed; And third, we must believe because we have evidence from ancient times. Freud contends that such beliefs are nothing more than an illusion.</span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><strong><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; font-family: 'Book Antiqua','serif';"> </span></strong></p><strong><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; font-family: 'Book Antiqua','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">Keywords: </span></strong><em><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; font-family: 'Book Antiqua','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">Religion, Illusion, Neurosis, Sigmund Freud, Psychoanalysis</span></em>
43
Portefaix, Lilian. "Ancient Ephesus: Processions as Media of Religious and Secular Propaganda." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 15 (January 1, 1993): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67212.
Full textAbstract:
The significance of religious rituals often reaches beyond their strict religious intentions. Specifically a procession, performed in front of the public, is a most effective instrument of disseminating a message to the crowds. Consequently, this ritual, as is well known, has often been used not only in religious but also in secular contexts; a procession under the cloak of religion can even become a politically useful medium to avoid popular disturbances on peaceful terms. This was the case in ancient Ephesus, where Roman power conflicted with Greek culture from the middle of the first century B.C. onwards. In the beginning of the second century A.D. the public religious life in the city of Ephesus was to a great extent characterized by processions relating to the cult of Artemis Ephesia. The one traditionally performed on the birthday of the goddess called to mind the Greek origin of the city; it was strictly associated with the religious sphere bringing about a close relationship between the goddess and her adherents. The other, artificially created by a Roman, was entirely secular, and spread its message every fortnight in the streets of Ephesus. It referred to the political field of action and intended to strengthen the Roman rule over the city. The Greek origin of Ephesian culture was later included in the message of the procession, reminding the Greeks not to rebel against Roman rule.
44
Kondek, Jędrzej Maksymilian. "What do We Owe to Romans? The Roman Shift of the Paradigm of Thinking About Law in the Context European Legal Culture." Journal of Security and Sustainability Issues 13, no. 1 (July 25, 2023): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47459/jssi.2023.13.30.
Full textAbstract:
This study shall present the consequences of the paradigm shift in thinking about law that took place in Ancient Rome (primarily, but not exclusively, in the early republic). It will present what distinguished the Roman concept of law from the concept of law present in other ancient laws, and what is still a living heritage of Roman thought, even if we do not realize it on a daily basis. Roman law will be compared with other laws of the European cultural circle, and therefore, apart from ancient Greece, the so-called Eastern despotias and the state (states) of the Jews. However, it is more about ideas than specific solutions. Therefore, in the comparative material will be also included the Muslim law, although it was created after the promulgation of the Justinian Code, considered the final stage in the formation of ancient Roman law. The Muslim law is however - in a sense - an heir of Middle Eastern legislation and expresses an alternative to Roman way of thinking about law. The aim is to show not only what distinguishes Roman law from the laws that precede it or its contemporaries, but what distinguishes Roman law from other possible ways of looking at laws in general. As a research hypothesis is presented the statement that the fundamental for the development of European legal culture were not so much specific Roman normative solutions, but a change in the paradigm of thinking about law: its secularization, understood as a break with divine origin or the sanctioning of law, and its professionalization, understood as the development of a specific category professional people dealing with the analysis and interpretation of law. At the end it is presented an open question why the secularization of the law happened only in Rome and why it ever happened there although in all other analyzed legal systems the connection between law and religion was never surpassed which this did not prevent the formation of a precise and sublime law, as was the case of the Islamic world.
45
Hussein, Ersin. "Roman Religion in the Classroom: Spotlight on the Mysteries of Mithras." Journal of Classics Teaching 19, no. 38 (2018): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631018000168.
Full textAbstract:
There appears to be no ‘tail end’ in sight for academic enquiry into the worship of Mithras in the Roman Empire. Interest in this ancient religion, and its popularity and longevity as a topic of study, has no doubt been secured by its status as an elective cult and by its rich, and at times controversial, surviving evidence, which is predominantly archaeological in nature and packed with astrological symbolism. No written documentation representing a theological canon, which might outline its origins, traditions and customs, has ever been discovered. Furthermore, the few surviving literary accounts present snapshots of the cult and are written by ‘outsiders’. Though strongly associated with Zoroastrianism, an ancient religion widely worshipped across Asia Minor and Persia, the exact origins of Mithras, his identity as a god, and the development of his worship remain unclear. With the reopening of the London Mithraeum last year the spotlight has once again been cast on the spread and impact of the cult in Roman Britain. This article accompanies pieces in this volume ofJCTand the next which focus on this sacred and once exclusive space. Organised in two sections, part one will begin with a brief introduction to the history of scholarship, focusing mostly on some methodological and theoretical developments in recent studies. Following this, attention will be paid to the nature of the evidence for the mysteries of Mithras and popular interpretations drawn from it. Part two will discuss methods for bringing this rich material to life in the classroom and reflect on pedagogical issues relating to teaching Mithraism as part of the Latin GCSE syllabus. The tried and tested exercises presented in this part of the article and are applicable to a variety of classroom settings, sizes and age groups.
46
Lieu, Samuel N. C. "Palmyra – Epigraphy and religion. A review article." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 16, no. 3 (November 2006): 299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186306006213.
Full textAbstract:
The Religious Life of Palmyra, By Ted Kaizer. (Oriens et Occidens 4), pp. 305, 7 pls. Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2002.Palmyra (ancient Tadmor) is undoubtedly one of the most glamorous of Graeco-Roman cities in the Near East and probably the most visited of all historical sites in the modern Republic of Syria. It has long been recognised as a major centre of Semitic religious cults which flourished particularly when the city was politically within the orbis Romanus. Its semi-independent political status and its retention of Aramaic as a major day-to-day language of commerce and administration certainly helped to guarantee the continuation of its Semitic cultural traditions and religious life.
47
Aldrete, Gregory S. "Hammers, Axes, Bulls, and Blood: Some Practical Aspects of Roman Animal Sacrifice." Journal of Roman Studies 104 (May 21, 2014): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435814000033.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAnimal sacrifice was a central component of ancient Roman religion, but scholars have tended to focus on the symbolic aspects of these rituals, while glossing over the practical challenges involved in killing large, potentially unruly creatures, such as bulls. The traditional explanation is that the animal was struck on the head with a hammer or an axe to stun it, then had its throat cut. Precisely how axes, hammers, and knives were employed remains unexplained. This article draws upon ancient sculpture, comparative historical sources, and animal physiology to argue that the standard interpretation is incomplete, and, in its place, offers a detailed analysis of exactly how the killing and bleeding of bovines was accomplished and the distinct purposes of hammers and axes within these rituals.
48
Bowden, Hugh. "When Things Don't Fit: Looking at the London Mithraeum." Journal of Classics Teaching 19, no. 38 (2018): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631018000156.
Full textAbstract:
The redisplayed London Mithraeum beneath the Bloomberg building in the City of London, and the material recovered from excavation of the site, now on display in the Museum of London, provide a valuable resource for exploring aspects of religion in Roman London. And they are well worth the visit, not least because they are free to the public. Inevitably the information provided with the artifacts and the site itself emphasise what we know about them. But there are puzzling features of this material, and there is a lot that we do not know. I want to discuss some of these puzzles, not with the aim of providing answers, but to remind us that there is still plenty to be discovered about ancient religion, and also that our perspective on the ancient world is always affected by accidents of survival.
49
Montero Herrero, Santiago. "La mujer romana y la expiación de los andróginos." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 8 (June 20, 2019): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2019.08.02.
Full textAbstract:
RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. (2003), “Les enfants malformés et considerés comme prodigia à Rome et en Italie sous la République”, REA, 105, 1, 127-156.Allély, A. (2004), “Les enfants malformés et handicapés à Rome sous le Principat”, REA, 106, 1, 73-101.Androutsos, G. (2006), “Hermaphroditism in Greek and Roman antiquity”, Hormones, 5, 214-217.Berthelet, Y. (2010), “Expiation, par les autorités romaines, de prodiges survenus en terre alliée: Quelques réflexions sur le statut juridique des territoires et des communautés alliés, et sur le processus de romanisation”, Hypothèses, 13, 1, 169-178.Berthelet, Y. (2013), “Expiation, par Rome, de prodiges survenus dans les cités alliées du nomen latinum ou des cités alliées italiennes non latines”, L´Antiquité Classique 82, 91-109.Breglia Pulci Doria, L. (1983), Oracoli Sibillini tra rituali e propaganda (Studi su Flegonte di Tralles), Napoli, Liguori Editori.Brisson, L. (1986), “Neutrum utrumque. La bisexualité dans l´antiquité gréco-romaine”, en L´Androgyne, Paris, Albin Michel, 31-61.Brisson, L. (1997), Le sex incertain. Androgynie et hermaphroditisme dans l´Antiquité gréco-romaine, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Caerols, J. J. (1991), Los Libros Sibilinos en la historiografía latina, Madrid, Editorial Complutense.Cantarella, E. (2002), Bisexuality in the Ancient World, New Haven CT, Yale University Press.Cantarella, E. (2005), “The Androgynous and Bisexuality in Ancient Legal Codes”, Diogenes, 52, 5, 5-14.Cid López, R. M. (2007), “Las matronas y los prodigios. Prácticas religiosas femeninas en los ‘márgenes’ de la religión romana”, Norba, 20, 11-29.Cousin, J. (1942-1943), “La crise religieuse de 207 av. J.-C.”, RHR, 126, 15-41.Crifò, G. (1999), Prodigium e diritto: il caso dell’ermafrodita, Index, 27, 113-120.Champeaux, J. (1996), “Pontifes, haruspices et décemvirs. L´expiation des prodiges de 207”, REL, 74, 67-91.Dasen, V. (2005), “Blessing or portents? Multiple births in ancient Rome”, en K. Mustakallio, J. Hanska, H.-L. Sainio, V. Vuolanto (éds.), Hoping for continuity.Childhood, education and death in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae XXXIII), Rome, 72-83.Delcourt, M. (1958), Hermaphrodite. Mythes et rites de la bisexualité dans l´antiquité classique, Paris, PUF.Delcourt, M. (1966), Hermaphroditea. Recherches sur l´être double promoteur de la fertilité dans le monde classique (Coll. Latomus 86), Bruxelles, Latomus.Doroszewska, J. (2013), “Between the monstrous and the Divine: Hermaphrodites in Phlegon of Tralles´Mirabilia”, Acta Ant. Hung, 53, 379–392.Freyburger, G. (1977), “La supplication d´actions de grâces dans la religion romaine archaïque”, Latomus, 36, 283-315.Freyburger, G. (1988), “Supplication grecque et supplication romaine”, Latomus, 47, 3, 501-525.Garland, R. (1995), The Eye of the Beholder. Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World, London, Duckworth.Graumann, L. A. (2013), “Monstrous Births and Retrospective diagnosis: the case of Hermafrodites in Antiquity”, en Chr. Laes, C.F. Goodey, M. Lynn Rose (eds.), Disabilities in Roman antiquity: disparate bodies, a capite ad calcem (Mnemosyne, supplements. History and archaeology of classical antiquity, 356), Leiden-Boston, Brill, 181-210.Guittard, Ch. (2004), “Les prodiges dans le livre XXVII de Tite-Live”, Vita Latina, 170, 56-81.Halkin, L. (1953), La supplication d´action de grâces chez les Romains, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Lake, A. K. M. (1937), “The Supplicatio and Graecus Ritus”, en R.P. Casey, S. Lake- A.K. Lake (eds.), Quantulacumque: Studies Presented to Kirsopp Lake, London, Christophers, 243-251.Louis, P. (1975), Monstres et monstruosites dans la biologie d’Aristote, en J. Bingen, G. Cambier, G. Nachtergael (éd.), Le monde grec: pensée, litterature, histoire, documents. Hommages à Claire Préaux, Bruxelles, Éditions de l´Université de Bruxelles, 277-284.Mac Bain, B. (1982), Prodigy and expiation: a study in Religion and Politics in Republican Rome (Coll. Latomus 117), Bruxelles, Latomus.Maiuri, A. (2012), “Deformità e difformità nel mondo greco-romano”, en M. Passalacqua, M. De Nonno, A. M. Morelli (a cura di), Venuste noster. Scritti offerti a Leopoldo Gamberale (Spudasmata 147), Zurich, Georg Olms Verlag, 526-547.Maiuri, A. (2013), “Il lessico latino del mostruoso”, en I. Baglioni (a cura di), Monstra. Costruzione e Percezione delle Entità Ibride e Mostruose nel Mediterraneo Antico (Religio Collana di Studi del Museo delle Religioni “Rafaele Pettazzoni”), Roma, Quasar, Vol.II, 167-177.Mazurek, T. (2004), “The decemviri sacris faciundis: supplication and prediction”, en C.F. Konrad (ed.), Augusto augurio. Rerum humanarum et divinarum commentationes in honorem Jerzy Linderski, Stuttgart, Steiner Verlag, 151-168.Mineo, B. (2000), “L´anneé 207 dans le récit livien”, Latomus, 52, 512-540.Monaca, M. (2005), La Sibilla a Roma. I libri sibillini fra religione e politica, Cosenza, Giordano.Montero, S. (1993), “Los harúspices y la moralidad de la mujer romana”, Athenaeum. 81, 647-658.Montero, S. (1994), Diosas y adivinas. Mujer y adivinación en la Roma antigua, Madrid, Trotta.Montero, S. (2008), “La supplicatio expiatoria como factor de cohesión social”, en N. Spineto (a cura di), La religione come fattore di integrazione: modelli di convivenza e di scambio religioso nel mondo antico. Atti del IV Convegno Internazionale del Gruppo di Ricerca Italo-Spagnolo di Storia delle Religioni Università degli Studi di Torino (29-30 sept. 2006), Alessandria, Edizioni dell´Orso.Moussy, C. (1977), “Esquisse de l’histoire de monstrum”, RÉL, 55, 345-369.Péter, O. M. (2001), “Olim in prodigiis nunc in deliciis. Lo status giuridico dei monstra nel diritto romano”, en G. Hamza, F. Benedek (hrsg.), Iura antiqua-Iura moderna. Festschrift für Ferenc Benedek zum 75. Geburtstag, Pecs, Dialóg Campus Kiadó, 207-216.Sandoz, L. Ch. (2008), “La survie des monstres: ethnographie fantastique et handicap à Rome, la force de l´imagination”, Latomus, 68, 21-36.Scheid, J. (1988), “Les livres Sibyllins et les archives des quindecémvirs”, en C. Moatti (ed.), La mémoire perdue. Recherches sur l´administration romaine, Paris, École Française de Rome, 11-26.Schulz, C. E. (2006), Women´s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press.Segarra, D. (2005), “La arboricultura y el orden del mundo: de Vertumnus al ‘Dios’ que planta e injerta”, en R. Olmos, P. Cabrera, S. Montero (eds.), Paraíso cerrado, jardín abierto: el reino vegetal en el imaginario del Mediterráneo, Madrid, Polifemo, 207-232.Segarra, D. (2006), “‘Arboricoltori sacri’. L’operato degli aruspici nella sfera vegetale”, en M. Rocchi, P. Xella, J. A. Zamora (a cura di), Gli operatori cultuali, Atti del II Incontro di studio organizzato dal “Gruppo di contatto per lo studio delle religioni mediterranee” (Roma, 10 - 11 maggio 2005), Verona, Essedue.Trentin, L. (2011), “Deformity in the Roman Imperial Court”, G&R, II S., 58, 195-208.Vallar, S. (2013), “Les hermaphrodites l’approche de la Rome antique”, RIDA, 60, 201-217.
50
Petkova, Gergana, and Vanya Ivanova. "LATIN PROPER NAMES IN THE LANGUAGE AND CULTURE OF THE ANCIENT ROME." Opera in onomastica, no. 25 (May 23, 2023): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2410-3373.2022.25.275378.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The fact that almost all contemporary European countries used to be part Roman Empire in the ancient past follows the question at what extend the culture and the way of living have affected the peoples in the different Provinces. Traces are observed in many layers – even in the field of onomastics and the patterns of naming.
The purpose of the present paper is to establish the main principles of formation of Roman personal name system, its structure and development.
Background and motivations. Most of the Latin names became extremely popular throughout the centuries due to the fact that they became canonized by the Church. As names of saints and martyrs and because of Christianity gaining popularity as a religion a lot of onyms, part of the Roman personal name system, enter other anthroponymicons. But being foreign their meaning in most of the cases remains unclear to the common people even today.
Methodology. The main methods used are onomastic data excerption and comparative analysis.
The expected results are related to describing the appearance and etymology of anthroponyms, Latin by origin, widely spread even today in contemporary European onomastycons.