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Journal articles on the topic 'Ancient rome'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Frischer, Bernard. "Ancient Rome mapped." Antiquity 91, no. 360 (December 2017): 1659–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2017.192.

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When I first began my teaching career in 1976 at the University of California, Los Angeles, the subject of Roman topography was difficult to teach to English-speaking students. Most of the scholarship was written in Italian, and much of the rest was in French and German. Over the past 40 years the situation has changed significantly. We now have two useful introductory surveys in English: Coarelli'sRome and environs(2014) and Claridge'sRome: an Oxford archaeological guide(2010). We also have a host of monographic studies and, since 1988, innumerable articles and book reviews in theJournal of Roman Archaeology. Richardson's (1992)A new topographical dictionary of ancient Romeupdated the one venerable but antiquated English reference work that we had long had: Platner and Ashby's (1926)A topographical dictionary of ancient Rome. Meanwhile, at least for polyglot scholars, the situation became even more favourable with the appearance of Steinby's (1992–2001)Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae(LTUR), a collaborative work by a distinguished international team writing in Italian, French, German and English, with around 2300 individual entries on specific sites and monuments of the ancient city.

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2

Holleran, Claire. "Rome Awards: Shopping in ancient Rome." Papers of the British School at Rome 78 (November 2010): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824620000101x.

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3

Cavanna, Andrea E. "Psychotherapy in ancient Rome." Cognitive Neuropsychiatry 25, no. 4 (June 22, 2020): 328–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13546805.2020.1784124.

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4

Corbeill, Anthony. ":Death in Ancient Rome." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1590–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1590.

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5

Kravchuk, Oleksiy, and Ivan Ostashchuk. "OATHS OF ANCIENT ROME." Visnyk of the Lviv University, no. 52 (2024): 138–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/pps.2024.52.16.

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6

Newby, Zahra. "Rome Awards: Visualizing Greek athletics in ancient Rome." Papers of the British School at Rome 69 (November 2001): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200001999.

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7

Tsapusova, Marina, and Anna Shmatova. "AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN ANCIENT ROME." Agrarian History, no. 4 (2020): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52270/27132447_2020_4_10.

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8

Robinson, O. F., and Wilfred Nippel. "Public Order in Ancient Rome." American Journal of Legal History 41, no. 1 (January 1997): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845495.

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9

Tara Mulder. "Adult Breastfeeding in Ancient Rome." Illinois Classical Studies 42, no. 1 (2017): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illiclasstud.42.1.0227.

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10

Sprochi, Amanda K. "Sources: Artifacts from Ancient Rome." Reference & User Services Quarterly 54, no. 3 (2015): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.54n3.58b.

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11

Hammond, Mason, Emiel Eyben, and P. Daly. "Restless Youth in Ancient Rome." Classical World 88, no. 3 (1995): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351711.

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12

Gilmore, Sue Chaney, and Ilaria Gozzini Giacosa. "A Taste of Ancient Rome." Classical World 89, no. 3 (1996): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351798.

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13

Porshnev, V. P. "Imperial gardens of Ancient Rome." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture 1 (42) (2020): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2020-1-69-75.

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14

Madden, John, Florence Dupont, and Christopher Woodall. "Daily Life in Ancient Rome." Classics Ireland 2 (1995): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25528280.

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15

George, Michele. "Slave Disguise in Ancient Rome." Slavery & Abolition 23, no. 2 (August 2002): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005236.

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16

Sharov, Konstantin. "Ancient Rome and female administrators." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 1 (2019): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-1-106-114.

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The titles “mothers of cities” and “patronesses (protectresses) of cities” were awarded in the Roman Empire by the city council or local Senate of the city in question. The paper is an attempt to understand what was the relationship between the women who wore these titles and the citizens who awarded them. It is concluded that the agreement to accept the titles of “mothers” and “patronesses” of cities and the implementation of corresponding activities within the relevant offices, allowed Roman women to enter the system of social power in the Empire, thus bypassing the legislative prohibition for women to occupy a political office and participate in elections.

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17

Laurence, Ray. "Reading death in ancient Rome." Mortality 14, no. 3 (July 22, 2009): 307–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576270902986062.

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18

박영희. "The Teacher in Ancient Rome." Korean Journal of Philosophy of Education 36, no. 3 (September 2014): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15754/jkpe.2014.36.3.002.

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19

Purcell, Nicholas. "A panorama of ancient Rome." Nature 392, no. 6676 (April 1998): 545–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/33273.

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20

Harrington, J. Drew. "Daily Life in Ancient Rome." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 4 (June 1994): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9949115.

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21

Storey, Glenn R. "The population of ancient Rome." Antiquity 71, no. 274 (December 1997): 966–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00085859.

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What was the population of imperial Rome? City blocks in Pompeii and Ostia are sufficiently well explored that a fair estimate of population density can now be arrived at. That peoples the city of ancient Rome with roughly 450,000 inhabitants, within the known population and density range of pre-industrial and modern urban centres.

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22

FAVRO, DIANE. "The iconiCITY of ancient Rome." Urban History 33, no. 1 (May 2006): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926806003506.

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Urban icons were common in the Roman world, with monuments, cityscapes and personifications all used as metonyms. Yet an icon for the most important city of all is not easily identified. Rome was always sui generis, too large to be easily captured visually. Filled with innumerable wonders, no single structure or artwork stood for the whole. Representing the collective, as well as the great extent of the empire, the city could not be encapsulated in a single image.

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23

Giorgio, Jean-Pierre De. "Defining dialogue in ancient Rome." Dialogue and Representation 2, no. 1 (May 12, 2012): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.2.1.06gio.

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This article investigates the process whereby Greek dialogue was reinvested in the Roman world, based on a study of Cicero’s De oratore. This work is considered in the light of classical theories of the literary genre developed in the 1st century BCE, under the influence of Hellinistic research, and in the light of the modern notion of interaction. Situated on the frontier between drama and the social practice of conversation, philosophical dialogue established itself as a legitimate constitutive discourse in the field of Roman literature.

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24

Vout, Caroline. "Popular Culture in Ancient Rome." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 18, no. 4 (August 2011): 565–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2011.591050.

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25

Edwards, Catharine. "Imagining ruins in Ancient Rome." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 18, no. 5-6 (October 2011): 645–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2011.618316.

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26

Karamanou, Marianna, and Stephanie Christen-Zäch. "Chemical Depilatories in Ancient Rome." JAMA Dermatology 150, no. 11 (November 1, 2014): 1196. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamadermatol.2014.2122.

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27

Strechie, Mădălina. "Forms of Terrorism in Ancient Rome." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0027.

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Abstract Terrorism is an old phenomenon in human civilization. Terminologically, it comes from Latin, but this scourge also fully manifested itself in Roman civilization, throughout its history. This study seeks to fill a bibliographic gap on this criminal phenomenon, most studies of it starting with the Middle Ages, without any reference to Ancient Rome, which is unfair, especially since Rome was confronted with this phenomenon, which it defined terminologically and to which it responded with the necessary force, thus transforming its defence policy. The first forms of terrorism emerged in Rome during the Kingdom, when, at the beginning of its political organization, Rome faced numerous terrorist manifestations, especially from outside the Roman state. The Gauls were, at the beginning of the Republic, genuine agents of terrorism in Rome through their plundering expeditions that caused real terror. Etruscan pirates were terrorists, too, for the Roman trade, the struggle of the plebeians and their withdrawal with barricades in order to obtain political rights meant real political terror at that time, then Spartacus’ revolt and his march which spread terror throughout Rome, the civil wars which bled Rome became genuine forms of internal terrorism, especially because of the assassination of Roman state leaders, as well as the corruption masterly unmasked by Cicero. The forms of external terrorism were also present, the most notorious episode being the Punic wars, in particular the war of Hannibal, the most effective terrorist for Rome, the Dacians’ plundering expeditions in the Roman garrisons in Moesia, the battles with the Parthians and the Britons are as many forms of the terrorism that Rome faced during its history, which compelled it into creating new forces capable of responding to this new way of fighting. We believe that the Praetorian Guard, with all its units, was the most effective counter-terrorist force in combating the terrorist phenomenon strongly manifested in Rome. Therefore Rome, knowing the phenomenon, defined it most precisely, a definition that still applies today.

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28

Bandžović, Sead. "Ropstvo u Antičkom Rimu." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 9 (June 20, 2023): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.391.

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The institution of slavery was characteristic of all the civilizations from Mediterranean basin in ancient times. However, slavery had its widest application in the Roman state, for which it was of immense importance, since slaves were seen as the driving force of Roman social and economic system. Slaves (servus, puer) were treated as “speaking tools” (instrumentum vocale). The position of the individual in the Roman state was regulated in detail, and there were three special positions: status civitatis (Roman citizen or foreigner), status familiae (elder of the family or its member under the rule of pater familias) and status libertatis (slave or free man). Slaves had a special legal status in Roman law at the time. Unlike animals and things over which power was referred to as domicium, this was about power over man, so the term domicia potestas was used. In the initial stages of the development of state and the law, they were viewed exclusively as property, without any personal, property or other rights. Thus the puer could not be a party to the proceedings, and his union with the slave girl was treated as a de facto union (contubernium), not as a valid marriage. He could only improve the position of his master, and if the servus would cause some damage to a third party, the master was not obliged to eliminate it, but according to Aquilius law of damage from 287 AD there was a possibility of handing over the slave to the injured party according to the principles of noxal liability. An individual could find himself in the status of a slave in three ways: by falling into captivity in war, by being born to a slave mother (vernae) or by losing his freedom as a form of sanction. In addition to private and royal, there were also so-called public slaves (servi publici). Their owner was not a private person, but a wider social community, and power over them was officially exercised by the Roman people (populus Romanus), civilian authorities in municipalities or colonies in Italy and its provinces. Servi publici were most often employed by magistrates or priests, and they also worked as guardians of various Roman buildings: basilicas, temples, archives and libraries. Roman law also knew of other forms of subordination that were not a form of slavery but states similar to it. The first aspect referred to persons in mancipio who were handed over by the pater famillias through mancipation to another elder as labor or to avoid tortious liability. The second case concerned addictus. Under the old civil law (ius civile) the addictus was a debtor in a certain obligatory relationship where, in case of non-payment of his obligation, he would be assigned to the creditor. The creditor had to keep him in the so-called creditor’s imprisonment for 60 days, until a guarantor appeared or the debt was repaid. If this did not happen, the debtor could be killed or sold as a slave. Persons redeemed from captivity (redempti ab hostibus) could be held captive by the redeemer until the ransom is paid either in money or by the work of the redeemed person. During the period of the empire, the duration of captivity of this kind could last for a maximum of 5 years. Gai Institutiones also classified auctoratus in these states. These included men, women and minor children who undertook to work for a person for a certain period of time (iudicati). Liberation from slavery was done through a special legal procedure (manumissio). In the early epochs of the ius civile, it was of an extremely formal nature, and with later praetorian activity this formalism was abandoned and replaced by new, more efficient legal means.

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29

Trout, Dennis E. "Gregory S. Aldrete.Floods of the Tiber in Ancient Rome.:Floods of the Tiber in Ancient Rome.(Ancient Society and History.)." American Historical Review 112, no. 5 (December 2007): 1588–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.5.1588a.

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30

Mittag, Achim, and Fritz-Heiner Mutschler. "Universalism in Ancient China and Rome." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 37, no. 4 (March 1, 2010): 522–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-03704002.

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31

Edmondson, Jonathan, and Donald G. Kyle. "Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome." American Historical Review 106, no. 5 (December 2001): 1847. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692857.

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32

Novkirishka-Stoyanova, Malina. "Marriage and Procreatio in Ancient Rome." Yearbook of the Law Department 9, no. 10 (February 12, 2022): 74–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/yldnbu.20.9.2.

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The study presents the Roman concept of marriage as a union of spouses with the purpose of giving birth, raising and educating the children. In parallel are presented the social roles of mother and father in the Roman family and the legal framework of their status. The article shows some of the main points of promoting the birth rate increase and stabilizing the procreative function of marriage for demographic and political purposes. Some of them – and especially the protection of the interests of children, which can be a starting point for the modern development of the system for stabilizing the marriage and the family to face the social challenges of the XXI century.

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33

McClanan, Anne L., Diana E. E. Kleiner, and Susan B. Matheson. "I, Claudia: Women in Ancient Rome." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 3 (July 1999): 574. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507007.

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34

Wiedemann, Thomas, and Donald G. Kyle. "Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome." Phoenix 53, no. 3/4 (1999): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088994.

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35

Moore, Timothy, and John G. Landels. "Music in Ancient Greece and Rome." Phoenix 55, no. 3/4 (2001): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089135.

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36

Clarke, John. "Looking and laughing in ancient Rome." Lampas 52, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 195–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2019.2.007.clar.

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Summary Humor, both verbal and visual, is culture-specific. This essay examines humorous visual representations in their original archaeological and social contexts to understand Roman attitude-formation, or acculturation. Social theories of humor that distinguish between humor meant for individuals within a group (intragroup humor) and humor targeting individuals outside one’s group (intergroup humor) help explain the dynamics of the humor in Roman visual culture. Pompeii offers two examples of intragroup humor: representations in the Tavern of Salvius make fun of the non-elite people who frequented the tavern; the parodies of Aeneas and Romulus from an elite house make fun of the cultural pretensions of other elites with regard to Augustus’ propaganda. The Tavern of the Seven Sages at Ostia uses intergroup humor, with non-elite men mocking the Seven Sages. In this case Mikhail Bakhtin’s hermeneutic of the carnivalesque enriches the analysis by revealing multiple strategies employed to elicit laughter, including the world-turned upside down, analogies between bodily and spatial representation, and oppositions between philosophical and colloquial speech. In both the Tavern of Salvius and that of the Seven Sages written texts, ranging from crude Latin speech-bubbles to elegant iambic senarii, indicate the levels of literacy of the audiences.

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37

Mench, Fred, and Michael Massey. "Women in Ancient Greece and Rome." Classical World 83, no. 3 (1990): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350628.

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38

Linderski, J., and Zvi Yavetz. "Slaves and Slavery in Ancient Rome." Classical World 84, no. 1 (1990): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350725.

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39

Wencis, Leonard P., and Susan H. Braund. "Satire and Society in Ancient Rome." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350893.

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40

Ginge, Birgitte, and O. F. Robinson. "Ancient Rome: City Planning and Administration." Classical World 87, no. 3 (1994): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351478.

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41

Lateiner, Donald, and Gregory S. Aldrete. "Gestures and Acclamations in Ancient Rome." Classical World 94, no. 2 (2001): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352541.

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42

Stivala, Joan. "Malaria and Miscarriage in Ancient Rome." Canadian Bulletin of Medical History 32, no. 1 (April 2015): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cbmh.32.1.143.

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43

Urbainczyk, Tony, and John G. Landels. "Music in Ancient Greece and Rome." Classics Ireland 8 (2001): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25528396.

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44

Blackman, David, and Boris Rankov. "The Maritime World of Ancient Rome." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 33, no. 1 (April 2004): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2004.0017a.x.

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45

Hood, David, and Richard A. Bauman. "Women and Politics in Ancient Rome." History Teacher 27, no. 1 (November 1993): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494334.

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46

Sáry, Pál. "Water law rules in Ancient Rome." Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Law = Agrár- és Környezetjog, no. 26 (2019): 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21029/jael.2019.26.219.

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47

Abatino, B., G. Dari-Mattiacci, and E. C. Perotti. "Depersonalization of Business in Ancient Rome." Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 31, no. 2 (February 16, 2011): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/gqr001.

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48

Lytton, Randolph H. "Gestures and Acclamations in Ancient Rome." History: Reviews of New Books 28, no. 2 (January 2000): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2000.10525433.

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49

Erasmo, Mario. "Among the dead in ancient Rome." Mortality 6, no. 1 (March 2001): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576270020028629.

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50

Joseph, Brian D., and Rex E. Wallace. "Socially determined variation in ancient Rome." Language Variation and Change 4, no. 1 (March 1992): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500000673.

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ABSTRACTPhonological and morphological variation in Classical Latin (e.g., diphthongs ae/au vs. monophthongs e/o, retention vs. loss of final consonants and initial h-, GEN SG -is vs. -us/-os, DAT SG in -ae vs. -a, etc.) has typically been treated as regional in nature. However, these seemingly “rural” features cannot be considered instances of purely geographically based variation, for they also occur both on inscriptions from within Rome and in Roman literary usage. Coleman (1990:14) hinted at “a social dimension” to this variation, but only for au versus o variation. We argue, however, that a distinctly social dimension must be recognized for much of this variation, based on: (a) instances of hypercorrection; (b) the observation that datives in -a occur only in private, primarily domestic, inscriptions and never in public or official inscriptions; (c) Augustus's use of “rural” domos for domus, in keeping with the populist image he cultivated upon his return to Rome. This dialectal/sociolectal situation can be best understood, we argue, in terms of the model of urbanization of Milroy (1980) and Bortoni-Ricardo (1985). The transformation of originally geographic variation into socially determined variation in an urban setting resulted from migrations into Rome and the expansion of Rome after the 4th century b.c.

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