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1
Tixier, du Mesnil Emmanuelle. "Géographie et géographes d'al-Andalus." Rouen, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003ROUEL444.
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A partir du XIXe siècle, les grandes oeuvres de la géographie de langue arabe sont écrites depuis l'Occident du monde musulman, principalement depuis al-andalus. Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre des géographies universelles, les œuvres de Râzî, ʿUdhrî, Bakrî, Idrîsî et Himyarî réservent une place importante à l'Espagne musulmane qu'elles contribuent à faire sortir de l'ombre. Ces portraits, répétés au fil des siècles par le biais de la compilation constituent le socle du discours géographique, donnent l'illusion d'une permanence alors que l'histoire immédiate ne joue pas en faveur de l'Islam dans la péninsule ibérique. Mais ce n'est q'une illusion, car le discours géographique évolue au gré des contextes et rend compte des évolutions de la conception du territoire andalou, depuis le tranquille inventaire du temps du califat(Xe siècle), jusqu'à la géographie nostalgique et utopique du XIVe alors qu'al-andalus n'existe plus que dans le souvenir et le petit royaume de Grenade.
2
Mashannī, Muṣṭafá Ibrāhīm. "Madrasat al-tafsīr fī al-Andalus." Bayrūt : Muʼassasat al-Risālah, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22315039.html.
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Christys, Ann. "Christians in Al-Andalus (8th-10th centuries)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/509/.
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The historiography of early Islamic Spain has become polarised between the Arabic narrative histories and the Latin sources. Although the Arabic sources have little directly to say about the situation of the conquered Christians, a willingness to engage with both Latin and Arabic texts opens up a wide range of material on such controversial topics as acculturation and conversion to Islam. This thesis examines a number of texts written by or attributed to Christians living in Al-Andalus before the fall of the caliphate, early in the eleventh century. It begins with two eighth-century Latin chronicles and their wholly Christian response to the conquest and the period of civil wars which followed it. The reliability of Eulogius' testimony to the Cordoban martyr movement of the 850s is considered in the light of Alvarus' Vita Eulogii and other evidence. Tenth-century Cordoba is briefly described as a backdrop to the later sources. The passions of two Cordoban martyrs of this period show that hagiography allowed for different accounts of dissident Christians. The status of bishop Recemund as the author of the Calendar of Cordoba and the epitome of 'convivencia' is re-evaluated. The translation into Arabic of Orosius' Seven Books of History Against the Pagans is set in the context of other Christian texts in Arabic. The final chapter considers the episodes in Ibn al-QuTiya's History of the Conquest of Al-Andalus dealing with the Christian population, and especially with the Visigothic family from whom he may have been descended. Whilst an attempt is made to draw this material together, the result is a series of Christian perspectives on the Islamic conquest, rather than a new narrative of cultural survival or assimilation.
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Bill-Vincendon, Alexandra. "La construction d'un objet historique : définition, conceptions et pratiques des instruments de musique en al-Andalus (IIIe/IXe - VIe/XIIe siècle)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H051.
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La musique d’al-Andalus a fait couler beaucoup d’encre. Différents mythes et constructions historiographiques circulent à son sujet. Pourtant, elle n’a jamais réellement été étudiée dans une perspective historique, alors même qu’elle se situe à la croisée d’enjeux cruciaux pour la société andalousienne. Traces matérielles d’une pratique musicale profane se déroulant dans des contextes festifs et de loisirs, les instruments se trouvent au cœur de nombreuses problématiques comme le contrôle des mœurs par les juristes, la mise en scène du pouvoir politique, les échanges culturels avec l’Orient et leur rôle dans la construction d’une identité andalousienne. Ils ne peuvent être appréhendés qu’en mobilisant des sources variées, aussi bien textuelles qu’iconographiques ou archéologiques. Une analyse de la façon dont ils étaient définis et envisagés dans la société andalousienne a ainsi été menée grâce au croisement de ces sources. Cette approche a également permis de dresser un panorama des instruments effectivement en usage en al-Andalus entre le IIIᵉ/IXᵉ siècle, période d’apparition des premières sources, et le tournant des VIᵉ/XIIᵉ-VIIᵉ/XIIIᵉ siècles, quand la réduction territoriale d’al-Andalus et l’intensité des échanges culturels avec le reste de la péninsule et le Maghreb limitent la pertinence d’une étude de la musique dans le stricte cadre andalousien. Enfin, la mise en parallèle des différents types de sources a aussi éclairé les pratiques sociales et les discours politiques convoquant les instrumentsA lot has been written about al-Andalus’ music. Various myths and misconceptions pervade its historiography. Furthermore, it has never really been studied from an historical point of view, even though it stands at the crossroads of several issues central to al-Andalus’s society. Musical instruments can be studied as material traces of a profane musical practice taking place in celebrative and leisure contexts. They raise numerous questions, such as the setting of moral regulations by religious authorities, the representation of political power, the staging of cultural exchanges between East and West Islamic worlds and the development of an Andalusian identity. A comprehensive study of Andalusian musical instruments requires an analysis of iconographical evidence and archaeological material as well as written sources. It is indeed impossible to grasp the definition and the conception of lusical instruments in Andalusian society without comparing different types of sources. This multidisciplinary perspective also helped in understanding the panorama of the instruments in use in al-Andalus between the 3rd/9th Century – when the first sources can be dated – and the end of the 6th/12th Century – when a study of Andalusian music has to leave al-Andalus’ shrinking borders to focus as well on the cultural exchanges with the rest of the Peninsula and the Maghreb. Finally, a detailed investigation of social practices and political discourses using musical instruments can only be conducted through the study of various sources
5
Guichard, Pierre. "Al-Andalus : antropológica de una sociedad islámica en Occidente /." Granada : Universidad de Granada, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39102991w.
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Bin-Malīḥ, ʻAbd al-Ilah. "Al-riqq fi bi-al-Maġrib wa-al-Andalus /." Bayrūt : Muʼassasaẗ al-Intišār al-ʻarabī, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409336946.
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Wilk, Mateusz. "Le discours historique d'al-Andalus depuis la conquête arabe jusqu'à l'époque des taifas." Paris, EHESS, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EHES0163.
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La thèse contient une analyse des chroniques arabes d'al-Andalus depuis le Kitab al-ta 'rih de 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, jusqu'aux anonymes intitulés Ahbar magmu 'a et Fath al-Andalus, ce qui correspond à la période depuis le IX siècle jusqu'au début du Xlle siècle. L'objet principal d'étude sont les mutations de la perception de l'histoire d'al-Andalus par ses propres habitants. Les sources les plus anciennes présentent ce pays comme une véritable « terre de la fin du monde, tandis que les sources plus tardives rompent avec cette tradition - les chroniqueurs omeyyades tentent de lier ce al-Andalus avec la Syrie, en incorporant ainsi ce pays au sein du monde et histoire islamique connus et apprivoisés. Finalement, les sources de l'époque post-califale rompent, à leur tour, avec l'idéologie omeyyade, sans pour autant pouvoir se défaire entièrement des modèles établis par l'historiographie califaleThe thesis contains an analysis of Arabie chronicles of al-Andalus from the Kitab al-ta 'rih of 'Abd al-Malik b. Habib, until two anonymous chronicles entitled Ahbar magmu 'a and Fath al-Andalus, which entails the period from the IXth until the beginning of the Xllth century. The main object of the study are the mutations of how the Andalusi history was perceived by the inhabitants of al-Andalus. The most ancient sources présent this country as a real « land of the end of the world », while later ones break with this tradition - Umayyad chroniclers endeavour to link al-Andalus with Syria - thus incorporating the former country into the known and « tamed » Islamic world and history. Finally, postcaliphal sources break with the Umayyad ideology, but they cannot abandon entirely the models established by the califal historiography
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Manzano, Rodríguez Miguel Ángel. "La intervención de los Benimerines en la península ibérica /." Madrid : Consejo superior de investigaciones científicas, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35568624r.
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Hamitri, Ouidad. "L'individualisation de la chirurgie en al-Andalus (Xe-XIVe siècles)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Lyon 2, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023LYO20099.
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L'objectif de cette étude résidait dans l'exploration de la manière dont al-Zahrāwī et al-Šafra distinguèrent la chirurgie de la médecine entre les Xe et XIVe s. Al-Zahrāwī, auteur d'une somme médicale, le Kitāb al-Tasrīf, consacra le trentième livre à la chirurgie. Ce livre, appelé ‘amal al-yad par son auteur, fut transmis, traduit et enseigné en Occident chrétien indépendamment du reste de son œuvre. Al-Šafra, chirurgien, se distingua en tant qu’auteur d'une œuvre entièrement consacrée à cette discipline, le Kitāb al-Istiqṣā', rédigée en al-Andalus.Les deux auteurs accordèrent à la chirurgie une attention particulière, l'érigeant en domaine d'étude autonome, distinct de la médecine. Ils étaient pleinement conscients des défis inhérents à la pratique chirurgicale et des risques associés à des procédures mal maîtrisées. Leur dessein consistait ainsi à former les praticiens à l'art de la chirurgie, dotant ces derniers d'une connaissance exhaustive afin de les préparer à toutes éventualités opératoires.Par ailleurs, aussi bien les techniques que les instruments employés se démarquaient de ceux requis par les médecins non-chirurgiens, selon les perspectives d'al-Zahrāwī et d'al-Šafra. Les responsabilités afférentes, les périls encourus, ainsi que les aspects techniques et matériels créaient une distinction nette entre la médecine et la chirurgie. Malgré cela, les connaissances théoriques en chirurgie se trouvaient imbriquées dans le corpus des connaissances médicales, et la pratique pouvait concerner tant les chirurgiens que les médecinsThe aim of this study was to explore how al-Zahrāwī and al-Šafra distinguished surgery from medicine between the 10th and 14th centuries. Al-Zahrāwī, the author of a medical volume, the Kitāb al-Tasrīf, devoted the thirtieth book to surgery. This book, referred to as 'amal al-yad by its author, was transmitted, translated, and taught in the Christian West independently of the rest of his work. Al-Šafra, a surgeon, distinguished himself as the author of a work entirely devoted to this discipline, written in al-Andalus.Both authors paid particular attention to surgery, establishing it as an autonomous field of study distinct from medicine. They were fully aware of the challenges inherent in surgical practice and the risks associated with poorly controlled procedures. Their aim was to train practitioners in the art of surgery, equipping them with exhaustive knowledge to prepare for all surgical eventualities.Moreover, both the techniques and instruments employed were differed from those required by non-surgical physicians, according to the perspectives of al-Zahrāwī and al-Šafra. The responsibilities involved the risks incurred, as well as technical and material aspects, created a clear distinction between medicine and surgery. Despite this, theoretical knowledge of surgery was intrisically interwoven with the body of medical knowledge, and the practice could concern surgeons as well as physicians
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Aboueleze, Balkis. "La question du savoir en Al-Andalus au XIe siècle : une expression identitaire à l'épreuve de l'histoire." Paris 10, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA100093.
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Cette étude cherche à mettre en évidence les enjeux du discours sur le savoir, la science (‘ilm) en al-Andalus au XIe siècle, à une période historique décisive qui voit s’effondrer le califat omeyyade de Cordoue pour laisser place aux royaumes de taifas. Pour ce faire, les textes de trois auteurs du XIe siècle ont été étudiés. Il s’agit du Kitâb tabaqât al-umam de Sâ‘id al-Andalusî, de la Risâla fî fadl ahl al-Andalus, du Marâtib al-‘ulûm et de la Risâla at-tawqîf ‘alâ shâri‘ an-najâ bi-ikhtisâr at-tarîq d’Ibn Hazm, ainsi que du Kitâb jâmi‘ bayân al-‘ilm wa-fadlihi wa-mâ yanbaghî fî riwâyati-hi wa-hamlihi d’Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr. Par ailleurs, afin de mettre ces ouvrages en perspective, l’étude a été complétée par un travail sur le Kitâb tabaqât al-atibbâ’ wa-l-hukamâ’ d’Ibn Juljul (Xe), considéré comme le prédécesseur le plus manifeste de Sâ‘id. Ces textes, choisis parce qu’ils parlent de science, rendent compte de l’évolution d’une expression identitaire andalusî. Alors qu’à la fin du Xe siècle le discours scientifique semblait vouloir affirmer la grandeur du califat de Cordoue, notamment vis-à-vis de Bagdad, au XIe siècle, les textes sur la science expriment une identité hors d’un contexte historique peu propice, en tentant de retrouver une forme de permanence essentiellement dans des fondements civilisationnels islamiquesThe aim of this research is to underline the issues of the speech on the body of knowledge and science (‘ilm) in al-Andalus, during a historic and conclusive period in the 11th century, in which the umayyad caliphate of Cordoba collapses to be replaced by the taifas’ kingdoms. To that end, we have analysed the texts of three different authors of this century. It consists of Kitâb tabaqât al-umam by Sâ‘id al-Andalusî, Risâla fî fadl ahl al-Andalus, from Marâtib al-‘ulûm and Risâla at-tawqîf ‘alâ shâri‘ an-najâ bi-ikhtisâr at-tarîq by Ibn Hazm and Kitâb jâmi‘ bayân al-‘ilm wa-fadlihi wa-mâ yanbaghî fî riwâyati-hi wa-hamlihi by Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr. In addition, in order to put these books into perspective, this study has been completed with a work on Kitâb tabaqât al-atibbâ’ wa-l-hukamâ’ by Ibn Juljul (10th century), considered Sâ‘id’s most obvious predecessor. These texts, chosen because they all talk about science, show the evolution of an andalusî identity expression. While at the end of the 10th century, the scientific speech seemed to claim the texts express an identity that is out of a disadvantageous historical context, trying to find simultaneously a way of constancy within islamic civilisation basis
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Henriques, João Manuel Nunes. "O radicalisno islamista na Península Ibérica. A reconquista do Al Andalus." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/7039.
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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e RelaçõesInternacionais.Em plena Alta Idade Média, os territórios da Hispânia (Península Ibérica) foram alvo da cobiça árabe‐muçulmana, aos quais dariam o nome de Al Andalus. Após décadas de profundas transformações, a vida das populações peninsulares sofreu enormes mudanças, vindo a beneficiar de um assinalável progresso em diferentes domínios. No entanto, a luta pela reconquista dos territórios ocupados manter‐se‐ia acesa até finais do século XV, altura em que, definitivamente, estes territórios regressam às mãos dos cristãos. Volvidos cinco séculos, eis que surge uma nova ameaça islamista. Desta vez com o firme propósito de reconquistar o Al Andalus e devolver‐lhe os gloriosos tempos vividos sob a bandeira do Islão. Todavia, os mentores radicais que apontam para tal objectivo vão mais longe nos seus desígnios: para eles, a reconquista dos territórios outrora islamizados é tão‐somente o caminho para a reimplantação do Califado. Para o efeito, recorrem ao que reclamam como legítimo: a Jihad Universal, através da qual todos os infiéis serão submetidos.
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El, Ghazi Mohammed. "Les rapports intellectuels entre Al-Andalus et Ceuta au XIIIe siècle." Paris 4, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA040030.
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Les rapports intellectuels entre Ceuta et Al-Andalus devaient entrer dès le début du Siècle, dans une phase décisive. C'est le siècle où plusieurs mutations d'ordre politique et social allaient permettre au mouvement de Reconquista de réaliser certains progrès et ce sur tous les plans. Ce qui condamnait la culture andalouse de chercher son refuge en dehors d'Al-Andalus. Cette nouvelle situation permettait à Ceuta, alors favorisée par des conditions culturelles, sociales et politiques favorables, de développer davantage sa vie intellectuelle.
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Bazzana, André. "Archéologie de l'habitat médiéval dans l'ancien shark Al-Andalus, Espagne orientale." Lyon 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990LYO20059.
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Le peuplement,principalement rural, a-t-il subi, dans la peninsule iberique, au moyen age, une evolution sensible et celle-ci reflete-t-elle une "orientalisation" des populations et de leurs modes de vie? l'examen archeologique d'une region comme le shark al-andalus permet de mobiliser les informations que procurent les sources arabes, et chretiennes, et les renseigenemnts que fournissent plus de 300 sites d'habitat et ou de defense; l'abondance de cette documentation a conduit a privilegier, pour son etude, les methodes de l'archeologie extensive. Dans la situation de depression demographique autant qu'economique qui marque les siecles de la transition de l'antiquite tardive au moyen age, l'apport de la conquete islamique est double : il s'agit a la fois de populations, venues pour l'essentiel de l'afrique du nord berbere et dont l'arrivee semble se poursuivre bien apres 711-713-, et de caracteres culturels meditarraneens que vehicule ou qu'accentue un islam conquerant. Aussi, prenant appui sur la realite archeologique encore peu connue des terres islamiques du levante (castellon, valence et alicante), cet ouvrage propose-t-il de decrire les habitats (la maison, le village) et plus globalement l'organisation du peuplement (les terroirs, les territoires) du shark al-andalus, en incluant a l'etude un examen rapide, d'une part des mutations qu'entraine, au xiiie siecle la conquete chretienne, d'autre part des permanences jusqu'en 1609, date de l'expulsion des populations morisques des formes anterieures d'habitatThe settlement of the populations of the iberian peninsula may have known, in the middle ages, a noticeable evolution, likely to have been influenced by "orientalism", especially in the way of life of these mostly rural populations. The archeological study of such an area as shark al andalus - allows to gather information from arabic and christian sources or provided by more than 300 dwelling or defense sites. The methods of extensive archeology have been privileged on account of the amopunt of documentation. The islamic conquest has doubly marked the transition centuries from late antiquity to the middle ages, characterized by a situation of demographic decrease, as well as economic depression : firstly, the arrival of populations, most of them coming from berber north africa -this arrival seemingly going on after 711-713- secondly, mediterranean features brought in or emphasized by the islamic conquerors. Therefore, considering the still imperfectly known archeological reality of the islamic area of levante, this work intends to describe the settlement (houses and villages) of shark al andalous and more generally its organization (soils and territories). This study also includes on one hand a brief survey of the changes caused by the christian conquest in the xiiith century and on the other hand the permanence of the previous forms of dwelling, up to 1609, when the "morisco" populations were expelled
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Fournier, Caroline. "Les bains d'Al-Andalus : espaces, formes et fonctions (VIIIe-XVe siècles)." Nantes, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010NANT3011.
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Le bain dans le monde musulman est régulièrement présenté comme l'un des établissements nécessaires à la umma comme l'écrit Janine Sourdel en 1977 : « l'utilisation rituelle du hammam en vue de l'ablution majeure explique qu'il ait toujours été compté parmi les organes essentiels de al cité musulmane ». A l'époque médiévale, villes et campagnes d'Al-Andalus sont progressivement pourvues de bains ; en témoignent les mentions des géographes arabes et les vestiges archéologiques aujourd'hui encore en place. A partir d'un corpus de quatre-vingt édifices et des sources textuelles arabes, il est possible aujourd'hui d'étudier précisément les formes et la place du bain en al-Andalus. Les fouilles archéologiques de ces dix dernières années permettent, en effet, d'observer de manière nouvelle le hammam andalusi tout en les associant aux textes arabes du Moyen-Age. L'étude de la formation du bain sur le territoire musulman de al Péninsule ibérique a conduit à s'interroger, dans un premier temps, sur le devenir des bains hérités de l'Antiquité romaine tout en mesurant l'apport du Proche-Orient ou du Maghreb dans l'élaboration du bain andalusi. Par ailleurs, de nouvelles approches archéologiques mises en oeuvre ces dernières années ont permis de reconstituer le chantier de construction du bain. En inventoriant les différents modules architecturaux qui composent cet établissement, une première typologie des hammam-s andalusi-s a ainsi pu être esquissée. Dans un dernier temps, nous avons essayé de suivre les pas des baigneurs au sein de ces différents espaces dédiés à la toilette afin de comprendre pratiques et usages du bain, public ou privé, du Ixe au Xve siècle.
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El, Ghazi Mohammed. "Les Rapports intellectuels entre al-Andalus et Ceuta au XIIIe siècle." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376138773.
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Aillet, Cyrille. "Les Mozarabes : christianisme et arabisation en Al-Andalus (IXe-XIIe siècle)." Paris 8, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA083706.
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Cette thèse concerne l’histoire du christianisme arabisé en al-Andalus et dans la péninsule ibérique aux IXe-XIIe siècles. Le berceau de ce processus d’interaction culturelle est Cordoue après 850. Loin d’être condamnés au déclin, les chrétiens d’al-Andalus ont alors construit une culture reposant sur trois modèles : visigothique, islamique et arabe chrétien d’Orient. La situation mozarabe, définie par l’empreinte de la culture arabe sur le christianisme hispanique, ne se limite pas au seul territoire islamique car l’émigration des chrétiens d’al-Andalus dissémina dans les royaumes chrétiens du Nord de véritables diasporas arabisées. La situation mozarabe traduit l’ascendant de l’Islam sur le christianisme ibérique jusqu’au XIe siècle. Au XIIe siècle, l’expulsion des chrétiens d’al-Andalus les condamna à un exil vers le Nord, où ils furent rapidement assimilés par des sociétés de plus en plus tournées vers le modèle latinThis thesis deals with the history of arabized Christianism in al-Andalus and the Iberic Peninsula between the IXth and XIIIth century. After 850, Cordoba became the cradle of this cultural interference process. Far from being doomed to decline, the al-Andalus Christians have then shaped a culture based on three models : Visigothic, Islamic, and Eastern Christian. The Mozarab situation, stamped by the influence of Arabic culture on Hispanic Christianism, is not limited the sole Islamic territory since al-Andalus Christians immigration scattered genuine arabized diasporas in the North Christian kingdoms. The Mozarabic situation conveys the ascendancy of Islam on Iberic Christianism until the XIth century. In the XIIth century, the al-Andalus Christians expulsion forced the Mozarabs to an exile in the North where they were rapidly assimilated by communities now looking exclusively towards a Latin model
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ʻAbbādī, Hossam Mujtār al Viguera Molíns María Jesús Martínez Lillo Sergio. "Las artes del libro en al-Andalus y el Magreb siglos IV h/X dC - VIII h/XV dC /." Madrid : Ediciones El Viso, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40219954m.
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Larsson, Göran. "Ibn García's Shuʻūbiyya letter : ethnic and theological tensions in medieval al-Andalus /." Leiden : Brill, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39014345k.
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Dane, Kirstin Sabrina. "Power discourse and heresy in al-Andalus : the case of Ibn Masarra." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99584.
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This thesis is a study of zandaqa, or heresy, in the early medieval period of al-Andalus. The goal of this work is to uncover subtexts between caliphal power and legal authority through an analysis of the historiography of the Andalusian Muhammad ibn `Abd Allah Ibn Masarra al-Jabali (d. 319/931). This is accomplished by applying the Foucauldian theories of limit and transgression on the scholarly reconstructions of his life. The formation of the madhahib in al-Andalus, the construction of Orthodoxy and Heresy in Islam, and the historical-legal development of zandaqa colours how scholars have approached the subject, and leads to questions concerning the relationship that marginal or subversive intellectual developments had with authoritative bodies. The resulting play of divergent and authoritative discourses that emerge from a Post-Modernist analysis of the Masarrian context have the capacity to illustrate intellectual developments within early Andalusian society and provide an alternate explanatory narrative for historical reconstruction.
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Santos, Paulo Roberto dos. "Literatura de cordel: passagem por Al Andalus e influências da cultura árabe." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2015. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4608.
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A presente dissertação se propõe a buscar evidências de influência da cultura árabe na literatura de cordel brasileira, supondo-se que os clássicos de cavalaria medievais e renascentistas de língua espanhola produzidos na Península Ibérica no período de ocupação árabe sejam um dos prováveis meios de veiculação desta influência. Pretende-se, também, conhecer a natureza dessa influência e sua contribuição para o estabelecimento do cordel como gênero literário brasileiro. Para isso, foram selecionados alguns textos teóricos que tratam da literatura espanhola, outros que abordam a literatura de cordel e outros que analisam questões identitárias ligadas à literatura de um modo geral. Como material analítico, foram listadas algumas obras literárias de língua espanhola oriundas da Idade Média e do Renascimento e alguns clássicos da literatura de cordel que apresentam temas correlatos aos textos espanhóis, de modo a permitir um estudo comparativo para mapear os eventuais indícios da influência procurada.
Este trabajo se propone a buscar evidencias de influencia de la cultura árabe en la literatura de cordel brasileña, suponiéndose que los clásicos de caballería medievales y renacentistas de lengua española producidos en la Península Ibérica en el período de ocupación árabe sean uno de los presuntos vehículos de esta influencia. Se pretende, aún, conocer la naturaleza de esa influencia y su contribución para el establecimiento del cordel como género literario brasileño. Para tal intento, se seleccionó algunos textos teóricos que tratan de la literatura española medieval, otros que abordan la literatura de cordel y otros que analizan cuestiones de identidad relacionadas a la literatura en general. Como material analítico, se listó algunas obras literarias de lengua española con orígenes en la Edad Media y en el Renacimiento y algunos clásicos de la literatura de cordel que presentan temas correlativos a los textos hispánicos, de modo a permitir un estudio comparativo de las eventuales huellas de la influencia buscada.
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Balbale, Abigail Krasner. "Between Kings and Caliphs: Religion and Authority in Sharq al-Andalus (1145-1244 CE)." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10634.
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This dissertation focuses on how the Marrakech-based Almohads and their independent Muslim rivals in eastern al-Andalus contested spiritual and temporal power. The rulers of Sharq al-Andalus opposed Almohad claims to a divinely granted authority rooted in a new messianic interpretation of the caliphate. Instead, they articulated a vision of legitimacy linked to earlier Sunni forms, and connected their rule more closely to the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad than any previous Andalusī dynasty had done. One minted coins that included the name of the Abbasid caliph, and another received official permission from the Abbasids to rule as governor of al-Andalus. This dissertation examines the written sources, coins and architecture produced in the courts of Andalusī and Almohad rulers to explore how they legitimated their authority. It argues that the conflict among these Muslim rivals in many ways superseded their battles against Christians. The Almohads saw anyone—Muslim, Christian or Jewish—who did not submit to their rule and their conception of Islam as infidels, and said that jihad against non-Almohad Muslims was more important than jihad against Christians. Nevertheless, later Arabic sources attempted to cast the conflict between the independent rulers of al-Andalus and the Almohads as part of a broader Christian-Muslim clash. The alliances Andalusī rulers made with Christian kings, and, in some cases, their Christian roots, made their religious allegiance to Islam suspect. This attitude has continued in modern scholarship as well. This dissertation instead argues that the independent rulers of al-Andalus and their Almohad counterparts were engaged in a broader debate, common to the wider Islamic world, about what constituted righteous Islamic authority. As the population of the territories ruled by Muslims became majority Muslim, new groups began to gain power, eroding the primacy of the Arab caliphate. Like their Persian and Turkic contemporaries to the east, the Berber and Andalusī rulers of the Islamic west struggled to negotiate between the caliphal ideal of Islamic unity and the increasingly decentralized political world they encountered. Analyzing the conflicts among these rivals illuminates the questions that animated the Islamic world as new spiritual and political forms were emerging.
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Aviñó, McChesney Dominique. "El paisaje de huerta en el Sahrq al-Andalus : el palmeral de Elche." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/284888.
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El trabajo que constituye la presente Tesis Doctoral plantea la hipótesis del origen andalusí del Palmeral Histórico de Elche, una huerta histórica incluida dentro de la lista de bienes Patrimonio de la Humanidad de la UNESCO en 2000. Nos proponíamos, dentro de este mismo objetivo, concretar al máximo una propuesta de evolución cronológica, tanto de la red hidráulica que alimenta la huerta, como de este espacio en sí. Hemos seguido en todos los capítulos el mismo proceso de trabajo, que implicaba la elección de las fuentes relevantes en cada caso, la extracción de los datos fríos y matices de cada una de ellas, y el tratamiento simultáneo de todas las fuentes disponibles para cada aspecto concreto (historiográficas, documentales, arquelógicas y complementarias). En ocasiones ha sido necesario el análisis comparativo, así como la elaboración de información gráfica. En el análisis específico de los elementos de la huerta, hemos tenido que recurrir en muchas ocasiones al análisis comparativo, tanto en el estudio de la hidráulica y el sistema de riego, la organización y fisonomía de la huerta urbana y el cultivo específico de la palmera datilera. De entre las fuentes históricas nos gustaría destacar la información procedente de los tratados de agronomía latinos y árabes, que analizamos de forma comparativa en aspectos como el riego, las técnicas y las especies de cultivo. Toda la información que hemos podido obtener de las fuentes escritas ha sido tratada de forma conjunta con la información procedente de las fuentes materiales. Nuestro estudio ha abarcado numerosos aspectos, tales como los condicionantes geográficos e históricos, la ocupación del territorio, la estructura social, las características económicas y los factores institucionales. En el capítulo 9, núcleo central de esta tesis, hemos realizado un estudio de los elementos concretos que integran este paisaje, con el objetivo de encontrar el diseño original del sistema hidráulico. En este sentido, hemos estudiado las medidas de las estructuras hidráulicas, junto con la toponimia, y ambos aspectos nos revelan un indiscutible origen andalusí de esta huerta: el primero por la presencia del codo islámico en todo el proceso de puesta en regadío de las tierras; el segundo porque prácticamente todos los nombres de acequias y partidores son netamente árabes. A esto hay que añadimos la estrecha relación entre los diferentes asentamientos de época andalus y el sistema de regadío. Como conclusión principal, podríamos decir que el Palmeral de Elche es la evidencia de un paisaje humano cuyo origen hay que buscarlo en una nueva articulación del territorio que tiene lugar entre los siglos VIII y X. En esta reestructuración, todos los elementos parecen girar en torno a una necesidad: la disponibilidad de agua para el riego. Es esta la que determina dónde se ubican los hábitats, dónde las tierras de cultivo e incluso dónde se situarían los lugares estratégicos de control de estos recursos hidráulicos. El Palmeral es una huerta cuya zona más productiva constituiría el alfoz de una madina de tamaño medio que alcanzó, durante la época almohade, su máximo esplendor. Sin embargo, la huerta ilicitana no empieza y termina en esta zona privilegiada inmediata a la ciudad: ocupa el norte, el este y el sur del término, el llamado Camp d'Elx, una zona que, si desde que tenemos conocimiento se considera periférica, debió constituir sin embargo el origen del sistema hidráulico, forzosamente anterior a la segunda mitad del siglo X, cuando la ciudad todavía no tenía esta consideración, y el hábitat principal lo constituían las alquerías rurales.This Doctoral Thesis proposes the theory that the Palmeral of Elche – a historic huerta declared World Heritage by the UNESCO in the year 2000 – has an Andalusian origin. To this end, the chronological evolution of this landscape – including that of its hydraulic network – has been determined as specifically as possible. The same working methodology has been applied in all chapters. It has involved the choice of relevant sources in each case, the extraction of cold data and nuances, and the simultaneous treatment of all sources available – historiographical, documentary, archaeological, and complementary sources – for each specific aspect. Sometimes a comparative analysis has been necessary, particularly with regard to the specific constituent elements of the huerta, such as hydraulics and the irrigation system, the structure and appearance of the urban orchards, and the specific cultivation of the palm tree. The production of graphic material has also been very useful. Among the documentary sources, the significance of both Latin and Arabic agronomy treaties from which outstanding information about irrigation, techniques and crop species has been drawn must be stressed. Written sources have been analysed in connection with relevant archaeological findings. Many aspects, such as geographic constraints, historical background, settlement processes in the territory, social structure, economic characteristics and institutional factors have been addressed. Chapter 9, which constitutes the core of this work, focusses on the specific elements that form this particular landscape, with the aim of identifying the original design of the whole system. Accordingly, the measures of hydraulic structures – and more specifically those of the Acequia Mayor (Major Canal) dividers together with their names and some significant toponyms throughout the Camp d'Elx – have been examined, and both aspects reveal the Andalusian origin of the huerta. The Islamic cubit is present throughout all the irrigation system and the importance of purely Arabic place names closely related to irrigation structures – canals, ditches, dividers and farmsteads – is evident. Furthermore, a strong relationship has been found between the various Andalusian settlements and the irrigation system. To sum up, the Palmeral of Elche is evidence of a human landscape whose origin is found in the new organization of the territory that took place between the 8th and the 10th centuries. All the elements in this restructuring process seem to revolve around one need: the availability of water for irrigation. The need for water would bring about not only the location of the habitat but also that of the cultivation lands and the places from where hydraulic resources would have to be controlled. The Palmeral of Elche is a huerta whose most productive area would have constituted an alfoz of a medium-sized madina that reached its peak under the Almohad rule. Nevertheless, the huerta of Elche neither begins nor ends in this privileged area close to the city. It also covers the northern, eastern and southern parts of the municipality, which are known as the Camp d'Elx. This extensive area, although traditionally considered as peripheral, must have been at the origin of the whole system, necessarily before the second half of the 10th century, at a time when the main habitat was that of the farmsteads because the city did not yet exist.
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Cintron, Francisco. "'Immersed in the Snares of Apostasy:’ Martyrdom and Dissent in Early al-Andalus." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524486579772013.
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Alfonso, Esperanza. "Islamic culture through Jewish eyes : al-Andalus from the tenth to twelfth century /." London ; New York ; Milton Park : Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410814269.
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Salem, Rafik M. "Exile and nostalgia in Arabic and Hebrew poetry of al-Andalus (Muslim Spain)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1987. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28839/.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the notions of "exile" (qhurba) and "nostalgia" (al-hanin ila al-Watan) in Arabic and Hebrew poetry in al-Andalus (Muslim Spain). Although this theme has been examined individually in both Arabic and Hebrew literatures, to the best of my knowledge no detailed comparative analysis has previously been undertaken. Therefore, this study sets out to compare and contrast the two literatures and cultures arising out of their co-existence in al-Andalus in the middle ages. The main characteristics of the Arabic poetry of this period are to a large extent the product of the political and social upheavals that took place in al-Andalus. Some of the cities which for many years represented the bastions of Islamic civilization were falling into the hands of the invading Christian army. This gave rise to a stream of poetry that reflects the feelings of exile and nostalgia suffered by those poets who were driven away from their native land. This Arabic poetry had a substantial influence on the literary works of the Jewish poets who were reared within the cultural circles of the Arabic courts. As a consequence the Hebrew poetry they composed, in many respects, bore the stamp of the Arabic poetry in form and content. This thesis is divided into three major parts organized as follows: the first part deals with the themes of exile and nostalgia in Arabic poetry in al-Andalus. It contains three chapters: chapter one begins with a study of the origins of the themes of exile and nostalgia in the Arabic poetic tradition. Chapter two focuses on the nostalgia and lament poetry in al-Andalus describing the characteristics of each period through examining specimens of Andalusian poems. Chapter three is devoted to a study of the poetic product of Ibn Hamdis, the Sicilian (d.1133) and discusses how the themes of exile and nostalgia became the framework of both his life and his poetry. The second part of the thesis parallels the first part in that it deals with the Hebrew poetry in al-Andalus. It consists of three chapters: chapter one investigates the origins of the concept of the homeland in the Biblical sources. Chapter two discusses the form and the structural scheme of the Hebrew poetry in al-Andalus and the influence of the Arabic poetry on the Hebrew poetic works. Chapter three is devoted to a study of the poetry of the Jewish poet, Judah ha-Levi (d.1140) and his nostalgic expressions for Zion. The third part is a comparative literary study of two specimen poems of Ibn Hamdis and ha-Levi. The aim of this study is to develop methods for an analysis of the motifs and internal structure of these two poems. The linguistic analysis is focussed mainly on the levels of phonology, morphology and syntax, while the traditional analysis is focussed primarily on the content and imagery.
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Harrison, Alwyn Richard. "Andalusi Christianity : the survival of indigenous Christian communities." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/113993.
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This thesis comprises an attempt to re-evaluate the experience and the survival of the indigenous Christian population of al-Andalus. It is a response to two problematic aspects of the historiography, whose authority has only recently begun to be questioned: first, the inordinate focus upon the polemical and problematic mid-ninth-century Cordoban hagiography and apologetic of Eulogius and Paul Albar, whose prejudiced vision has not only been accepted as a source of social history, but also projected onto all Andalusī Christianity to support the second – the assertion that conversion happened early and en masse, and led to their eradication in the early twelfth century. Eulogius and Albar’s account of a Córdoba oppressed and Christians persecuted (a trope herein dubbed the ecclesia destituta) has dominated thinking about the indigenous Christians of al-Andalus, due to its championing by Catholic historians since the texts’ rediscovery and publication in 1574, and by nineteenth-century Spanish nationalists to whose ideological and patriotic purposes it was amenable. The Cordobans’ account is here re-evaluated as regards its value as a historical artefact and its internal problems are outlined. The discrepancies between the picture created by Eulogius and Albar and that of other contemporary reports, and the problematic hagiography, are then explained to some degree by the literary models Eulogius had at his disposal – of primary interest are the classical pagan poetics of Vergil, Horace and Juvenal and the late antique theology of Augustine. Albar’s famous despair at the Arabisation of the Christian youth has, in conjunction with Eulogius’ ecclesia destituta and the relative scarcity of documentary evidence for the Christians of Andalusī territory, formed the crux of assumptions regarding the speed and extent of Arabisation and conversion. In reassessing Richard Bulliet’s ‘curve of conversion’, which seemed on a faulty reading to prove these assumptions, the second part of the thesis seeks to argue that profound Arabisation did not impact until a century later than is thought and resulted not in assimilative decline but in a late cultural flowering, and show the long, and in many places unbroken, survival of indigenous Christian communities in al-Andalus to the early fifteenth century.
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Santos, José Rui Ribeiro dos. "Um olhar sobre o quotidiano de Évora no período medieval-islâmico. Século VIII-XI." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/18256.
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O presente trabalho consiste numa abordagem histórica – arqueológica ao período de domínio islâmico na cidade de Évora, desde os inícios, no século VIII d. C. até ao final do reino das taifas, no século XI d.C. A amostra material em estudo, resulta de uma sistematização dos vestígios arqueológicos de cronologia medieval - islâmica e é proveniente de 16 intervenções arqueológicas com diferentes características, ocorridas em Évora desde os finais da década de 1970 até ao presente.
Procedeu-se ao estudo da tecnologia de produção, morfologia e funcionalidade, ornamentação e iconografia, da cerâmica, o que transmite informações acerca dos hábitos alimentares e cultura destas populações e permitirá entender as relações comerciais intrínsecas que transportaram a cidade a uma escala supre – regional e a integraram no al-Andalus. Relacionou-se a componente material com as fontes literárias existentes, por forma a um entendimento abrangente da evolução urbana e histórica da cidade durante este período; Abstract: A look to a Islamic – medieval quotidian in Évora. VII to XI century
The present work consists in an historical – archeological approach to the Islamic domination period in Évora city, since the VIII century to the end of the Islamic kingdoms at the XI century. The sample material under study, results of a systematization of the archaeological remains of medieval- Islamic chronology and comes from 16 archaeological interventions with different characteristics, which occurred in Évora since the end of the 1970s to the present days.
Proceeded to the ceramics study of technological production, morphology and functionality, ornamentation and iconography, which transmits information about the eating habits and culture of these populations and will understand the inherent trade that transported the city to a scale supplies - Regional and integrated in al-Andalus. Material component was related to the existing literary sources, to a comprehensive understanding of urban and historical development of the city during this period.
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Vela, Carlos Andrés Camara. "Islamic ceramics: trade and technology in the southern Garb al-Andalus (X-XI century)." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/31701.
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RESUMO:
Cerâmica Islâmica: comércio e tecnologia no sul do Gharb al-Andalus (Seculos X-XI)
A produção de cerâmica vidrada na Península Ibérica foi generalizada durante o período
islâmico. Durante este período, a técnica do vidrado era caracterizada pelo uso de chumbo
como principal fundente, para além de coexistirem outras práticas tais como a utilização de
fritas e aplicação de soluções de esmalte sobre os corpos cerâmicos calcários cozidos. O
principal objetivo do presente estudo é comparar a produção de cerâmica vidrada em Évora
com outras cidades, tais como Mértola e Silves, a fim de identificar padrões de produção,
contactos regionais e a proveniência dos materiais durante a ocupação Islâmica. Assim,
selecionou-se um conjunto de exemplares constituídos por vidrados monocromáticos e de
decoração melada e manganês desses três locais, sendo este submetido a análises multielementares.
Microscopia ótica (OM), difração raio-X (XRD) e fluorescência de raio-X (XRF)
foram as análises aplicadas para determinar as características das pastas cerâmicas, assim como
o processo de produção e a proveniência das matérias-primas. O recurso ao Microscópio
Eletrónico de Varrimento acoplado a um Espectrómetro Dispersivo de Energia (SEM-EDS)
foi crucial para determinar a microestrutura e a composição química do vidrado e da decoração
a manganês, a fim de avaliar a técnica de produção do vidrado; Glazed pottery production in the Iberian Peninsula was widespread during the Islamic period.
During this time, the glaze recipe was characterized for the main use of lead as flux, besides
other common practice such as the employment of frits and the application of the glaze
suspension over biscuit-fired calcareous ceramic bodies. The main goal of the present study is
to compare the glazed pottery production in Évora with other cities, such as Mértola and Silves,
for identifying patterns of production, regional contacts and provenance of the products during
the Islamic occupation. Thereby, a set of specimens which consist of monochromatic and
black-decorated dichromatic honey glazes and coarsewares were retrieved from those three
places and subjected to multi-elemental analysis. Optical Microscopy (OM), X-ray Diffraction
(XRD), X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) analyses were applied to determine the ceramic bodies
characteristics, shedding light on the production process and the provenance of the raw
materials. Scanning Electron Microscope coupled to an Energy Dispersive Spectrometer
(SEM-EDS) analysis were used to determine the microstructure and the chemical composition
of the glaze and black decoration to evaluate glaze technology.
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Del, Giudice Piera. "Traduzione di brani di Nizar Qabbani nel suo periodo spagnolo. Suggestioni di Al-Andalus." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/7161/.
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Il presente elaborato consiste nella traduzione dalla lingua araba alla lingua italiana di alcuni brani poetici dell'autore siriano Nizar Qabbani. Si tratta in particolare dei testi Aurāq Isbāniya, (Diari spagnoli), Ahzān fi-l-Andalus (Tristezze in Al-Andalus), Gharnāṭa (Granada). I temi principali di queste poesie sono delle suggestioni della Spagna e soprattutto la nostalgia sentita dall'autore, nel suo nazionalismo arabo, per l'antico califfato di Al-Andalus.
L'elaborato è diviso in cinque sezioni:
1. Introduzione: spiegazione del tema centrale dei brani tradotti.
2. L'autore. Breve biografia e opera: un'introduzione sulla vita e la produzione artistica di Nizar Qabbani.
3. Traduzione e testo originale: parte centrale dell'elaborato, la traduzione dei poemi con testo originale arabo a fronte.
4. Commento di traduzione: esposizione di scelte e strategie traduttive che sono state seguite per la realizzazione del lavoro.
5. Bibliografia. Tutti i testi consultati per la stesura dell'elaborato.
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Gilotte, Sophie. "L' Estrémadure centre-orientale (VIIIe-XIIIe siècles): peuplement et formes d'habitat aux marges d'al-Andalus." Paris 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA040066.
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Délaissée par les chroniques et située en retrait de l’avant-scène politique, l’Estrémadure centre-orientale, du VIIIe au XIIIe siècle, semble avoir été très peu intégrée dans le contexte d’al-Andalus. Loin des grandes villes implantées dans les plaines fertiles du Guadiana et du Guadalquivir où se concentrèrent des populations attirées par les richesses agricoles, cette aire resta en marge des préoccupations des centres de pouvoir successifs. Constituant une zone excentrée, elle fut, également, zone de passage et zone frontalière et l'histoire de son peuplement était restée à l'état d'ébauche. Si les sources textuelles, chrétiennes ou musulmanes, dessinent pour cette zone un environnement à peine habité, les prospections de surface réalisées sur des sites – inédits ou déjà connus –, ainsi que l’étude du matériel, conduisent à nuancer le vide du milieu rural et à redéfinir le rôle du milieu urbain. Bien que la démarche privilégie les données de terrain, les autres sources n'ont pas été écartées. Ainsi, la numismatique et l’épigraphie se sont révélées être des composants importants pour cerner des phénomènes liés aux transformations culturelles, idéologiques et économiques. Le développement chronologique souligne l’adaptation des communautés paysannes face à la désarticulation des systèmes d’exploitation de l’Antiquité tardive, le phénomène de fortification des campagnes et conduit à s’interroger sur les différents agents politiques qui ont pu l’influencer. La description des grandes tendances spatiales et diachroniques des modes d’organisation permet de comprendre si elles diffèrent, ou non, des modèles établis, tout particulièrement pour les terres orientales de la péninsuleNeglected by chronicles and situated in the background of the political scene, Middle-Eastern Extremadura seems to have hardly been studied in the context of Al-Andalus from the 8th to the 13th century. Away from the big cities of the fertile plains of the Guadiana and the Guadalquivir where populations, attracted by the agriculture richness, gathered, this area remained out of the preoccupations of the successive centres of power. Representing an outlying zone, it was also both a crossing area and a border area, and the history of its populating had only just begun so far. If the textual sources –whether Christian or Muslim– reveal a hardly populated environment for this zone, the survey of new or already existing sites, together with the study of the material, led us to qualify the emptiness of the countryside and to redefine the role of the urban environment. Even if this work favours the data collected on the sites, the other sources have not been set aside. As a matter of fact, numismatic and epigraphy happened to be important elements in order to understand the fenomena linked to the cultural, ideological and economical changes. The chronological development highlights the adaptation of peasant communities faced with the dismantling of the system of exploitation from late Antiquity and the fenomenon of the fortification in the countryside, and leads us to wonder about the different political factors which could influence it. The description of the main spatial and diachronic tendencies of the system of organisation allows to understand whether they are different from the established models, particularly as far as the Eastern lands of the Peninsula are concerned
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Gasc, Sébastien. "Des Wisigoths aux Omeyyades (672-852) : Monnaies et circulation monétaire dans le Nord d’al-Andalus." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040161.
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Le haut Moyen Âge ibérique se caractérise par un changement brutal initié en 711 avec la conquête musulmane du royaume wisigothique. Cet évènement qui bouleversa l’histoire de l’Espagne n’est éclairé que de manière très lacunaire par les sources latines et arabes. Au cours des dernières années, le développement de l’archéologie a néanmoins contribué à une meilleure connaissance de la fin de la monarchie de Tolède et du début d’al-Andalus. Parmi le matériel exhumé, les monnaies sont souvent privilégiées dans les travaux scientifiques et la numismatique bénéficie pour ces périodes d’une bibliographie abondante. Cela permet aujourd’hui une approche plus exhaustive et une meilleure compréhension de leur rôle, de leur utilisation et de leur circulation. Mais les monnaies représentent également un précieux témoignage des difficultés de la fin du royaume wisigothique qui facilitèrent l’entrée et les avancées des troupes arabo-berbères en Hispanie. De même, elles sont les vestiges matériels presqu’exclusifs de la conquête, en particulier pour les régions du Nord du royaume au sujet desquelles les textes se montrent très lacunaires. Enfin, elles furent un outil administratif des Omeyyades au sein d’un émirat dont la centralisation s’accentua avec les réformes réalisées sous ‘Abd al-Raḥmān II (822-852). Cette évolution est perceptible dans la nature même du numéraire employé : alors que les Wisigoths perpétuèrent un monnayage sur le modèle antique en frappant une division du solidus, les musulmans privilégièrent le dirham, rattachant la Péninsule au « monométallisme » argentifère caractéristique du haut Moyen Âge occidentalThe Iberian Early Middle Ages are generally characterized by a rough change began in 711 with the Muslim conquest of the Visigothic kingdom. Latin and Arabic textual sources throw few lights on this event that profoundly marked the history of Spain. During the last years, archaeology’s development contributed to a better knowledge about the last years of Toledo Kingdom and beginning of al-Andalus. Among the exhumed material, coins are generally very used in historical studies and numismatic benefits from a large bibliography for this period. That’s why it allows a more exhaustive approach and a better understanding of their role, utilization and circulation. These coins represent an invaluable evidence of the kingdom’s difficulties before the conquest that make easier the Arabic progress in this territory. They are nearly exclusive traces about the conquest, especially for the North part of the kingdom which is little informed by the sources. Finally, they were an administrative tool for Umayyad in the Emirate’s construction and centralization in effect under ‘Abd al-Raḥmān II (822-852). This evolution could be symbolized by monetary changes: Visigoths perpetuated antique coinage with the emission of parts of solidus, Muslims preferred dirham, bringing the Iberian Area under “monometallic” plate zone characteristic of High Middle Ages Occident
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Aceves, Judith Margarita Lopez. "Diet and dynamic of the last muslims in Algarve during the 12th - 13th AD." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/26246.
Full textAbstract:
Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis was done on bone collagen from 65 human samples and 20 faunal samples originating from Loulé, south Portugal; and 38 from these were analyzed for sulfur stable isotope. The human bone samples were excavated from 2 cemeteries outside the medieval wall of the city, while the faunal bones were excavated from trash pits in the historical center of Loulé. All samples represent Muslims dating from the Almohad period (c. 12th-13th AD), who were probably the last persons living under Islamic rule, before the conquest of Algarve in 1249. Faunal samples consumed a diet based mainly on C3-plants, differences were found in the δ15N values of fauna which allowed differentiation between wild and domestic animals. These diversity in values could reflect differences in animal foddering practices among the population. Results indicate that these individuals consumed a diet based on C3-plants (wheat, barley, olives, figs, etc.) with probably some inputs of C4-plants (sorghum and millet); and animal protein. An enrichment in δ15N and δ13C is seen in part of the individuals that might reflect marine protein consumption, which is supported by the δ34S values obtained and the presence of fish bones in the zooarchaeological context. δ34S values evidenced that diet from the individuals from both cemeteries was partly composed by non-local products, evidencing a possible trading system. Differences between diet in humans from both cemeteries was noticed. This difference may be due to social or ethnical causes; RESUMO:
Dieta e dinâmica dos últimos muçulmanos no Algarve durante os
séculos XII e XIII d. C.
A análise de isótopos estáveis de carbono e azoto foi feita em colágeno ósseo a partir de 65
amostras humanas e 20 amostras faunais provenientes de Loulé, no sul de Portugal; e 38
delas foram analisadas para isótopo estável de enxofre. As amostras de ossos humanos foram
escavadas a partir de dois cemitérios que se encontram da muralha medieval da cidade,
enquanto os ossos faunais foram escavados a partir de poços de lixo no centro histórico de
Loulé. Todas as amostras representam muçulmanos que datam do período almóada (séculos
XII-XIII d. C.), que foram provavelmente as últimas pessoas a viver sob o domínio islâmico,
antes da conquista do Algarve em 1249.
Amostras faunais consumiram uma dieta baseada principalmente em plantas C3, cujas
diferenças foram encontradas nos valores δ15N da fauna, o que permitiu diferenciar animais
selvagens de domésticos. Esta diversidade de valores poderia refletir diferenças entre a
população em matéria de práticas de criação de animais. No que diz respeito a humanos
(individuos) os resultados indicam que estes consumiram uma dieta baseada em plantas C3
(trigo, cevada, azeitonas, figos, entre outros) com alguma contribuição de C4-plantas (sorgo e
milho painço); e proteína animal. Um enriquecimento em δ15N e δ13C foi verificado em parte
dos indivíduos, o que pode refletir o consumo de proteínas marinhas, que é apoiado pelos
valores de δ34S obtidos e pela presença de ossos de peixe no contexto zooarqueológico.
Valores de δ34S evidenciaram que a dieta dos indivíduos de ambos os cemitérios foi
parcialmente composta por produtos não-locais, fazendo notar um possível sistema de
comércio. Foram determinadas diferenças entre as dietas em humanos de ambos os
cemitérios, que podem ser justificadas com base nas causas sociais ou étnicas.
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Puy, Maeso Arnald. "Criterios de construcción de las huertas andalusíes el caso de Ricote (Murcia, España)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/96879.
Full textAbstract:
Esta tesis tiene como objetivo identificar los criterios constructivos que emplearon los campesinos andalusíes de Ricote (Murcia, España) a la hora de levantar su espacio irrigado. Esto es, las preferencias que tuvieron a la hora de seleccionar el emplazamiento y el tamaño de la zona de trabajo, el proceso constructivo de las primeras terrazas y la rapidez con la que se construyó todo el espacio irrigado original. Los métodos empleados han sido la arqueología hidráulica, la elaboración de un registro topográfico, la prospección y excavación arqueológica y la geoarqueología.
A día de hoy la huerta de Ricote se extiende la lo largo de 120 hectáreas y ocupa entornos topográficos muy heterogéneos. Está situada en una hoya, una llanura rodeada de montañas. Las terrazas irrigadas se extienden en zonas llanas y en vertientes, en áreas insoladas y de umbría, en espacios inundables y en terrenos con suelos más o menos profundos y salinos. La extensión actual de la huerta es el resultado de la incorporación al riego de espacios inicialmente rechazados. En 1613, por ejemplo, el sistema hidráulico ya tenía las dimensiones actuales. En 1495, sin embargo, solo ocupaba los terrenos más bajos, profundos e insolados de la hoya, así como amplios espacios inundables. Las laderas no habían sido aún roturadas. Para entonces, las acequias podían regar unas 50 hectáreas.
El espacio original andalusí era mucho más pequeño y probablemente solo ocupaba unas 1,9 hectáreas. Los andalusies escogieron para emplazar el área de trabajo fundacional la falda de una de las laderas de la hoya. Era una zona muy insolada, situada a 1,2 kilómetros de la captación. Estaba protegida de las inundaciones y disponía de suelos gruesos y menos salinos que los existentes en los terrenos más profundos. El suelo escogido era muy alcalino y grueso, y sus características limitaban severamente las plantas que podían crecer de forma natural. Los campesinos lo desbrozaron de arbustos empleando fuego y lo aterrazaron. Utilizaron el mismo suelo quemado de la vertiente para construir las terrazas, muy anchas (entre 0,7 y 0,1 ha) y con muros bajos (<2 m). Durante el proceso constructivo invirtieron los horizontes del suelo y depositaron primero como relleno de la terraza el horizonte A, utilizando el Bk como superficie de cultivo. En total, habrían removido más de 10,000 m3 de sedimento para construir las parcelas de trabajo, probablemente ya operativas a finales del siglo VIII. Este estudio, en definitiva, reconstruye a partir del caso de Ricote todo el proceso inicial de selección, colonización y transformación de un entorno semi-árido en una zona de cultivo intensivo. El trabajo, además, muestra las posibilidades que ofrece la geoarqueología en la identificación de los paisajes preexistentes a la llegada de los andalusíes y en la reconstrucción de las labores destinadas a levantar las zonas de trabajo.This thesis aims at identifying the criteria followed by the Andalusi peasant groups of Ricote (Murcia, Spain) for the construction of their hydraulic system. This includes their priorities for the selection of the location of the irrigated fields, their choices regarding the size of the working area and the construction techniques of the earliest terraces, and the time invested in the construction of the system’s original layout. The methodologies adopted are those of hydraulic archaeology, the development of a topographic register, archaeological survey, excavation and geoarchaeology. Today the hydraulic system of Ricote covers an extension of around 120 ha, over a highly heterogeneous landscape. It is located inside a hoya, a plain surrounded by mountains. The irrigated terraces extend over flat and inclined, richly and poorly insolated areas, areas in risk of inundation, areas with more or less deep soils and with varying degrees of salinity. The current extension of the hydraulic system is a result of the later incorporation of areas which were initially discarded. For example, by 1613 AD the system had already achieved its current size. In 1495 AD, however, it had only reached the lowest, deepest and better insolated areas of the hoya, including significant inundation areas. The slopes had not yet been incorporated. At this stage, the channels may have irrigated around 50 ha. The original Andalusi irrigated fields were much smaller, and probably only reached around 1.9 ha. The Andalusi peasants chose the lowest slopes of one of the faces of the hoya. This was a richly insolated area, located circa 1.2 km away from the water catchment area. It was an inundation-free area, and the soils were coarse and less saline than in lower zones. The soil was also highly alkaline, severely limiting wild plant growth. The peasants cleared it of shrubs by burning and afterwards built the terraces. The soil used to fill the terraces was taken from the burnt slope. The terraces were wide (between 0,7 and 0,1 ha) and the retaining walls low (<2 m). The construction process involved the inversion of the soil horizons, using horizon A as the fill and horizon Bk as cultivation surface. In total, over 10,000 m3 of sediment had already been shifted by the 8th century. In short, this study examines – using Ricote as a case study – the process of selection, colonisation and transformation of an arid environment in an area dedicated to intensive agriculture. Additionally, this work also shows the potential of geoarchaeology in the identification of past landscapes, before the arrival of the Andalusi peasants, and in the reconstruction of the works carried out for the construction of their working areas.
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Gillard, Xavier. "Hispani et aprisionnaires dans l'Empire carolingien (VIIIe-Xe siècles)." Toulouse 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008TOU20092.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse vise à revenir sur un problème ayant des résonances actuelles : la migration du groupe de population appelé par les sources Hispani, en provenance d'al-Andalus, et venant s'établir dans les terres de l'Empire carolingien. La thèse revient tout d'abord sur les cadres dans lesquels cette migration va prendre place et sur les concepts mis en jeu. Un bilan préliminaire est fait sur la notion d'Hispanus et sur ce qu'elle recouvre. La thèse s'attache ensuite à décrire la présence de ces Hispani dans les sources mises en œuvre. Ces données de base étant établies, une étude comté par comté est menée dans le but de préciser les espaces géographiques mais aussi le rythme temporel dans lesquels cette migration a pris place. La thèse s'attache ensuite aux différentes catégories sociales recouvertes par le terme d'Hispanus. Dans un premier temps, elle s'attache à ceux que l'on a nommé Hispani minores et maiores, en revenant sur la validité de ces concepts. Puis elle prend en compte ceux que l'on a nommé les « grands Hispani », hauts dignitaires ecclésiastiques et fondateurs de monastères. Enfin, en conclusion, cette thèse fera le bilan de la migration des Hispani et de la validité des concepts historiographiques qui sous-tendent cette dénomination ; elle s'attachera également à comparer les Hispani avec d'autres groupes clairement documentés dans les sources, les Juifs et les Mozarabes, pour pointer les éléments de convergence et de divergence qui se font jourThis thesis aims to draw the attention back to a question which finds an echo nowadays: the migration of the group of population called Hispani by the texts, coming from al-Andalus to settle down in the lands of the Carolingian Empire. The thesis first goes back over the context in which this migration will take place and on the concerned concepts. A preliminary assessment is made on the Hispanus concept and on what it covers. The thesis then endeavors to describe the presence of these Hispani in the sources mentioned. These data being established, a study county by county is undertaken with the aim of specifying the geographical spaces but also the temporal rhythm in which this migration took place. The thesis then endeavors to consider the various social categories covered by the term Hispanus. At first, it examines those who were named Hispani minores and maiores, while reconsidering the validity of these concepts. Then it takes into account those who were named “grands Hispani”, ecclesiastical dignitaries and founders of monasteries. As a conclusion, this thesis will make an assessment of the migration of the Hispani and the validity of the historiographic concepts which underlie this denomination; it will also endeavor to compare the Hispani with other groups, clearly documented in the sources, the Jews and the Mozarabs, to show the elements of convergence and divergence
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Montel, Aurélien. "Al-Andalus et le Maghreb à l'époque des Omeyyades de Cordoue : réseaux d'échanges et ambitions impériales (IXe-XIe siècles)." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE2113.
Full textAbstract:
L’objectif de ce travail était d’éclairer les modalités de construction de l’espace de relations qui a progressivement connecté al-Andalus et le Maghreb aux premiers siècles de l’Islam. Bien qu’il devienne visible sous le règne des Almoravides puis des Almohades (Ve/XIe-VIIe/XIIIe siècle), ce processus d’intégration de l’Occident musulman est en effet plus ancien : l’époque omeyyade (IIe/VIIIe-Ve/XIe siècle) en a été un moment majeur. En premier lieu, le IVe/Xe siècle a en effet été marqué par le développement, à l’initiative du califat de Cordoue, d’un territoire impérial qui s’étendait des Pyrénées jusqu’aux marges septentrionales du Sahara, dont la structure conférait un statut central au détroit de Gibraltar. Ensuite, les échanges commerciaux se sont notablement développés sur l’ensemble de la période, assurant la connexion des littoraux de l’ensemble de la Méditerranée occidentale, y compris de la rive chrétienne : l’analyse des marchandises échangées, de l’or du Soudan aux esclaves blancs, démontre cependant l’insertion de l’Occident musulman dans des ensembles économiques plus vastes. Enfin, les savants ont intensément circulé à l’intérieur de cet espace : leurs déplacements se sont organisés autour de deux axes principaux, entre al-Andalus et le nord du Maghreb occidental, mais aussi entre al-Andalus et l’Ifrīqiya. Certaines des villes qu’ils fréquentèrent alors devinrent progressivement les pôles d’un espace intellectuel partagé, commun aux savants des deux rives.Il a ainsi été possible de reconstituer la structure et le fonctionnement des réseaux d’échanges qui ont mis en contact la péninsule Ibérique et le Maghreb, en particulier leur inscription dans l’espace, le rôle des acteurs qui les ont fait vivre et enfin les flux qu’ils distribuaient à l’échelle de la Méditerranée occidentale. Fondée sur une compréhension plus fine des phénomènes spatiaux et des enjeux territoriaux, cette analyse a donc permis de développer une nouvelle géographie historique de l’Occident musulman des premiers sièclesThe objective of this dissertation was to investigate the circumstances surrounding the construction of a space linking al-Andalus and the Maghrib. Traditionally, historians hold the view that integration of the Muslim West took place mostly during the Almoravid and Almohad periods (5th-7th/11th-13th centuries). The starting point of this research was that too little attention had been paid to the reign of the Umayyads of Cordoba (2nd-5th/8th-11th centuries), yet representing a major step in this process.In the first place, it appeared to be a political process. In fact, the Umayyad state of Cordoba progressively developed imperial ambitions towards the other side of the Strait of Gibraltar. Consequently, the Andalusian power initiated the development of a coherent territory that spread from the Pyreneans to the northern edges of the Sahara. The second major finding was that trade increased significantly in the whole period, allowing the connection of all littoral zones of the Western Mediterranean, including its Christian banks. Hence, the Muslim West was included in larger economical areas. Also, many scholars travelled within this space, especially between al-Andalus, Ifrīqiya, and nowadays northern Morocco. As a result of this, some of the cities they visited progressively became the poles of an intellectual space that was shared both by Andalusi and Maghribi scholars.Overall, I was able to reconstitute the structure of exchanges networks connecting the Iberian peninsula and the Maghrib, and their evolution through time. Based on a nuanced understanding of the spatial phenomenon and the territorial issues, this research therefore contributes to existing knowledge by providing a new historical geography of the Muslim West during the first centuries of the Islamic period
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Soler, i. Balagueró Maria. "Les Emissions monetàries dels Banu Tugib i dels Banu Hud de la Marca Superior d'Al-Andalus." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Lleida, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/8222.
Full text
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Gil, Bardají Anna. "Traducir al-andalus: el discurso del otro en el arabismo español [de conde a García Gómez]." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286108.
Full textAbstract:
Qualsevol intent d'aprofundir en la traducció de l'àrab a Espanya ha de passar necessàriament per l'estudi de l'arabisme espanyol, en ser aquest un dels principals portaveus de la cultura àrab al nostre país . De fet, gran part de les idees que circulen a Espanya sobre el món àrab i sobre la nostra pròpia història nacional ens han arribat a través de l'arabisme espanyol, màxima autoritat en tot allò vinculat a la cultura àrabo-islàmica. No obstant això, l'arabisme espanyol, malgrat el seu caràcter corporativista, no ha estat encara estudiat en profunditat des d'una perspectiva crítica que analitzi el discurs (o discursos) que aquest ha articulat sobre la cultura àrab en general, i sobre al-Andalus en particular. La traducció és, en aquest sentit, un instrument d'anàlisi privilegiat. De la mateixa manera, creiem que la traducció de l'àrab a Espanya constitueix al seu torn un camp d'estudi en si mateix, i que els textos traduïts pels arabistes espanyols conformen un polisistema dins de la literatura espanyola. Esbrinar quina imatge ens ha arribat de la cultura àrab en general, i de la andalusí en particular, a través de les traduccions realitzades per arabistes espanyols és el principal propòsit d'aquesta Tesi. Per a això, hem analitzat un corpus d'obres de la historiografia andalusí traduïdes i comentades per set arabistes espanyols de reconegut prestigi. Per a aquesta anàlisi hem partit de la noció de paratext proposada per Gérard Genette (1987), de les definicions de text, context i pretext de Widdowson (2004 i 2007) i del model de construcció semiòtica de la identitat i alteritat de Carbonell (2003 i 2004).Cualquier intento de ahondar en la traducción del árabe en España debe pasar necesariamente por el estudio del arabismo español, al ser éste uno de los principales portavoces de la cultura árabe en nuestro país. De hecho, gran parte de las ideas que circulan en España acerca del mundo árabe y de nuestra propia historia nacional nos han llegado a través del arabismo español, máxima autoridad en todo aquello vinculado a lo árabe-islámico. Sin embargo el arabismo español, pese a su carácter corporativista, no ha sido todavía estudiado en profundidad desde una perspectiva crítica que analice el discurso (o discursos) que éste ha articulado sobre la cultura árabe, en general, y sobre al-Andalus, en particular. La traducción resulta, en este sentido, un instrumento de análisis privilegiado. Del mismo modo, creemos que la traducción del árabe en España constituye a su vez un campo de estudio en sí mismo, y que los textos traducidos por los arabistas españoles conforman un polisistema dentro de la literatura española. Averiguar qué imagen nos ha llegado de la cultura árabe en general, y de la andalusí en particular, a través de las traducciones realizadas por arabistas españoles es el principal propósito de esta Tesis. Para ello, hemos analizado un corpus de obras de la historiografía andalusí traducidas y comentadas por siete arabistas españoles de reconocido prestigio. Para este análisis hemos partido de la noción de paratexto propuesta por Gérard Genette (1987), de las definiciones de texto, contexto y pretexto de Widdowson (2004 y 2007) y del modelo de construcción semiótica de la identidad y alteridad de Carbonell (2003 y 2004).
Any attempt to go deeply into the translation from Arabic in Spain must necessarily pass through the study of Spanish Arabism, as this is one of the most accredited voices of Arab culture in our country. In fact, most of the ideas circulating in Spain about the Arab world and about our own national history have reached us through the Spanish Arabism, the highest authority in all matters related to the Arab-Islamic culture. However, the Spanish Arabism, despite its corporatism, has not still been studied from a critical perspective which tries to analyze the discourse (or discourses) that it has articulated on Arab culture in general, and on al-Andalus (the Medieval Muslim Spain), in particular. The translation is, in this sense, a privileged instrument of analysis. Similarly, we believe that the translation from Arabic in Spain is a field of study in itself, and that the texts translated by the Spanish Arabists form a polysystem within Spanish literature. Find out what image has come to us from Arab culture in general, and particularly from Andalusian, through translations carried out by Spanish Arabists, is the main purpose of this thesis. To give an answer to this question, we analyzed a corpus of Andalusian historiographic works translated and commented by seven prestigious Spanish Arabists. For this analysis we based ourselves on the notion of paratext given by Gérard Genette (1987), on the definitions of text, context and pretext of Widdowson (2004 and 2007) and on the model of semiotic construction of identity and otherness of Carbonell (2003 and 2004) .
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Correia, Fernando Manuel Rodrigues Branco. "Fortificação, guerra e poderes no Garb al-Andalus (dos inícios da islamização no domínio norte-africano)." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11908.
Full textAbstract:
A tese de de F. M. R. Branco Correia debruça-se sobre as fortificações e aspectos da guerra no território ocidental da península Ibérica – conhecido através das fontes escritas árabes como Garb al-Andalus - entre os século VIII e primeira metade do XIII. Em termos geográficos, o território em análise abrange uma extensa área entre as bacias do Tejo e do Guadiana - sem fazer das fronteiras entre Portugal e Espanha uma linha de separação - estendendo-se, por vezes, a zonas próximas do Douro e até à parte ocidental da actual Andaluzia. A dissertação utiliza a informação proveniente da documentação escrita de origem árabe e medieval, mas igualmente dados de origem arqueológica, sem deixar de reinterpretar alguns dados da toponímia. Estudam-se as dinastias de origem regional que conseguiram afirmar-se na governação da parte ocidental do al-Andalus, bem como a forma como a dinastia árabe omíada se consegui afirmar na região, durante o período do Emirado e do Califado de Córdova. Por outro lado, são também estudados os impactos a nível administrativo e militar de dinastias islamizadas de origem norte-africana – Almorávidas e Almóadas. Assim, ao debruçar-se sobre aspectos essenciais do contacto entre uma parte da península Ibérica com o mundo islâmico ocidental, esta tese interessa-se por aspectos fundamentais de uma herança patrimonial, histórica e artística comum ao Sul da Europa e ao Norte de África e, por outro, mostra como no período medieval se cruzaram, no território em causa, influencias plurais de matriz cristã com outras de matriz islâmica; ### ABSTRACT:
The thesis focuses on aspects of warfare and fortifications in the western part of the Iberian peninsula - known from arabic written sources as ˙Garb al-Andalus - from the eighth century
and first half of XIII. In geographical terms, the territory in question covers an extensive area between the basins of the Tagus and Guadiana - without border between Portugal and Spain a dividing line – extending, sometimes, to areas close to the Douro and the part the current western Andalusia. These pages use information from the written documentation of Arab amd Mediaeval origin, but also from archaeological source, and they reinterpretate some information from toponymy. The origin of regional dynasties that managed to assert itself in the governance of the western part of al-Andalus is studied, as well as how the Arab Umayyad dynasty was able to assert in the region during the Emirate and the Caliphate of Cordoba. On the other hand, are also studied the impacts of both administrative and military Islamic dynasties of North African origin - Almoravids and Almohads. Thus, to focus on key aspects of contact between the occidental region of the Iberian Peninsula to the western Islamic world, this thesis is interested in fundamental aspects of a patrimonial heritage, history and art common to southern Europe and North Africa. In the other hand, it tries to show how in the medieval period have crossed into this territory plural influences from Christian and from Islamic societies.
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Soravia, Bruna. "Les fonctionnaires épistoliers (kuttâb al-inshâ) en Espagne musulmane à l'époque des roitelets (Ve s. H. /XIe s. )." Paris 3, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA030105.
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L'étude de la classe des fonctionnaires chargés de la correspondance souveraine (kuttab al-insha') en Espagne musulmane à l'époque des rois des tai͏̈fas, à travers les sources biographiques et littéraires, renseigne sur la culture et les moeurs d'une élite politique en Occident musulman au moyen-âge, en permettant en même temps d'aborder selon une perspective nouvelle la question de la légitimité des états régionaux qui suivirent la disparition du califat marwanide andalou. De l'examen de la condition et du statut prestigieux de ces fonctionnaires en regard de leurs devanciers aux époques émirale et califale, aussi bien qu'en ce qui concerne l'analyse de leur production littéraire dans ses rapports avec la tradition arabe-islamique de l'adab, ressort le rôle fondamental que les kuttab ont joué auprès des roitelets, dont ils ont appuyé l'aspiration à se poser en princes légitimes, la traduisant dans l'écrit par des images de souveraineté au contenu éminemment symbolique, à l'aide des instruments rhétoriques élabores et des connaissances étendues qui ont constitué la prérogative traditionnelle de leur classe depuis la fin du premier siècle de l'hégireThe study of the secretaries in charge of the royal chancery (the kuttab al-insha') in muslim spain during the petty-kings period, based on the biographical and litterary evidence, gives new insights into the culture and lifestiles of a governmental elite in medieval western islam, while offering a fresh approach to the question of the ambiguous nature of power in the provincial states which followed the fall of the marwanid andalusian caliphate. The importance of the role played by the kuttab al-insha' at the petty-kings' courts follows from the consideration of their brilliant status, as compared to that of their predecessors in emiral and caliphal times, and from the analysis of their literary production in its relation to the arab-islamic tradition of adab. They show the kuttab's ability to support their masters' ambition to be legitimate rulers, and to translate this ambition in highly symbolic metaphors of kingship, owing to me sophisticated rhetorical training and the vast technical lore which were the kuttab al-insha's traditional mark as a professional group since the end of the 1st century of the hijra
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Giese, Francine [Verfasser]. "Bauen und Erhalten in al-Andalus : Bau- und Restaurierungspraxis in der Moschee-Kathedrale von Córdoba / Francine Giese." Bern : Peter Lang AG, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1123419647/34.
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Mazzoli-Guintard, Christine. "La ville d'al-andalus, esquisse d'un fait urbain : (etude d'histoire et d'archeologie a partir des sources arabes)." Caen, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992CAEN1108.
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A partir du ixeme siecle, debute l'urbanisation d'al-andalus; le mouvement s'amplifie au xeme siecle et plus encore au xieme avec la mise en place des royaumes de taifas. A partir du xiieme siecle, l'urbanisation se diffuse et semble concerner aussi des centres plus modestes. La ville d'al-andalus, designee dans les textes geographiques et dans les chroniques arabes comme madina, hisn, qaida, etc. . . , se presente comme des paysages urbains differents qui se caracterisent par une differenciation plus ou moins marquee des espaces intra-muros. La ville d'al-andalus est souvent analysee aussi comme etant au coeur des relations ville-campagne : sans nier le fait que la centralite permet de definir la ville d'al-andalus, il parait toutefois preferable de parler davantage en termes de societes diversement dominees. Mais fondamentalement, la ville d'al-andalus reste un fait politique : c'est la que s'exprime le pouvoir central qui domine, depuis la citadelle, l'ensemble des citadins. Longtemps presentes comme passivement gouvernes et donc comme une masse inerte, il semble l'on puisse apercevoir, derriere les citadins, un sentiment de solidarite urbaine; et, surtout, il parait possible de substituer au strict antagonisme amma-hassa une dynamique sociale qui se joue a trois, les ulemas representant une troisieme categorie, intermediaire entre les deux precedentes, mais prete, aussi, a remplacer la hassa en cas de vacance du pouvoir
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Lirola, Delgado Jorge. "El poder naval de Al-Andalus en la época del califato omeya (siglo IV / X era cristiana)." [Granada] : Departamento de estudios semíticos, Facultad de filosofía y letras, Universidad de Granada, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37154748f.
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Zomeño, Amalia. "Dote y matrimonio en Al-Andalus y el norte de África : estudio sobre la jurisprudencia islámica medieval /." Madrid : Consejo superior de investigaciones científicas, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38814155k.
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Martínez, Enamorado Virgilio. "Al-Andalus desde la periferia : la formación de una sociedad musulmana en tierras malagueñas (siglos VIII-X) /." [Málaga] : Centro de ediciones de la diputación provincial de Malaga, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39127394w.
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Ribera, i. Gómez Agustí. "Covetes dels moros: coves finestra en el Xarq al-Andalus. Arqueologia de les coves penjades artificials valencianes." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Alicante, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10045/62299.
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Les coves – finestra valencianes són grups de cavitats artificials, excavades en meitat de cingles rocosos inaccessibles. Denominades igualment “magasins o greniers de falaise”, cuevas aéreas, “cuevas - ventana”, o “graneros acantilados”, en altres árees geogràfiques on també s’han detectat, amb gran diversitat tipològica, en el nostre ambit solen rebre popularment el nom de covetes o finestres dels moros, essent l’exemple més relevant i conegut, el grup denominat precisament: Les Covetes dels Moros de Bocairent. Segons la hipòtesi de treball que manejem, la seua funció bàsica seria la de graners – refugi i la seua cronologia medieval andalusina. Malgrat açò, que hem vingut defensant en alguns articles i treballs anteriors, encara es discuteixen altres hipòtesis sobre la seua funció i cronologia, adscrivint-les a periodes protohistòrics, amb ús de cambres funeràries, o a època paleocristiana o visigoda, amb funció eremítica o de cenobis. És per això que un dels principals objectius d’aquest treball ha estat el tractar de demostrar objectivament l’adscripció cultural i cronològica, almenys de l’ús primigeni o original d’aquest tipus de coves. Així mateix es discuteix sobre la seua funcionalitat, en base a les seues pròpies característiques morfològiques i a possibles paral·lels etnogràfics tradicional o subactuals d’alguns aspectes concrets. En no conèixer’s documentació escrita ni pràcticament tampoc inscripcions o gravats, en relació a d’aquesta mena de cavitats, l’estudi s’ha basat en les evidències arqueològiques mobiliars, sempre molt escasses, i que es van poder obtindre en diferents treballs de camp, prospeccions i excavacions arqueològiques realitzades en algunes d’aquestes coves. Per al nostre àmbit d’estudi, bàsicament l’àrea valenciana, encara que comptem amb cites o notes sobre alguns d’eixos conjunts rupestres –sobretot dels de Bocairent/ Ontinyent/ Alfafara o, també, Chella, que ens ha deixat diversos viatgers, cronistes o estudiosos, en diferents moments, almenys des de finals del segle XVIII, tanmateix a banda d’aquests precedents, de valor desigual però sempre breus i superficials, en general comptem amb poques aproximacions de cert rigor i profunditats, descollant en qualsevol cas, el treball de González Simancas, precisament sobre els grups de la capçalera del riu d’Ontinyent, o Alto Clariano, i això a pesar del segle transcorregut des de que va ser publicat (1918), essent molt poques les aportacions posteriors, i encara d’escassa entitat. En altres àmbits peninsulars sí que s’han realitzat estudis recents sobre cavitats en principi similars, descollant els treballs de Maryelle Bertrand en Andalusia oriental, que en bona part hem considerat com a models a seguir. Es planteja així un possible origen d’aquesta mena de cavitats com un trasllat a la península d’un model elaborat en àrees pre-saharianes del sud de Marroc, model que acompanyaria a les immigracions de determinats grups berbers, com hipòtesi posada de relleu per Bertrand per a les coves de l’àrea de Guadix – Baza, en base a la bibliografia francesa d’època colonial, sobre algunes coves considerades precedents dels agadirs o graners col·lectius d’aquella zona. Amb tot, s’ha pretès realitzar una aproximació global i exhaustiva a d’aquestes estructures, partint del conjunt de la capçalera del riu d’Ontinyent, però centrant-nos en els conjunts valencians, encara que atenent també, de forma molt més superficial i aleatòria a altres possibles paral·lels peninsulars, i fins i tot extra - peninsulars. Així doncs, el treball s’ha centrat primerament en la localització, descripció i anàlisi exhaustiu d’aquestes estructures rupestres en l’àmbit valencià. S’aborden els conjunts i grups següents: Capçalera del riu d’Ontinyent o alto Clariano, amb 13 grups; Riu d’Alcoi, o Serpis, amb 2 grups; Riu de Montesa o Cañoles i riu Sellent, con un grup en cada cas; Riu Chelva amb un grup; riu Túria o Guadalaviar, en la seua conca mitja, en Ademús, amb 2 grups; Riu Cabriol, amb un grup i conca mitja del Xúquer, en Albacete, amb 2 grups tractats i aproximació a molts altres. A més a més ens hem aproximat als possibles paral·lels peninsulars d’una manera suficientment àmplia, per a contrastar si es donen els mateixos supòsits que en terres valencianes, trobant-nos amb una gran diversitat de casos. Esperàvem haver pogut aprofundir més en els paral·lels extra - peninsulars, sobretot nord africans, amb l’objectiu d’afermar la hipòtesi d’una possible transferència del model, resultant prou infructuós, tant per la falta d’estudis actualitzats, com, òbviament per la impossibilitat de contribuir a ells amb els nostres propis mitjans. S’ha intentat demostrar, a partir de les sues característiques físiques i dispositius negatius supervivents, la funció preeminent com a graners i magatzems segurs d’aquestes estructures aèries, junt a la funció de defensa passiva, o refugi, en determinades circumstàncies adverses. Per fi hem intentat aprofundir en la qüestió cronològica i en l’adscripció cultural original de les coves, tenint per demostrat, en base a múltiples evidències, de reduïda entitat, però reiterades, que almenys en l’àmbit valencià, aquestes estructures es corresponen amb el poblament medieval andalusí.
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Bosc, Jean-Louis. "Les auteurs andalous dans les oeuvres médicales montpelliéraines au Moyen Âge. Essai de mise en évidence d'une voie de transmission montpelliéraine." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON30031.
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En 1204, le roi d’Aragon devint seigneur de Montpellier. À partir de 1309, la curie apostolique s’installa à Avignon. Sous ces deux patronages, l’Université de médecine connut, de la seconde moitié du XIIIe siècle à la fin du XIVe, sa période la plus florissante. Ce fut la période de plus grande activité littéraire de ses gradués. Après avoir assimilé les œuvres arabes traduites au Mont-Cassin et à Tolède, les maîtres montpelliérains étaient à la recherche de nouveaux textes, tant pour leur enseignement que pour leur exercice, notamment au sein des deux cours. Or la récente intégration à la Couronne d’Aragon des territoires du Levante donnait accès à de nouveaux textes issus d’al-Andalus. Sous l’impulsion des maîtres montpelliérains, prospéra ainsi un second foyer de traduction « espagnol ». L’étude des citations faites par les auteurs médicaux montpelliérains montre que sept œuvres andalouses, traduites en latin entre le XIIIe et le XIVe siècles, sont citées dans une vingtaine d’œuvres montpelliéraines. Certaines d’entre elles, qui datent des XVe et XVIe siècles, prouvent que les textes traduits sont restés pendant des décennies à la disposition des étudiants montpelliérains. Ces traductions ne fournirent qu’une faible proportion des citations d’auteurs andalous trouvées dans les textes montpelliérains. Mais elles associent à l’activité du studium montpelliérain de nouveaux auteurs andalous. Le recours à ceux-ci témoigne du dynamisme de l’Université de médecine au Moyen Âge, qui conduisit ses maîtres vers la terra incognita de nouvelles œuvres andalousesIn 1204, the King of Aragon became Lord of Montpellier. In 1309, the Curia apostolic was installed in Avignon. Under these two patronages, the University of medicine experienced, from the second half of the thirteen century to the end of the fourteenth century, its most flourishing period. It was the period of the greatest literary activity of its graduates. After they had digested the Arabic works translated at Montecassino and Toledo, the Montpellier masters were looking for new texts in order to teach as well as to practise, especially within the two courts. Now the recent integration of the territories of Levante into the Crown of Aragon gave access to new texts from al-Andalus. So, on the impulse of the Montpellier masters, translations flourished in a second « Spanish » place. The study of the quotations made by the medical authors of Montpellier show that seven Andalusian works, translated into latin between the thirteen century and the fourteenth century, are quoted in about twenty works from Montpellier. Some among them, dating from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, prove that the translated texts remained at the disposal of the Montpellier students for decades. These translations make up only a small proportion of the quotations of Andalusian authors found in the Montpellier texts. But they associate some new Andalusian authors with the activity of the Montpellier studium. The resort to these authors attest the dynamism of the medical university in the Middle Ages which led its masters to the terra incognita of new Andalusian works
En 1204, el Rey de Aragón se volvió Señor de Montpellier. A partir de 1309, la curia apostólica se instaló en Aviñón. Bajo aquellos dos patrocinios, la Universidad de medicina conoció, desde la segunda mitad del siglo XIII hasta el final del siglo XIV, su periódo más próspero. Fue el periódo de la más gran actividad literaria de sus graduados.Despues de haber asimilado las obras árabes traducidas en el Montecassino y en Toledo, los maestros de Montpellier estaban buscando nuevos textos, tanto para su enseñanza como para su desempeño, particularmente al seno de las dos cortes. Pues la reciente integración de los territorios del Levante a la Corona de Aragón daba el acceso a nuevos textos que provenían de al-Andalus. Bajo el impulso de los maestros de Montpellier, prosperó así un segundo foco « español » de traducción. El estudio de las citas hechas por los autores médicos de Montpellier demuestra que siete obras andalusíes, traducidas al latín entre el siglo XIII y el siglo XIV, están citadas en unas veinte obras de Montpellier. Algunas de aquellas, que datan de los siglos XV y XVI, prueban que los textos traducidos quedaron durante decenios a la disposición de los estudiantes de Montpellier. Aquellas traducciones no produjeron más que una escasa proporción de las citas de autores andalusíes encontradas en los textos de Montpellier. Pero asocian nuevos autores andalusíes a la actividad del studium de Montpellier. El recurso a aquellos da un testimonio del dinamismo de la Universidad de medicina en la Edad Media, que llevó sus maestros hacia la terra incognita de nuevas obras andalucíes
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DAROUA, MOHAMED. "Les Oulamas andalous au Maroc aux époques almoravide et almohade." Paris 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA010643.
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Ce travail etudie l'emigration des oulemas au maroc aux epoques almoravide et almohade. Nous avons repere les differents departs des oulemas andalous : leurs causes et leurs conditions historiques. L'etablissement des oulemas andalous a provoque un changement de la structure sociale du maroc ; ainsi, les oulemas andalous ont joue un role majeur dans la diffusion de la culture sunnite-malekite et de la langue arabe. Des leur etablissement, la gestion politique et administrative s'institutionnalise.
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Negre, Pérez Joan. "De Dertosa a Ṭurṭūša L’extrem oriental d’al-Ṯagr al-Aˁlà en el context del procés d’islamització d’al-Andalus." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/116319.
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Aquest treball planteja múltiples objectius generals, que podem agrupar en dos grans blocs: en primer lloc, l’estudi històric d’un àmbit espacial concret -la circumscripció de Ṭurṭūša- durant un lapse cronològic determinat -el trànsit entre l’Antiguitat i el Món Islàmic-, en el qual integrarem totes les fonts històriques al nostre abast i, d'altra banda, l’anàlisi d’una dinàmica social com el procés d’islamització a través de les diverses informacions històriques elaborades durant la realització d'aquesta recerca. Per últim, destaquem també com a un element renovador i remarcable el desenvolupament de noves metodologies i aproximacions per a l’estudi d’aquest procés a partir de l’Anàlisi Espacial i de les diverses eines geoestadístiques que ens proporciona la Geografia Quantitativa.
A nivell de continguts, podem dividir aquest treball en tres parts clarament diferenciades: una primera, amb el nom genèric de Context de la Recerca (Bloc I), on s'han plantejat els principals eixos teòrics en què basem les nostres aportacions, un primer estat de la qüestió, general i concret, dels treballs previs i una descripció general del territori d'estudi; en segon lloc, hem plantejat sota el nom De l'estudi de l'observable a l'articulació d'informacions històriques (Blocs II, III i IV) tot el procés que hem seguit per obtenir les dades amb què hem realitzat aquesta recerca, i com a partir d'elles hem construït una sèrie de subjectes històrics i elements d'anàlisi a través de diverses òptiques i metodologies; finalment, la part tercera, anomenada La construcció del discurs històric: dinàmiques de transformació social (Blocs V i VI), aborda les diverses qüestions de major transcendència, des del nostre punt de vista, als debats historiogràfics actuals, tot transformant les informacions històriques obtingudes en una anàlisi detallada de les transformacions socials del territori tortosí, en particular, i peninsular, en general.
Així, la recerca que ara presentem ha permès aportar un vast conjunt de noves dades i informacions sobre aquest territori, al mateix temps que ens oferia la possibilitat de plantejar una sèrie de qüestions històriques que ens semblen cabdals en l'actual debat historiogràfic sobre la formació de la societat andalusina. El fil conductor ha estat en tot cas aquest mateix procés de transformació històrica inherent a l'estudi de qualsevol societat pretèrita, pel que sempre que ha estat possible hem tractat de mostrar una imatge diversificada i en constant canvi. La societat d'al-Andalus és un subjecte històric ple de matisos i especificitats en els seus casos d'estudi, això no obstant, pensem que s'han pogut establir fefaentment una sèrie de dinàmiques comunes que poden ajudar a entendre tant el passat del nostre territori específic de treball com del conjunt de l'Estat andalusí en si mateix.The present work proposes a number of general objectives that can be grouped together in two blocks: in the first place, the historical study of an specific spatial area –the Ṭurṭūša circumscription- during a given chronological lapse –the transition from Antiquity to the Islamic World-, into which all historical sources that we have at our disposal will be incorporated. Secondly, the social dynamics analysis, the islamization process in this case, by using several historical pieces of information that were elaborated through our research. Finally, it is relevant to highlight as an innovative element the development of new methodologies and approaches applied to the study of this process, based on Spatial Analysis and the different geostatistical tools that Quantitative Geography provides us with. Concerning the contents, this work could be divided into three different parts: a first one -with generic title Research Context (Block 1)- , where theoretical core ideas that we base on are exposed, and where a general and specific overview of previous works and description of the territory studied can be found. Secondly, we have named From the Study of the Observable to the Articulation of Historical Information (Blocks II, III and IV) the process we have carried out in order to obstain a data set for this research, and the way they are used to build a number of historical subjects and analytical elements through different points of view and methodologies. Finally, the third part, named Construction of the Historical Discourse, : social transformation dynamics (Blocks V and VI), tackles the most relevant issues of historiographical debates nowadays, and turning those pieces of historical information obtained into a comprehensive analysis of social transformations in the area of Tortosa, specifically, and the Iberian area, in general. This is how the present piece of research has enabled us to present an extensive amount of new data and information on the territory, as well as to give us the opportunity to propose historical issues that we consider to be fundamental in current historiographical debates that focus on the origin of Andalusian society. Anyways, the guiding thread has been the historical transformation process that is inherent to the study of any past society, and that is the reason why we have made great efforts to show a diversificated and changing image. Even if the society of Al-Andalus is a historical subject full of shades and distinctive features concerning each study case, we think that a series of common dynamics has been established, that are of great value in understanding both the past of our specific territory here analyzed and the Andalusian State as a whole.
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Rosser-Owen, Mariam. "Articulating the Ḥijāba : 'cĀmirid artistic and cultural patronage in Al-Andalus (c.970-1010 AD)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408205.
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Gutmann-Grün, Meret. "Zion als Frau Das Frauenbild Zions in der Poesie von al-Andalus auf dem Hintergrund des klassischen Piyyuts." Bern Berlin Bruxelles Frankfurt am Main New York Oxford Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/989364607/04.
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