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Journal articles on the topic 'Andalus'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 May 2024

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1

Stroumsa, Sarah. "The Muʿtazila in al-Andalus: The Footprints of a Phantom." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 2, no. 1-2 (2014): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00201007.

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‭This paper briefly reviews the evidence regarding Muʿtazilite presence in al-Andalus, and the evolvement of contemporary scholarship on this topic. It argues that the actual penetration of the Muʿtazila to al-Andalus was very limited, and that at no point did it amount to a significant presence among Muslims in al-Andalus. It also argues that a broader view of Andalusī intellectual history, a view which takes into account the Andalusī Jewish minority in general and the Karaites in particular, may explain the continuous significance of the Muʿtazila in the intellectual life of al-Andalus.‬

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2

Benallou, Lamine. "El Legado andalusi : l'héritage d'al-Andalus." Horizons Maghrébins - Le droit à la mémoire 33, no. 1 (1997): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/horma.1997.1609.

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3

Armada. "The Orient in the West. The Consolidation of the Umayyad Monetary System in al-Andalus during the 2nd/8th Century." Ukrainian Numismatic Annual, no. 7 (December 27, 2023): 124–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2616-6275-2023-7-124-144.

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During the 2nd/8th century, the consolidation of the Umayyad monetary system took place in al-Andalus. In this process, the influence of Eastern coinage played a decisive role and shows us the fact that al-Andalus was one more territory of Dār al-Islām. The first Andalusi issues, despite having their own local characteristics, were deeply influenced by Eastern elements because they were immersed in the policy of the Umayyad caliphate. After a transitional period, Andalusi dinars and dirhams were adjusted to ‘Abd al-Malik’s reform, becoming fully Arabized currencies. In this process, they were also adjusted to Eastern parameters. The coin hoards of this period show the importance of Eastern coins in the economy of al-Andalus because they were the main currency circulating in the territory. When the Umayyad caliphate of Damascus was replaced by the ‘Abbāsid caliphate, and al-Andalus became an Independent Emirate from the ‘Abbāsid caliphate in 138/756, the maintenance of Umayyad monetary features was the best expression of their dynastic vindication and rejection of the caliphate of Baghdad. The political break with the East was not only reflected in the issues but also in the monetary circulation, as is evidenced by coin hoards. Unlike the previous period, the main circulating currency was the Andalusi dirham, which is evidence of the monetary autonomy and consolidation of the Umayyad monetary system in al-Andalus.

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4

Bosch-Vilà, J. "Andalus." Encyclopédie berbère, no. 5 (April 1, 1988): 641–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.2501.

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5

Bellver, José. "From Ashʿarism to waḥda muṭlaqa in Andalusī Sufism: A Survey of Historical Sources on the Shūdhiyya." Studia Islamica 118, no. 1 (March 29, 2023): 48–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341475.

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Abstract The Shūdhiyya is a Sufi strand that flourished in the south-east region of al-Andalus, particularly in the area of Murcia, in the late 6th/12th century until the second half of the 7th/13th century. It thus extended from the second half of the Almohad period to the early Naṣrid period. The Shūdhiyya is named after the enigmatic figure, al-Shūdhī (fl. 6th/12th c.), a Sufi saint linked to Tlemcen. Nevertheless, the two main figures of the Shūdhiyya were the theologians and Sufis, Ibn al-Marʾa (d. 611/1214) and Ibn Aḥlā (d. 645/1247). Faced with the advance of Christian forces in the region of Murcia, Shūdhīs relocated to the nascent kingdom of Granada and to the central Islamicate world where, as followers of Ibn Sabʿīn (d. 669/1270), they were known as the Sabʿīniyya. The Shūdhiyya flourished in al-Andalus at roughly the same time that Ibn ʿArabī (d. 638/1240) lived in al-Andalus. And, like Ibn ʿArabī, the Shūdhiyya ultimately came to be known for espousing the unity of existence although in a more radical, absolute way. Even though intellectual Sufism in al-Andalus is mostly associated with Ibn ʿArabī, his actual influence on his contemporaries in al-Andalus was rather scarce as he emigrated in his thirties to the East where he wrote his main works. However, in the field of intellectual Sufism, the Shūdhiyya was far more influential in al-Andalus than Ibn ʿArabī. Nevertheless, since the main representatives of the Andalusī Shūdhiyya did not relocate to the East, their works were not widely disseminated across the eastern and central Islamicate world and, consequently, except for Ibn al-Marʾa, most of their works are not known to be extant. Thus, the main witnesses are biographical and polemical literature. Despite the historical and intellectual relevance of the Shūdhiyya for the social, political and intellectual history of al-Andalus, only Massignon has devoted some attention to this Sufi strand. In this article the available sources on the Shūdhiyya in al-Andalus are surveyed and contextualized.

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6

García-Contreras, Guillermo. "Are Postcolonial Narratives useful in Al-Andalus Archaeology?." Anduli, no. 20 (2021): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/anduli.2021.i20.10.

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Archaeological investigations of al-Andalus has become increasingly important in medieval studies, but it has traditionally been left out of the research agenda of European medieval archaeology. This is due to its exoticism and not fitting in well with the construction of a European identity and Spanish national history based on Christian expansion and the “Reconquest” process. At the same time, due to the geographical location and geopolitical position of the Iberian Peninsula within the “West”, scholars working on Islamic archaeology have dedicated less attention to al-Andalus than to other territories. Several factors pose a challenge for current research: the possibility of confrontation with feudal societies; the increasing importance given to technological transfer all along al-Andalus; religious, economic and institutional differences within Christian territories; the importance given in recent years to the identity construction of alterity; and the strong impact that the Andalusi period had on the creation of current landscapes, especially due to irrigated agriculture. This paper tries to reflect on and analyze the historiographical marginality of al-Andalus in both European medieval archaeology and Islamic archaeology. The aim is to understand how we have built an international narrative of the marginality of a territory that is theoretically outside Europe and outside the environment in which classical Islam developed, based mainly on literature produced in English on this matter. In short, this paper poses the question of whether postcolonial theory is a valid category of analysis for al-Andalus.

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7

De Prémare, Alfred-Louis. "Multiple Andalus." Revue de l'Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 40, no. 1 (1985): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/remmm.1985.2088.

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8

Morony, Michael G., and David Wasserstein. "Isolating Andalus." Journal of the American Oriental Society 108, no. 3 (July 1988): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603865.

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9

Del Moral, Celia. "Vino, erotismo y naturaleza en la poesía andalusí." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Árabe-Islam 70 (January 11, 2021): 453–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meaharabe.v70i0.15153.

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La poesía báquica (jamriyya) ha estado presente en la literatura árabe clásica desde sus inicios en la época preislámica hasta la Nahḍa, desde Oriente hasta Occidente, y especialmente en al-Andalus, donde llega a ser uno de los géneros poéticos más cultivados. El clima y la naturaleza de al-Andalus hacen que proliferen las reuniones literarias al aire libre, y que los poetas mezclen en sus versos el tema del vino con la descripción de la naturaleza, junto al tema erótico-amoroso dirigido a las esclavas y a los efebos que servían el vino y amenizaban las veladas. Se ofrece aquí un panorama de la jamriyya andalusí a través de numerosos testimonios poéticos de distintas épocas y autores, analizando los temas que aparecen en ella como el propio vino, sus mezclas, los lugares donde se bebía, las reuniones literarias, los personajes relacionados con el vino, así como sus efectos en los bebedores y los utensilios en los que se servía. La conclusión a que se llega es que la jamriyya en al-Andalus no difiere demasiado de su modelo oriental, si bien se incorporan nuevos elementos unidos a la naturaleza y al erotismo.

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Azuar Ruiz, Rafael. "Jarritos metálicos con tapadera y asa acodada de al-Andalus (siglos XII-XIII d.C.)." Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 26 (December 17, 2019): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/aytm.v26.4.

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Presentamos el inventario y estudio de los jarritos con tapadera aparecidos en al-Andalus. Son de tipo piriforme con asa acodada y tapadera, y presentan una decoración facetada o elipsoide. Sus precedentes son los jarritos fatimíes de tradición copta, de los siglos X-XI y son una muestra de la metalistería andalusí de los siglos XII-XIII.

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11

Hernández López, Adday. "Qur'anic Studies in al-Andalus: An Overview of the State of Research on qirāʾāt and tafsīr." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 19, no. 3 (October 2017): 74–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2017.0303.

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In this paper I aim to offer a state-of-the-art assessment of extant studies on qiraʾāt and tafsīr, and an overview of the development of research in Qur'anic exegesis, in al-Andalus. Over the last decade, humanities research has embraced the use of new methodologies, and different types of bio-bibliographical resources have recently become available within the field of Andalusī studies. As a result, we have at our disposal new tools that allow us to manage a larger amount of data, such as the HATA online catalogue, which will be employed to study the transmission of Andalusian exegetical knowledge in the Islamic world. Pilgrimages and studies trips (riḥlāt fī ṭalab al-ʿilm) have always been the main connection between al-Andalus and the Islamic East and, as it will be shown, certain Andalusī works are known nowadays in the contemporary Islamic world because of this medieval link. Therefore, this contribution will not only discuss the most famous tafsīr titles and authors within the Andalusian literary tradition, but also the diffusion of these Andalusian works to the Islamic East, as well as the reciprocal spread of major Arabic works into Andalusia.

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12

Al-Mallah, Majd. "Voice and Power: Ḥafṣah bint al-Ḥājj and the Poetics of Women in Al-Andalus." Journal of Arabic Literature 51, no. 1-2 (April 6, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341397.

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Abstract This paper examines the poetry of the Andalusī woman poet Ḥafṣah bint al-Ḥājj (d. 589/1191) in the context of a rich body of anecdotes surrounding that poetry as preserved in Nafḥ al-ṭīb, which al-Maqqarī (d. 1041/1632) wrote to preserve the cultural memory of al-Andalus. Known as the preeminent woman poet of Granada in the twelfth century, she lived most of her life under Almohad rule and had a connection to their court. Although literature surrounding Ḥafṣah is generally limited compared to major male poets, this paper will show that a close analysis of al-Maqqarī’s section on Ḥafṣah reveals the poet’s voice and agency. This paper argues that al-Maqqarī’s framing of Ḥafṣah in his landmark work elevates rather than marginalizes the poet and her status as a cultural figure in al-Andalus.

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13

Acién Almansa, Manuel. "Poblamiento indígena en al-Andalus e indicios del primer poblamiento andalusí." Al-Qanṭara 20, no. 1 (February 15, 2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.1999.v20.i1.451.

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En el artículo se plantea el modo de poblamiento del s. VIII en al-Andalus, sobre el cual se defiende la existencia de dos esquemas sucesivos. En el primero de ellos se advierte el asentamiento de la población conquistadora en las antiguas sedes episcopales donde se situarán gobernadores árabes, y asimismo en un tipo de poblamiento intercalar, que suele recibir el nombre de qilā‛ y que ha dejado su rastro en la toponimia. Ese esquema originario se verá transformado hacia la mitad del siglo, al sustituirse la alianza ‛āmilobispo en las ciudades por un mayor protagonismo de los medios rurales; en éstos aparecen grandes linajes muladíes en la Marca Superior y en el SO, mientras que en la actual Andalucía esa función será llevada a cabo con la instalación de los ŷundíes sirios, también asentados en los medios rurales, donde comienzan a proliferar las alquerías.

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Martínez Delgado, José, and Amir Ashur. "A Previously Unpublished Letter of Introduction by an Andalusi Karaite (T-S 8J41.7)." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos Sección Hebreo 70 (December 29, 2021): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meahhebreo.v70.22581.

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The document published in this article is a letter of introduction written by a Karaite Andalusi Jew upon his arrival to Egypt, on his route to Jerusalem. The text, which was deposited in the Cairo Genizah, is currently held at Cambridge University Library in the Taylor-Schechter Collection (Genizah Research Unit). Although undated, the text has the distinction of being the only known letter written by an Andalusi who presents himself as a Karaite, and is thus a first-person confirmation of the presence of this religious group in al-Andalus.

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15

Crego Gómez, María. "Al-Andalus en la Muqaddima de Ibn Jaldūn." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval, no. 35 (April 18, 2022): 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiii.35.2022.32300.

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A partir del texto árabe original de la Muqaddima, este trabajo analiza las referencias a al-Andalus en tanto que entidad geográfica, histórica y política, para determinar la imagen que Ibn Jaldūn tenía de esta región en sus distintas dimensiones. El estudio demuestra que el autor tunecino equiparó esta realidad política a otras naciones del mundo conocido y a través de numerosas referencias a la realidad andalusí ilustró procesos históricos, describió las fases experimentadas por las civilizaciones y explicó la arquitectura administrativa del poder. Su profunda comprensión de las civilizaciones del Mediterráneo, unido al conocimiento personal del occidente árabe-islámico, conducen al historiador tunecino a perseguir una historia total, en la que al-Andalus, contemplada como una civilización en decadencia en época del autor, será una pieza más que explique fenómenos económicos, sociológicos y culturales, así como un eslabón entre dos realidades históricas: las grandes dinastías islámicas y los poderes cristiano y otomano.

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Rosser-Owen, Mariam. "Andalusi Spolia in Medieval Morocco: “Architectural Politics, Political Architecture”." Medieval Encounters 20, no. 2 (March 27, 2014): 152–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342164.

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Abstract Traditionally, art historians have viewed the art of medieval Morocco through the lens of Islamic Iberia, which is regarded as the culturally superior center and model for the region. However, more recent studies are beginning to show that, rather than Moroccan patrons and artisans passively absorbing an Andalusi model, the rulers of the Almoravid and Almohad regimes were adopting aspects of this model in very deliberate ways. These studies suggest that Andalusi works of art were part of a conscious appropriation of styles as well as material in a very physical sense, which were imbued by the Moroccan dynasties with a significance relating to the legitimacy of their rule. This paper focuses on the way in which Andalusi architectural and other, mainly marble, material was deployed in Moroccan architecture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Rather than reusing locally available material, this monumental (and extremely heavy) material was gathered in al-Andalus, at the ruined monuments of the Andalusi Umayyad caliphs, and transported over great distances to the imperial capitals at Fez and Marrakesh. Here this Umayyad spolia was deployed in key locations in the mosques and palaces constructed as the architectural manifestations of the Almoravids’ and Almohads’ new political power. Most frequently, this spolia consisted of marble capitals in the distinctive, dynastic style developed by the Andalusi caliphs for their palace at Madīnat al-Zaḥrāʾ. But together with other Andalusi imports, such as the magnificent minbars made in Córdoba for the Qarawiyyīn mosque and Almoravid mosque at Marrakesh, these physical symbols of al-Andalus in Morocco conveyed a clear message that the Almoravids and, later, the Almohads had taken up the mantle of rule in the Islamic West.

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17

Shasha, David. "This Is Andalus!" Tikkun 25, no. 2 (March 2010): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-2010-2032.

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18

Szpiech, Ryan. "Inheriting Al - Andalus." La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures 48, no. 2 (2020): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cor.2020.0016.

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19

Salvatierra Cuenca, Vicente. "La maîtrise de l'eau en Al-Andalus. Paysages, Practiques et techniques." Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 15 (October 16, 2008): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/aytm.v15i0.1498.

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El regadío y el cultivo de huertas en al-Andalus fueron una práctica generalizada, y constituyeron la base sobre la que se cimentó su gran desarrollo agrícola y la consiguiente prosperidad de la sociedad andalusí. Esta realidad es hoy prácticamente aceptada por todos los investigadores que se aproximan a la cuestión agrícola y del análisis del territorio, con independencia de las posi- ciones o presupuestos desde los que lo hacen.

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20

Kirchner, Helena, and Carmen Navarro. "Objetivos, métodos y práctica de la Arqueología hidráulica." Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 1 (December 9, 1994): 159–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/aytm.v1i0.1600.

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El estudio de los espacios irrigados andalusíes ya cuenta con un volumen considerable de investigación desde las publicaciones más antiguas de T.H. Glick (1970-1988), P. Guichard (1982), P. Guichard y A. Bazzana (1981), M.A. Carbonero (1982, 1983), M. Bertrand y P. Cressier (1985), M. Barceló (1983), M. Barceló et al. (1986,1988) que, por primera vez, asociaron el estudio de estos espacios agrarios al conocimiento de la sociedad andalusí. T.H. Glick (1970-1988) fue el primero en enfatizar las relaciones existentes entre la irrigación y el sistema socio-político de al-Andalus. P. Guichard y A. Bazzana (1981) explicitarían la vinculación existente entre los asentamientos de alquerías, mayoritariamente tribales y clánicas, resultado de las inmigraciones bereberes desde la conquista en el siglo VIII (P. Guichard, 1977), y los espacios agrarios irrigados adyacentes a ellas, en sarq al-Andalus, dentro del marco de los territorios de los huSun , y propondrían una conexión con modelos magrebíes, debido a la abundante presencia de topónimos tribales y clánicos bereberes.

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Olivé-Busom, Júlia, Helena Kirchner, Olalla López-Costas, and Nicholas Márquez-Grant. "Arqueología funeraria andalusí en Cataluña y la provincia de Castellón." Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 27 (December 22, 2020): 235–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/aytm.v27.5395.

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El presente trabajo ofrece una síntesis de los conocimientos arqueológicos e históricos sobre el poblamiento andalusí mediante un inventario de hallazgos funerarios en Cataluña, con la provincia de Castellón como referente de comparación. Se presentan nuevos datos relativos a hallazgos aún inéditos de los yacimientos de Plà de Almatà (Balaguer) y la Vall d’Uixó (Castellón). Cataluña formaba parte de la Frontera Superior de al-Andalus, por lo que desarrolló unas características de poblamiento diferentes al resto del šarq al-Andalus, representado por la provincia de Castellón. Para investigar estas características, la arqueología funeraria y la antropología física aportan herramientas de gran utilidad. Aunque los aspectos tafonómicos y las oportunidades de excavación han influenciado el registro funerario disponible, los procesos históricos no deben desvincularse. Para este trabajo, se ha realizado un inventario exhaustivo y un análisis de los datos disponibles de estas regiones con el objetivo de interpretar el registro disponible y ofrecer una síntesis útil para las investigaciones futuras.

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22

Bennison, Amira K. "The peoples of the north in the eyes of the Muslims of Umayyad al-Andalus (711–1031)." Journal of Global History 2, no. 2 (July 2007): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002239.

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AbstractThis article explores how the Muslim inhabitants of the Iberian peninsula, known in Arabic as al-Andalus, located themselves in space and time in relation to other ‘Europeans’. It has been asserted that Muslims did not show much interest in the peoples living beyond the boundaries of the Islamic world before European imperialism impacted upon them, and that much of what they did write was formulaic and predicated on the primordial religious enmity which existed between Muslims and non-Muslims. While true up to a point, this article attempts to nuance this argument, and point to ways in which the Muslims of al-Andalus did refer to other peoples and other epochs, and incorporate them into their worldview, thereby positioning themselves not only within the dār al-islām but also within a Mediterranean historical trajectory. It also looks at the ways in which northerners did participate in and shape Andalusi society, despite the reluctance of much Arabic writing to fully record or recognize this phenomenon.

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Souza, Juan Carlos Ruiz. "Castile and al-Andalus after 1212: assimilation and integration of Andalusi architecture." Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 4, no. 1 (March 2012): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17546559.2012.677198.

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24

Akasoy, Anna. "CONVIVENCIA AND ITS DISCONTENTS: INTERFAITH LIFE IN AL-ANDALUS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 3 (July 15, 2010): 489–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000516.

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Historians of Europe often declare that Spain is “different.” This distinctiveness of the Iberian peninsula has many faces and is frequently seen as rooted in its Islamic past. In the field of Islamic history, too, al-Andalus is somewhat different. It has its own specialists, research traditions, controversies, and trends. One of the salient features of historical studies of al-Andalus as well as of its popular image is the great interest in its interreligious dimension. In 2002, María Rosa Menocal published The Ornament of the World, one of the rare books on Islamic history written by an academic that enjoyed and still enjoys a tremendous popularity among nonspecialist readers. The book surveys intersections of Islamic, Jewish, and Christian elite culture, mostly in Arabic, Hebrew, and Latin literature and in architecture, from the Muslim conquest of the Iberian peninsula in 711 to the fall of Granada in 1492. Menocal presents the religious diversity commonly referred to as convivencia as one of the defining features of Andalusi intellectual and artistic productivity. She also argues that the narrow-minded forces that brought about its end were external, pointing to the Almoravids and Almohads from North Africa and Christians from north of the peninsula as responsible. The book's subtitle, How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain, conjures the community of Abrahamic faiths. It reflects the optimism of those who identify in Andalusi history a model for a constructive relationship between “Islam” and “the West” that in the age of the “war on terror” many are desperate to find.

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Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "Traductores bilingües latino-árabes andalusíes: textos y contextos." Cuadernos del CEMyR, no. 29 (2021): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cemyr.2021.29.03.

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The interestingt task carried out by the bilingual Andalusi Latin-Arabic translators helped to build a literary heritage of enormous importance for the Christians of al-Andalus. The high level of Arabization exhibited by these texts informs us about how Christian intellectuals participated in the knowledge coming from the East, but also allowed them to transfer part of their Latin legacy to the new language of the Andalusi State, the Arabic language. Although the number of surviving texts is certainly scarce, however the quality of these texts allows us not only to assume that there were more texts, but also to know the cultural level of these translators and to obtain relevant information about various aspects of the Andalusi Arabized Christian communities.

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Roslan, Putera Areff, Ezad Azraai Jamsari, Mohamad Zulfazdlee Abul Hassan Ashari, Burhanuddin Jalal, and Raja Muhammad Imran Raja Abdul Aziz. "[Muhammad Ibn Abi ‘Amir’s Political Involvement According to The Chronicle Of Ibn Hayyan Al-Qurtubi] Penglibatan Politik Muhammad Ibn Abi ‘Amir Menurut Catatan Ibn Hayyan Al-Qurtubi." Jurnal Islam dan Masyarakat Kontemporari 22, no. 1 (July 23, 2021): 176–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/jimk.2021.22.1.558.

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Abstract Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir was a de facto leader of al-Andalus during the Umayyad rule based in Cordoba. Caliph al-Hakam II had appointed him to hold some political positions to strengthen Umayyad rule in Cordoba (al-Andalus) and al-Maghrib (North Africa). Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir’s political appointment was seen as a special position in Cordoba administration. This analysis is seen through the readings of the authoritative primary source written by Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi. Hence, the purpose of this article is to scrutinize Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi’s biography as an al-Andalus historian in the 5H/11AD Century in his work, al-Muqtabas fi Akhbar Balad al-Andalus. In addition, this research also describes the involvement of Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir in the Umayyad administration in Cordoba during the reign of Caliph al-Hakam II based on the chronicle of Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi. On the whole, this article is a qualitative research using historical study and content analysis in gathering and analyzing data from relevant primary and secondary sources. Based on Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi’s description in al-Muqtabas, this research argues that Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir was an authoritative political figure in 4H/10AD Century of the Umayyad rule in Cordoba. His political appointments were held in the fields, of administration, judiciary, military, security, international relations and finance. This research also concludes that Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi was a preeminent historian in al-Andalus through his work, al-Muqtabas fi Akhbar Balad al-Andalus, which is seen as his biggest contribution in the corpus of knowledge on Islamic history and civilization in al-Andalus. Keywords: Political history, al-Andalus, Cordoba, Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir, Umayyad Caliphate, Caliph al-Hakam II, Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi Abstrak Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir ialah seorang pemimpin de facto al-Andalus pada zaman pemerintahan Kerajaan Umawiyyah di Cordoba. Pihak Khalifah al-Hakam II telah melantik beliau untuk menjawat beberapa jawatan politik utama bagi memperkukuh pengaruh Kerajaan Umawiyyah di Cordoba (al-Andalus) dan di al-Maghrib (Afrika Utara). Pelantikan politik Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir ini turut memperlihatkan kedudukan istimewa yang diterima beliau dalam pemerintahan di Cordoba. Pencerakinan tersebut dilihat menerusi penelaahan terhadap sumber primer berwewenang yang ditulis oleh Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi. Oleh itu, penulisan ini bertujuan untuk meneliti biografi Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi sebagai tokoh sejarawan al-Andalus pada abad ke-5H/11M melalui karyanya, al-Muqtabas fi Akhbar Balad al-Andalus. Di samping itu, kajian ini turut memerihalkan penglibatan Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir dalam Kerajaan Umawiyyah di Cordoba pada era pemerintahan Khalifah al-Hakam II berdasarkan catatan Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi. Secara keseluruhannya, artikel ini merupakan kajian kualitatif dengan menggunakan reka bentuk kajian sejarah dan analisis kandungan dalam mengumpul serta menganalisis maklumat daripada sumber primer dan sekunder yang relevan. Berasaskan pemerian Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi dalam al-Muqtabas, kajian ini menghujahkan bahawa Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir ialah seorang tokoh politik berwibawa abad ke-4H/10M era Kerajaan Umawiyyah di Cordoba. Antara penglibatan politik yang disandang oleh Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir adalah meliputi bidang pentadbiran, kehakiman, ketenteraan, keselamatan, hubungan antarabangsa dan juga kewangan. Kajian ini turut menatijahkan Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi sebagai seorang tokoh sejarawan terulung di al-Andalus menerusi hasil karyanya, al-Muqtabas fi Akhbar Balad al-Andalus yang dilihat sebagai sumbangan terbesar beliau dalam korpus kelimuan sejarah dan tamadun Islam di al-Andalus. Kata kunci: Sejarah politik, al-Andalus, Cordoba, Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Amir, Kerajaan Umawiyyah, Khalifah al-Hakam II, Ibn Hayyan al-Qurtubi

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PENELAS, Mayte. "Novedades sobre el "Texto mozárabe de historia universal" de Qayrawān." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 1 (October 1, 2004): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v1i.14842.

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En este artículo se analizan dos páginas del "texto mozárabe de historia universal" de Qayrawan –actualmente en el Museo de Arte Islámico de Raqqada– no editadas por G. Levi Della Vida. Los contenidos de estas dos páginas confirman su dependencia de fuentes latinas, pero también nos enseñan su afinidad con otras obras árabes que se ocupan de la época preislámica y la conquista de al-Andalus, revelando así la importancia de este texto tan peculiar en el ámbito de la historiografía andalusí.

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Shannon, Jonathan H. "THERE AND BACK AGAIN: RHETORICS OF AL-ANDALUS IN MODERN SYRIAN POPULAR CULTURE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 1 (January 14, 2016): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001440.

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AbstractThis article explores the rhetorical function of al-Andalus (medieval Spain) in modern Syrian popular culture, with a focus on music. The rhetoric of al-Andalus in Syria is intimately related to the project of nation building. The nostalgic performance of links between modern Syria and medieval al-Andalus assumed great rhetorical force in the 1960s as a result of ideologies of pan-Arabism, the loss of Palestine, the rise of Islamist threats at home, and the emergence of petrodollar regimes in the Arabian Gulf. As a result, the rhetoric of al-Andalus became “good to think” for wide audiences of Syrians. Musical genres linked to al-Andalus play an important role as potent vehicles for constructing Syrian memory cultures. Drawing on heavily mythologized and nostalgic visions of an Andalusian golden age, musical performance in Syria sonically reinforces forms of nostalgic remembrance and enacts claims on Syrian pasts, presents, and futures.

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Azuar Ruiz, Rafael. "Las técnicas constructivas en la formación de Al-Andalus." Arqueología de la Arquitectura, no. 4 (December 30, 2005): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/arq.arqt.2005.80.

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El estudio de las técnicas constructivas en la formación de al-Andalus se enmarca dentro del debate sobre el paso de la Antigüedad Tardía a la Alta Edad Media y desde el análisis de los procesos que intervienen en la producción arquitectónica. A lo largo de los siglos VIII y IX, se observa las dificultadas en la recuperación y normalización de la demanda arquitectónica, en donde conviven los proyectos edilicios en sillería concertada con los construidos en tapial. Esta dualidad en las técnicas constructivas es un ejemplo de la lenta y difícil islamización de la península que culminó en el siglo X con el califato Omeya de Córdoba y que supuso el desarrollo de un verdadero programa arquitectónico andalusí.

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Salvatierra Cuenca, Vicente. "Biblioteca de Al-Andalus." Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2006): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/aytm.v13i1.1523.

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En los últimos años nos hemos ido acostumbrando en España a que desde instancias más o menos oficiales se lancen grandes proyectos, de muy distinto tipo, en relación a la promoción del conocimiento de la historia y la cultura de Al-Andalus. Proyectos que, con demasiada frecuencia, no van mucho más allá de los primeros actos, que permitieron el anuncio y la “foto”, o que se quedan posteriormente en iniciativas que tienen que ver más con la difusión con finesturísticos (algo absolutamente legítimo) o con la propaganda con vistas a las relaciones exteriores (quizá menos legítimo, pero igualmente necesario). Noobstante, en general se echan de menos auténticas iniciativas de carácter científico, que realmente supon- gan avances en la investigación y en la organización de nuestros conocimientos.

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Salvatierra Cuenca, Vicente. "El Garb Al-Andalus." Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 9 (November 18, 2002): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/aytm.v9i0.1585.

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Durante el último cuarto de siglo las investigaciones arqueológicas sobre Al-Andalus han crecido de forma notable, tanto en España como en Portugal, aunque sólo muy lentamente va desapareciendo en España la lamentable “tradición” de hacer caso omiso de casi todo lo que se hace al otro lado de la raya fronteriza. Ello es tanto mas grave para la época islámica, por cuanto supone ignorar lo que sucedió en el Garb al-Andalus, lo que resulta cada vez mas inaceptable si tenemos en cuenta que la diversidad fue la norma entre los territorios de al-Andalus. Por ello es muy satisfactorio que algunas de las publicaciones aparecidas a lo largo del año 2001 hayan con seguido una difusión mayor de lo que suele ser habitual en estas materias.

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Rucquoi, Adeline, and Pierre Guichard. "Al-Andalus, 711-1492." Studia Islamica, no. 96 (2003): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1596253.

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Hendrickson, Jocelyn. "Is al-Andalus Different?" Islamic Law and Society 20, no. 4 (2013): 371–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-0204p0002.

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Based on a close analysis of three interrelated Mālikī fatwās on trading with the enemy issued by Granadan jurist Abū Isḥāq al-Shāṭibī (d. 790/1388), Tunisian jurist Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad al-Māzarī (d. 536/1141), and Maghribī jurist ʿAlī b. ʿAbd al-Salām al-Tasūlī (d. 1258/1842), this study shows that muftīs strategically manipulate their predecessors’ opinions in order to construct precedents more supportive of their desired rulings; the “mere” application of school doctrine to a recurring case may involve considerable juristic flexibility and adaptation of legal practice to changing legal and political circumstances. Further, these opinions demonstrate that the issuance of a fatwā is not just an intellectual task or a rhetorical exercise, but a performance. A fatwā’s value as a precedent for later jurists may be based as much on the earlier muftī’s model performance in issuing the ruling as it is on the legal message conveyed by that ruling.

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Khanmohamadi, Shirin. "Charles in al-Andalus." Digital Philology: A Journal of Medieval Cultures 8, no. 1 (2019): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dph.2019.0012.

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35

Wasserstein, David. "Byzantium and Al‐Andalus." Mediterranean Historical Review 2, no. 1 (June 1987): 76–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518968708569519.

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Anidjar, Gil. "Futures of al-Andalus." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 7, no. 3 (November 2006): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636200601084014.

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Shannon, Jonathan H. "Performing al-Andalus, Remembering al-Andalus: Mediterranean Soundings from Mashriq to Maghrib." Journal of American Folklore 120, no. 477 (July 1, 2007): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20487557.

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Epalza, Míkel de, and Francisco Franco Sánchez. "Bibliografía sobre temas árabes de Sharq Al-Andalus (Levante de Al-Andalus)." Sharq Al-Andalus, no. 2 (1985): 279–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/shand.1985.2.28.

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Epalza, Míkel de, and Francisco Franco Sánchez. "Bibliografía sobre temas árabes del Sharq Al-Andalus (Levante de Al-Andalus)." Sharq Al-Andalus, no. 3 (1986): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/shand.1986.3.26.

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Shannon, Jonathan Holt. "Performing al-Andalus, Remembering al-Andalus: Mediterranean Soundings from Mashriq to Maghrib." Journal of American Folklore 120, no. 477 (2007): 308–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jaf.2007.0060.

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Coullaut Cordero, Jaime. "La sîmîâ’ en Al-Andalus." El Futuro del Pasado 1 (January 1, 2010): 451–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/fdp.24521.

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Sīmiyā’ es una palabra árabe que en los diccionarios al uso suele traducirse como ‘magia blanca’ o ‘magia natural’. En efecto, la llamada “ciencia de la sīmiyā’” (‘ilm al-sīmiyā’) es un tipo de magia bien conocida en el mundo árabe desde la Edad Media hasta nuestrosdías. Tras discutir brevemente las etimologías propuestas para el término, repasaremos las definiciones que han dado de esta ciencia medieval autores clásicos como Šhihāb al-Dīn al-Qarāfī (s. XIII), Ibn Jaldūn (s. XIV) o Hāyŷī Jalīfa (s. XVII), subrayando sus divergencias.También comentaremos su práctica tal como se expone en algunos textos de ciencias ocultas antiguos.Tras ello, analizaremos el significado, conceptos básicos y práctica de la sīmiyā’ en al-Andalus, basándonos principalmente en la obra del autor sufí Muhammad b. ‘Alī b. Tūmart al-Andalusī (s. XIII - XIV) titulada Kanz al-‘ulūm wa-l-durr al-manzūm (“El Tesoro de las cienciasy la Perla ensartada”), donde dedica un breve capítulo a dicha ciencia, lo que nos llevará a relacionar el sufismo con la práctica de las ciencias ocultas en el mundo islámico.

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Souto, Juan A. "La Mezquita Aljama de Córdoba." Artigrama, no. 22 (December 9, 2022): 37–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_artigrama/artigrama.2007227892.

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La Mezquita Aljama de Córdoba fue el monumento más emblemático del Islam andalusí. Sus génesis y desarrollo fueron un fiel reflejo de los avatares del Estado omeya a lo largo de su existencia en la Península Ibérica. El complejo lenguaje plástico, tanto arquitectónico como decorativo, plasmado en este edificio sirvió de modelo a construcciones islámicas occidentales contemporáneas y posteriores. La presente contribución se pretende descripción sucinta e interpretación básica de las claves de este paradigma arquitectónico al hilo de la historia de al-Andalus entre los siglos VIII y X.

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Vargas, Michael. "Agricultural Landscapes of Al-Andalus, and the Aftermath of the Feudal Conquest, ed. Kirchner, Helena and Flocel Sabaté. The Medieval Countryside 22. Turnhout, Brepols, 2021, pp. 277; 22 b/w figures, 44 b/w maps, 9 b/w tables and graphs." Mediaevistik 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 459–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2022.01.100.

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Abstract: The twenty-second volume of the Brepols series on The Medieval Countryside offers state-of-the-art research and novel perspectives on the complex and varied agricultural landscapes of medieval Al Andalus. The nine collected papers emerge principally from two research groups: the Agrarian Archeology of the Middle Ages group centered at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, and the Cultures and Societies of the Middle Ages group at the Universitat de València. Both have longstanding research programs engaging experts in the study of Andalusi society. Helena Kirchner offers an introductory essay that, although thinner in detail and reach than some readers might like (I would have appreciated more historiographical context), points to some of the methodological novelties and indicates the major topics treated. Many of the papers signal indebtedness to Thomas Glick, beginning with the highly influential Irrigation and Society in Medieval Valencia (Cambridge, 1970), and also to Miquel Barceló’s studies that began in the 1980s of hydraulic systems across a broader expanse of medieval Al-Andalus. Building upon a formidable heritage, each of the offerings reports on methods that go well beyond what those predecessors conceived.

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Kirchner, Helena. "The Archaeology of Field Systems in Al-Andalus." Agronomy 14, no. 1 (January 16, 2024): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agronomy14010196.

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The Berber and Arab conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 711 C.E. led to a profound transformation of the agricultural landscape. The layout of the irrigated areas, both rural and urban, is recognisable because it is the result of social and technological choices. But irrigated agriculture was not the only option in Al-Andalus. Rainfed agriculture is supposed to have been the main form of agriculture in large areas of the centre and west of the peninsula, although the field systems have been scarcely identified. In regions where irrigation was the preferred option, rainfed crops were complementary. In regions where dry farming was the only possible agriculture, there were settlement networks linked to livestock breeding and to droveways and pasture areas. The original selections made by the Berber and Arab farmers can still be recognized despite the expansion that has mainly taken place since modern times. However, the more recent and destructive capitalist agriculture is erasing the last vestiges of the Andalusi agricultural landscape.

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Zozaya, Juan. "Una discusión recuperada: candiles musulmanes de disco impreso." Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 6 (November 19, 1998): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/aytm.v6i0.1535.

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Larga y fecunda amistad me une con quien es ahora motivo de cálido homenaje por la comunidad científica de quienes nos dedicamos al mundo de al-Andalus. Inolvidable la generosidad de Guillermo cuando yo era apenas un aspirante a entrar en el Cuerpo de Archiveros, Bibliotecarios y Arqueólogos y él, sin casi conocerme, no dudó en ayudarme “desde fuera”. Desde entonces surgió la amistad, la “empatía” no sólo personal sino profesional. Los dos trabajamos el islam andalusí, los dos arquitectura y cerámica, los dos metales, los dos luchamos juntos para que el término científico “andalusí”, que hoy parece tan natural, tan obvio, se impusiera, hacia los setenta iniciales, sobre los “hispano-árabes” y los “luso-árabes” y de paso se redujeran las susceptibilidades de investigadores que pudieran ver el mundo islámico peninsular y balear como una afirmación “centralista” o imperialista.

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Domínguez, Juan Pablo. "De «España árabe» a «España musulmana»: al-Andalus bajo el prisma antisemita (1847-1945)." Al-Qanṭara 42, no. 1 (July 2, 2021): e05. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2021.005.

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Desde mediados del siglo XIX, muchos arabistas e historiadores han hablado de «la España musulmana». En las últimas décadas, varios autores han criticado esta expresión, en la que ven una españolización de al-Andalus fruto del nacionalismo decimonónico. Estas críticas, aun siendo en parte certeras, han impedido advertir que el éxito de la locución «España musulmana» no se debió tanto a la españolización como a la desarabización de al-Andalus. La españolización de al-Andalus ya era habitual antes del siglo XIX: hasta bien entrada esa centuria, bastaba aludir al influjo del clima ibérico para convertir a los árabes en españoles. Lo novedoso en la segunda mitad del XIX fue el triunfo del racialismo. Los caracteres nacionales, hasta entonces vinculados casi siempre a las condiciones geográficas, pasaron a entenderse como producto de la herencia biológica. Y se hizo preciso sostener (con ayuda del antisemitismo «científico») que los pobladores de al-Andalus no fueron de «raza arábiga». Así la «España árabe» se transformó en la «España musulmana».

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Dangler, Jean, Maria Rosa Menocal, Raymond P. Scheindlin, and Michael Sells. "The Literature of Al-Andalus." Hispanic Review 71, no. 2 (2003): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3247191.

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Rozenberg, Danielle. "Sefarad et Al-Andalus revisitées." Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps 70, no. 1 (2003): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mat.2003.402455.

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Gonzalès, V. "L'émaillerie cloisonnée dans Al-Andalus." Revue de l'Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 40, no. 1 (1985): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/remmm.1985.2094.

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ARMADA, Almudena ARIZA. "THE COINAGE OF AL-ANDALUS." Shedet 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/shedet.004.05.

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