Academic literature on the topic 'Andhra Pradesh (India). Legislative Assembly'

Arunthathiyar (Arunthathiyar) or the Cobbler (Chakkiliyar) called the Indian states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana regions, which lives in the list, caste -based, are an ethnic group. These are called Dalits. In Tamil Nadu, Arundhatiyar, Sakkiliyar, Madari, Adi Andhra, Pakadai, Madhika and Thottin are also known by some other names. Out of the 18% reservation given to the downtrodden people in Tamil Nadu, the law giving 3% reservation to Arundhati was passed in the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly in February 2009. Sakkilyar is a Sanskrit word derived from Sakkuli which is also known as Sakkili. The Sanskrit word satkuzhi means "one who eats dead beef "or" one who eats too much meat". Often known as leather workers, whose main occupation was well-irrigated agriculture, making leather for battlefields, and sewing shoes, these people lost their traditional leather business and were relegated to the status quo. At one point in history, a group of people in all parts of India were forced into the industry through religious restrictions. Realizing this situation and with the experience of his life, author Poomani can be said to have transcended all forms of casteism, superstition, untouchability, and cults, and to have created the deepest and most compelling friendship between the dominant castes and the Sakkilians in his works and to evoke social awareness.

Abstract This article is an ethnography portraying the processual and performative dimensions of the 2009 state assembly election in Andhra Pradesh. It shows how upper castes have persisted in power in a multicaste and increasingly democratic society through the distribution of welfare and patronage benefits to more marginalized segments of society. Conceptually, it argues for the importance of “political society” over “civil society,” when examining state-society relations in neoliberal, democratic India.

In 1993, India adopted the neoliberal World Bank model for the electricity sector, which endeavoured to privatise the state owned sector. The move to privatise was prompted by sectoral losses owing to politicisation of provision and inefficient management of the state owned utility. This transition from a ‘welfare state’ to a ‘regulatory state’ was sought to be achieved through legislative enactment. By tracing the province of Andhra Pradesh’s implementation of the reform legislation, the paper evolves an alternate narrative of the reform process, as opposed the World Bank’s narrative of legislative enactment signalling the reception of its regulatory model. It argues that focussing on resistance to reform and actual ‘reception’ as opposed to formal enactment will counter the assumption of triumph of the neo-liberal worldview of the role of the state in economic activity.

Abstract Khammam is the district of tribals in the Andhra Pradesh (India). Recently, we have conducted a study on oral cavity cancer in this tribal area and found that the incidence of oral cancer was 13.04%, male to female ratio was 1.03 : 1 and the incidence of oral cancer in youths (between 21 and 30 years) was 4.85%, which was too much compared with the global previous studies. So, we decided to find the cause for the high incidences of oral cavity cancer among the youths, by conducting survey and by direct interviewing the youths at their villages and at their towns separately for the comparison between both locality youths. Also we undertook clinical examination of their oral cavity to find the presence of any pathological lesions. We prepared the proformas well in advance containing various parameters which cause oral cavity cancer and conducted mass interview of 3,000 youths both at rural and urban places separately. Master chart of both places was prepared and compared the differences between these two localities, to find the cause for increase in incidences oral cavity cancer. In rural area, out of 3,000 youths, 2,907 (96.9%) (including 1,605 male and 1,302 females) had various combination of habits whereas, in urban area, among 3,000 male youths, only 953 (31.76%) had various combination of habits. Illiteracy status in rural area was 77.56% and in the urban area, it is 13.23%. Among the youths having habits, various types of chewing habits in rural area were seen in 2,722 (93.69%) youths. In urban area, it was seen in 934 (98%). Among all 3,000 youths of each locality, oral cavity hygiene was unhygienic in 2,387 (79.56%) youths of the rural area whereas, in the urban area it is seen in 1109 (36.96%). Premalignant changes were seen 21 rural youths, but not in urban residents. Education has vital role in rural area to control the chewing habits, for which media role and legislative act to ban the tobacco chewing should be mandatory to reduce the incidence of oral cavity cancer among the youths of tribal villages.

In contemporary political discourse, the concern of affective polarization, often fueled by uncivil and sexist discourse, is notably evident in digital communication contexts like WhatsApp. In this study, we examined the potential effects of uncivil and sexist messages as well as moderator interventions against these messages coming from political in- and out-group members in such political groups through a survey experiment ( N = 1,464) fielded during the 2022 Uttar Pradesh (India) Legislative Assembly Elections. We investigate these questions and extend the prior work on affective polarization by introducing a new measure of Average Inter-party Affective Distance, which provides a single metric to index overall polarization in a multi-party election context. Our results showed that exposure to sexist uncivil messages had no discernible effect on affective polarization, political participation, and voting intention. Additionally, moderator warnings against incivility had no significant effects. However, we observed a variation in how respondents processed these messages based on their preexisting attitudes; notably, individuals with less sexist views were more inclined to vote after being exposed to sexist uncivil messages. These findings suggest that the influence of incivility and sexism in messaging platforms like WhatsApp on the wider electorate’s political behavior and attitudes is relatively limited. This research contributes to our understanding of the role of digital political communication, highlighting the importance of message content and preexisting individual differences in shaping affective polarization and mobilization.