Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Angelic sin'

This thesis attempts to disentangle the multilayered interactions between Greater Los Angeles’s history, its built environment, and its inequitable treatment of different peoples, focusing on how transportation in surrounding suburban communities like San Gabriel Valley has developed in relation to the inner city of Los Angeles. Greater Los Angeles contains a long, winding trajectory of transit-based environmental injustices, from the indigenous societies being overtaken by the Spanish missions, to the railroads and streetcars boosting the farmlands and urban growth of Los Angeles, leading into the decline of transit and rise of automobile-oriented suburbia. Within the San Gabriel Valley, the suburban community of El Monte has a varied history in its racialized spatiality and transportation development, rising from a former agricultural hub and to its more recent growth as a vibrant working-class suburb full of minorities. Based on a case study of El Monte’s past and present built environment, this thesis looks at the present situation of El Monte’s downtown district, including a walkthrough of its ongoing downtown revitalization project centered on transit-oriented development around the newly renovated regional bus station. This thesis finds the city of El Monte and Greater Los Angeles’s transit agencies have approached the renewed economic and public interest in transit in disconnected ways, leading to mixed results for its working-class minority populace, but also finds avenues in which the government and the public can cooperatively create more equitable transit-based communities for the future.

Nell’ottobre del 1921 a Milano nacque la Scuola Superiore di Arte Cristiana Beato Angelico. Responsabili dell’iniziativa: don Giuseppe Polvara, l’architetto Angelo Banfi, il pittore Vanni Rossi, affiancati dallo scultore Franco Lombardi, dai sacerdoti Adriano e Domenico Bernareggi, dall’ingegner Giovanni Dedè, dal professor Giovanni Mamone e dall’avvocato Carlo Antonio Vianello. Gli allievi del primo anno scolastico furono nove, due dei quali (gli architetti don Giacomo Bettoli e Fortunato De Angeli) destinati a restare per lunghi anni nella Scuola come docenti: così avvenne anche col pittore Ernesto Bergagna, iscrittosi l’anno seguente. A partire da quell’avvenimento il contesto italiano dell’arte sacra poté contare su un elemento di indiscutibile novità, destinato nel giro di pochi anni a una rapida, diffusa e pervicace affermazione nella Penisola. La fondazione della Scuola Beato Angelico mise un punto fermo nell’annoso dibattito sul generale declino dell’arte sacra che andava in scena da lungo tempo in Italia così come nei principali Paesi europei. La formula ideata da don Polvara metteva a sistema le proprie esperienze personali, artistiche e professionali con la conoscenza del contesto internazionale, di alcuni modelli esemplari e il confronto con gruppi e singole figure (artisti, critici, uomini di Chiesa) animate dal comune desiderio di contribuire alla rinascita dell’arte sacra. A cento anni dalla sua nascita – e a settanta dalla scomparsa del suo fondatore – la Scuola Beato Angelico (coi laboratori di Architettura, Cesello, Ricamo, Pittura e Restauro) prosegue tuttora nel compito di servire la Chiesa attraverso la realizzazione di arredi e paramenti sacri contraddistinti da una particolare cura dell’aspetto artistico e liturgico, oggetto di ripetute attestazioni di merito e riconoscimenti in ambito ecclesiastico. Ciò che invece finora manca all’appello è un organico tentativo di ricostruzione delle vicende storiche che hanno segnato la genesi e gli sviluppi di questa singolare realtà artistica e religiosa. Scopo di questa tesi è quindi la restituzione di un profilo il più possibile dettagliato e ragionato della storia della Scuola Beato Angelico, tale da riportare questa vicenda al centro di una situazione storica e di un contesto culturale complesso, attraverso una prospettiva di lavoro originale condotta sul filo delle puntualizzazioni e delle riscoperte. Stante il carattere “pionieristico” di questa ricerca, la vastità dei materiali e delle fonti a disposizione e la conseguente necessità di assegnare un taglio cronologico riconoscibile al lavoro si è optato per circoscrivere l’indagine ai decenni compresi tra il 1921 e il 1950, ovvero tra la fondazione della Beato Angelico e la scomparsa di Giuseppe Polvara. Come si vedrà, il termine iniziale viene in un certo senso anticipato dall’esigenza di tratteggiare al meglio gli antefatti e il contesto da cui trae origine la Scuola (tra la fine del XIX e i primi decenni del XX secolo). L’anno assunto a conclusione della ricerca, invece, è parso una scelta quasi obbligata, coincidente col primo avvicendamento alla direzione della Beato Angelico oltre che dalla volontà di escludere dal discorso quanto andò avviandosi negli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta, ossia una nuova e diversa stagione nel campo dell’arte sacra (destinata, tra l’altro, a passare attraverso lo snodo rappresentato dal Concilio Vaticano II e dall’azione di S. Paolo VI), peraltro assai indagata dagli studi storico-artistici. Ciò che ha reso possibile la stesura di questa tesi è il fatto che essa si appoggi, in buona parte, su materiali archivistici inediti o, quantomeno, mai esaminati prima d’ora in modo strutturato. L’accesso ai materiali d’archivio più storicizzati e la loro consultazione (grazie alla disponibilità dimostrata dalla direzione della Scuola Beato Angelico) hanno condizionato in modo determinante la trattazione degli argomenti, la ricostruzione dei quali , in alcuni casi, è sostenuta esclusivamente dai documenti rinvenuti. La nascita della Scuola Beato Angelico non fu un accadimento isolato nel panorama della produzione artistica europea del tempo né un episodio estraneo a quanto, contemporaneamente, si andava dibattendo nel mondo ecclesiastico. La Scuola di Polvara nacque in un’epoca contrassegnata da grande fermento ecclesiale: si pensi agli Ateliers d’Art Sacré fondati da Maurice Denis e George Desvallières a Parigi nel 1919, solo due anni prima della Scuola milanese, i cui aderenti – tutti laici – professavano una religiosità intensa e devota. Ma, soprattutto, il modello determinante e più conosciuto da Polvara fu la Scuola di Beuron (Beuroner Kunstschule), nata nell’omonima abazia benedettina tedesca nell’ultimo quarto del XIX secolo a opera di padre Desiderius Lenz e sul cui esempio ben presto sorsero atelier specializzati nella produzione di arte sacra (arredi e paramenti a uso liturgico) in molte comunità benedettine dell’Europa centrale. L’affinità di Polvara con la spiritualità benedettina è un elemento-chiave della Scuola da lui fondata: dalla regola dell’ora et labora derivò infatti il concetto (analogo) di “preghiera rappresentata” (orando labora). L’organizzazione stessa della Scuola, impostata come in un’ideale bottega medievale dove maestri, apprendisti e allievi collaborano e convivono, riprende lo stile di vita monastico dei cenobi benedettini. Proprio al fine di conservare il più possibile il carattere della bottega medievale, il numero degli allievi ammessi alla Scuola non fu mai troppo elevato, così da mantenere un adeguato ed efficace rapporto numerico tra i discepoli e i maestri. Ancora, da Beuron la Beato Angelico trasse la particolare e inconfondibile forma grafica della lettera “e”, riconoscibile nelle numerose e lunghe epigrafi presenti in tante sue opere. Ultimo elemento in comune tra la Scuola milanese e quella tedesca – ma che si può imputare alla più generale fascinazione per l’epoca medievale – è l’unità di intenti che deve animare tutte le maestranze impegnate a creare un’opera collettiva e anonima ad maiorem Dei gloriam, dove il contributo del singolo autore rimane volutamente nascosto in favore del nome della Scuola. Ciò che differenzia, tuttora, la Scuola da analoghi centri di produzione di arte sacra è il fatto che essa poggi le fondamenta su una congregazione religiosa, la Famiglia Beato Angelico, un’idea a lungo coltivata da Polvara e approvata ufficialmente dall’autorità diocesana fra gli anni Trenta e Quaranta. Dalla comune vocazione alla creazione artistica sacra (“missione sacerdotale” dell’artista) discendono la pratica della vita comunitaria, la partecipazione ai sacramenti e ai diversi momenti quotidiani di preghiera da parte di maestri sacerdoti, confratelli e consorelle artisti, apprendisti, allievi e allieve. L’indirizzo spirituale tracciato dal fondatore per la sua Famiglia agisce ancora oggi a garanzia di una strenua fedeltà nella continuità di un progetto artistico e liturgico unico, messo in pratica da una comunità di uomini e donne legate fra loro dai canonici voti di povertà, castità e obbedienza ma soprattutto da un comune e più alto intento. Appunto per assicurare una prospettiva di sopravvivenza e futuro sviluppo della sua creatura, Polvara ebbe sempre chiara la necessità di mantenere unito l’aspetto della formazione (e quindi la didattica nei confronti degli allievi, adolescenti e giovani) con quello della produzione (spettante all’opera di collaborazione fra maestri, apprendisti e allievi). Dal punto di vista operativo le discipline artistiche, praticate nei vari laboratori in cui si articola la Scuola, concorrono, senza alcuna eccezione e nella citata forma anonima e collettiva, a creare un prodotto artistico organico e unitario, una “opera d’arte totale” che deve rispondere all’indirizzo dato dal maestro architetto (lo stesso Polvara), cui spettano devozione, rispetto e obbedienza. Alla progettazione architettonica viene dunque assegnata grande importanza e ciò comporta che le opere meglio rappresentative della Scuola Beato Angelico siano quegli edifici sacri interamente realizzati con l’intervento dei suoi laboratori per tutte o quasi le decorazioni, gli arredi, le suppellettili e i paramenti (come le chiese milanesi di S. Maria Beltrade, S. Vito al Giambellino, SS. MM. Nabore e Felice, o la chiesa di S. Eusebio ad Agrate Brianza e la cappella dell’Istituto religioso delle figlie di S. Eusebio a Vercelli). Quanto ai linguaggi espressivi impiegati dalla Scuola (il cosiddetto “stile”) si evidenziano la preferenza per il moderno razionalismo architettonico – un tema di stringente attualità, cui Polvara non mancò di dare il suo personale contributo teorico e pratico – e quella per il divisionismo in pittura, debitrice dell’antica ammirazione per l’opera di Gaetano Previati. Dall’interazione di queste due forme si origina un riconoscibile linguaggio, moderno e spirituale al tempo stesso, verificabile negli edifici come nelle singole opere, frutto di una profonda sensibilità che combina il ponderato recupero di alcune forme del passato (ad esempio l’iconografia paleocristiana reimpiegata nei motivi decorativi dei paramenti o nella foggia di alcuni manufatti, dal calice al tabernacolo, alla pianeta-casula) con lo slancio per uno stile moderno e funzionale adeguato ai tempi ma rispettoso della tradizione.<br>In October 1921, the Beato Angelico Higher School of Christian Art was born in Milan. Responsible for the initiative: Don Giuseppe Polvara, the architect Angelo Banfi, the painter Vanni Rossi, flanked by the sculptor Franco Lombardi, by the priests Adriano and Domenico Bernareggi, by the engineer Giovanni Dedè, by professor Giovanni Mamone and by the lawyer Carlo Antonio Vianello . There were nine pupils in the first school year, two of whom (the architects Don Giacomo Bettoli and Fortunato De Angeli) destined to remain in the School for many years as teachers: this also happened with the painter Ernesto Bergagna, who enrolled the following year. Starting from that event, the Italian context of sacred art was able to count on an element of indisputable novelty, destined within a few years to a rapid, widespread and stubborn affirmation in the Peninsula. The foundation of the Beato Angelico School put a stop to the age-old debate on the general decline of sacred art that had been staged for a long time in Italy as well as in major European countries. The formula conceived by Don Polvara put his personal, artistic and professional experiences into a system with the knowledge of the international context, some exemplary models and the comparison with groups and individual figures (artists, critics, men of the Church) animated by the common desire to contribute to the rebirth of sacred art. One hundred years after its birth - and seventy after the death of its founder - the Beato Angelico School (with the workshops of Architecture, Cesello, Embroidery, Painting and Restoration) still continues in the task of serving the Church through the creation of distinctive sacred furnishings and vestments. from a particular care of the artistic and liturgical aspect, object of repeated attestations of merit and acknowledgments in the ecclesiastical sphere. What is missing from the appeal so far is an organic attempt to reconstruct the historical events that marked the genesis and developments of this singular artistic and religious reality. The purpose of this thesis is therefore the return of a profile as detailed and reasoned as possible of the history of the Beato Angelico School, such as to bring this story back to the center of a historical situation and a complex cultural context, through an original work perspective conducted on thread of clarifications and rediscoveries. Given the "pioneering" nature of this research, the vastness of the materials and sources available and the consequent need to assign a recognizable chronological cut to the work, it was decided to limit the survey to the decades between 1921 and 1950, or between the foundation of Beato Angelico and the death of Giuseppe Polvara. As will be seen, the initial term is in a certain sense anticipated by the need to better outline the background and context from which the School originates (between the end of the 19th and the first decades of the 20th century). The year assumed at the end of the research, on the other hand, seemed an almost obligatory choice, coinciding with the first change in the direction of Beato Angelico as well as the desire to exclude from the discussion what started in the 1950s and 1960s, that is a new and different season in the field of sacred art (destined, among other things, to pass through the junction represented by the Second Vatican Council and by the action of St. Paul VI), which is however much investigated by historical-artistic studies. What made the drafting of this thesis possible is the fact that it relies, in large part, on unpublished archival materials or, at least, never examined before in a structured way. Access to the most historicized archive materials and their consultation (thanks to the availability shown by the direction of the Beato Angelico School) have decisively conditioned the discussion of the topics, the reconstruction of which, in some cases, is supported exclusively by documents found. The birth of the Beato Angelico School was not an isolated event in the panorama of European artistic production of the time nor an episode unrelated to what was being debated in the ecclesiastical world at the same time. The Polvara School was born in an era marked by great ecclesial ferment: think of the Ateliers d'Art Sacré founded by Maurice Denis and George Desvallières in Paris in 1919, only two years before the Milanese School, whose adherents - all lay people - they professed an intense and devoted religiosity. But, above all, the decisive and best known model by Polvara was the Beuron School (Beuroner Kunstschule), born in the homonymous German Benedictine abbey in the last quarter of the nineteenth century by father Desiderius Lenz and on whose example workshops specialized in the production of sacred art (furnishings and vestments for liturgical use) in many Benedictine communities in central Europe. Polvara's affinity with Benedictine spirituality is a key element of the School he founded: in fact, the (analogous) concept of "represented prayer" (orando labora) derived from the rule of the ora et labora. The very organization of the School, set up as in an ideal medieval workshop where teachers, apprentices and pupils collaborate and coexist, takes up the monastic lifestyle of the Benedictine monasteries. Precisely in order to preserve the character of the medieval workshop as much as possible, the number of students admitted to the School was never too high, so as to maintain an adequate and effective numerical ratio between disciples and masters. Again, from Beuron Fra Angelico drew the particular and unmistakable graphic form of the letter "e", recognizable in the numerous and long epigraphs present in many of his works. The last element in common between the Milanese and the German schools - but which can be attributed to the more general fascination for the medieval era - is the unity of purpose that must animate all the workers involved in creating a collective and anonymous work ad maiorem. Dei gloriam, where the contribution of the single author remains deliberately hidden in favor of the name of the School. What still differentiates the School from similar centers of production of sacred art is the fact that it rests its foundations on a religious congregation, the Beato Angelico Family, an idea long cultivated by Polvara and officially approved by the diocesan authority between the thirties and forties. From the common vocation to sacred artistic creation (the artist's "priestly mission") descend the practice of community life, the participation in the sacraments and the various daily moments of prayer by master priests, brothers and sisters artists, apprentices, pupils and pupils . The spiritual direction traced by the founder for his family still acts today as a guarantee of a strenuous fidelity in the continuity of a unique artistic and liturgical project, put into practice by a community of men and women linked together by the canonical vows of poverty, chastity. and obedience but above all from a common and higher intent. Precisely to ensure a prospect of survival and future development of his creature, Polvara always had a clear need to keep the training aspect (and therefore the teaching for students, adolescents and young people) united with that of production (due to the work of collaboration between teachers, apprentices and students). From an operational point of view, the artistic disciplines, practiced in the various laboratories in which the School is divided, contribute, without any exception and in the aforementioned anonymous and collective form, to create an organic and unitary artistic product, a "total work of art" which must respond to the address given by the master architect (Polvara himself), to whom devotion, respect and obedience are due. The architectural design is therefore assigned great importance and this means that the best representative works of the Beato Angelico School are those sacred buildings entirely made with the intervention of its laboratories for all or almost all the decorations, furnishings, furnishings and Milanese churches of S. Maria Beltrade, S. Vito al Giambellino, S. MM. Nabore and Felice, or the church of S. Eusebio in Agrate Brianza and the chapel of the religious institute of the daughters of S. Eusebio in Vercelli). As for the expressive languages used by the School (the so-called "style"), the preference for modern architectural rationalism is highlighted - a topic of stringent topicality, to which Polvara did not fail to give his personal theoretical and practical contribution - and that for Divisionism in painting, indebted to the ancient admiration for the work of Gaetano Previati. The interaction of these two forms gives rise to a recognizable language, modern and spiritual at the same time, verifiable in the buildings as in the individual works, the result of a profound sensitivity that combines the thoughtful recovery of some forms of the past (for example early Christian iconography reused in the decorative motifs of the vestments or in the shape of some artifacts, from the chalice to the tabernacle, to the chasuble-chasuble) with the impetus for a modern and functional style appropriate to the times but respectful of tradition.

Ce travail porte sur les dynamiques de coopération municipale dans les agglomérations de Los Angeles et San Francisco. Ces dynamiques de coopération renvoient à un mouvement plus général, qualifié de nouveau régionalisme, qui affecte l'ensemble des métropoles étatsuniennes, soumises à la fois à la pression de la compétition économique mondiale et à des transformations morphologique profondes. Ces dynamiques dépendent également des logiques de construction du maillage territorial et résultent d'un double rapport de force : d'une part, entre les élites tirant profit de la valorisation foncière de la ville et les opposants à l'urbanisation, et d'autre part, entre les partisans de l'autonomie locale et les promoteurs des nombreuses tentatives d'intégration régionale qui ont marqué l'histoire des deux principales agglomérations californiennes. Ce travail montre ainsi qu'à de nombreux égards, les manifestations du nouveau régionalisme peuvent être interprétées comme une adaptation des coalitions de croissance aux mutations récentes des agglomérations. Il met également en évidence l'existence de plusieurs courants constitutifs du régionalisme qui renvoient à des systèmes de valeurs, des objectifs et des modes opératoires distincts, et qui recouvrent des échelons territoriaux différents. Parfois en contradiction, les organisations inspirées de ces différents courants semblent néanmoins s'articuler pour proposer une forme de leadership régional original.

Ce travail porte sur les dynamiques de coopération municipale dans les agglomérations de Los Angeles et San Francisco. Ces dynamiques de coopération renvoient à un mouvement plus général, qualifié de nouveau régionalisme, qui affecte l'ensemble des métropoles états-uniennes, soumises à la fois à la pression de la compétition économique mondiale et à des transformations morphologique profondes. Ces dynamiques dépendent également des logiques de construction du maillage territorial et résultent d'un double rapport de force : d'une part, entre les élites tirant profit de la valorisation foncière de la ville et les opposants à l'urbanisation, et d'autre part, entre les partisans de l'autonomie locale et les promoteurs des nombreuses tentatives d'intégration régionale qui ont marqué l'histoire des deux principales agglomérations californiennes. Ce travail montre ainsi qu'à de nombreux égards, les manifestations du nouveau régionalisme peuvent être interprétées comme une adaptation des coalitions de croissance aux mutations récentes des agglomérations. Il met également en évidence l'existence de plusieurs courants constitutifs du régionalisme qui renvoient à des systèmes de valeurs, des objectifs et des modes opératoires distincts, et qui recouvrent des échelons territoriaux différents. Parfois en contradiction, les organisations inspirées de ces différents courants semblent néanmoins s'articuler pour proposer une forme de leadership régional original<br>This work focuses on regional collaborative processes observed in Southern California and in the San Francisco Bay Area. These processes are part of a broader movement, labeled as new regionalism, which affects the American metropolises that are facing major evolutions of their spatial and social forms in a context of global economical competition. These dynamics interact with the regional political economy characterized by two shifts: First, an opposition between the growth coalition that have traditionally ruled the two regions and recent slow-growth movements that have affected the power of the coalition, and then, a shift between proponents of the home rule and the regionalist reformers who historically made several attempts towards regional form of governance. Our work indeed shows that the dynamics of new regionalism can be interpreted as an adaptation of the traditional growth coalition to the changing regional political economy. It also reveals several streams within Californian regionalism, each showing different system of values, methods, objectives and operating and distinctive scales within the region. Even if they diverge of many aspects, the various regional organizations resulting from these dynamics seems to be somehow complementary and to draw an original form of regional power

La tesis estudia la historia de Argentina en relación con la obra de Ernesto Sábato. El trabajo intenta a través de la historia del país sudamericano y la lectura de la obra de Sábato llegar a conclusiones que permitan explicar los hechos sucedidos en diciembre del 2001 en Argentina. Para ello, la tesis lleva a cabo un estudio mítico de la historia de Argentina en el que destaca el realizado sobre la figura del emigrante, héroe de las novelas de Sábato, a quien se compara con Caín. Por tanto, Caín, Abel y el Dios judío, Yahvé, serán los personajes fundamentales estudiados en esta tesis para comprender el destino de la Argentina y de la obra de Sábato desde un punto de vista mítico, místico, simbólico y religioso.<br>The thesis studies the history of Argentina in relation to the work of Ernesto Sábato. The work tries, though the history of the south american country and the reading of the work of Sábato, to search conclusions that allow to explain the facts happened in December of 2001 in Argentina. For it, the thesis carries out a mythical study of the history of Argentina in which it emphasizes the made one on the figure of the emigrant, hero of novels of Sábato, to that it compares with Caín. Therefore, Caín, Abel and the Jewish God Yahvé, will be the fundamental personages studied in this one thesis to understand the destiny of the Argentina and the work of Sábato from a mythical, symbolic and religious point of view.

This research portrays a paradigm for the assessment of aging services to support populations aging in place. The dissertation was designed to establish a model to identify and evaluate senior ready communities. Area specific social programs and services are identified. In order to meet the growing needs of aging populations, the dynamic representation of existing services and the need for services that could be developed in certain communities require reevaluation in current planning, restructuring, and/or community development.

According to a recent NYU study, Black Residential Migration in California: Implications for Higher Education, since the 1990s there has been considerable migration within the Black community from urban cities to the South and suburbs. In California, for example, a number of counties that have historically had the highest concentration of Blacks in the state have seen a high numerical decrease in the Black population in recent decades. Southern California is one of the more pronounced regions. The cities of Los Angeles, Compton, Inglewood, and Lynwood had the highest numerical decrease in the Black population; while cities San Bernardino and Rialto experiences significant proportional increases. These trends have significant implication in terms of the education of African American students. The study also reveals a high numerical increase in Black Enrollment between 1985 and 2005 at Rialto Unified and San Bernardino City Unified respectively. Whereas, historically, suburban communities have access to more opportunities and resources (including better schools) than their urban counterparts, recent census data reveals a considerable increase in poverty in U.S. suburbs as a result of the great recession. Considering these recent trends, are Black students “better off” in Los Angeles Unified School District or in San Bernardino County districts: Rialto Unified or San Bernardino City Unified? This study creates and assigns grades (A-F) for each of the districts using six variables: API performance, API improvement, College Readiness, Suspension Rates, Graduation/Dropout rate, and California High School Exit Exam Pass rate. Though all districts performed poorly, LAUSD received the high overall marks.

<p> Federal, state and local officials are planning for a (M) 7.8 San Andreas Earthquake Scenario in the Southern California Catastrophic Earthquake Response Plan that would require initial emergency food and water resources to support from 2.5 million to 3.5 million people over an eight-county region in Southern California. However, a model that identifies locations of affected populations&mdash;with consideration for social vulnerability, estimates of their emergency logistical resource requirements, and their resource requirements over time&mdash;has yet to be developed for the emergency response plan.</p><p> The aim of this study was to develop a modeling methodology for emergency logistical resource requirements of affected populations in the (M) 7.8 San Andreas Earthquake Scenario in Southern California. These initial resource requirements, defined at three-days post-event and predicted through a probabilistic risk model, were then used to develop a relative risk ratio and to estimate resources requirements over time. The model results predict an &ldquo;at-risk&rdquo; population of 3,352,995 in the eight-county study region. In Los Angeles County, the model predicts an &ldquo;at- risk&rdquo; population of 1,421,415 with initial requirements for 2,842,830 meals and 4,264,245 liters of water. The model also indicates that communities such as Baldwin Park, Lancaster-Palmdale and South Los Angeles will have long-term resource requirements.</p><p> Through the development of this modeling methodology and its applications, the planning capability of the Southern California Catastrophic Earthquake Response Plan is enhanced and provides a more effective baseline for emergency managers to target emergency logistical resources to communities with the greatest need. The model can be calibrated, validated, generalized, and applied in other earthquake or multi-hazard scenarios through subsequent research.</p><p>

The purposes of the study was to conduct a needs assessment in order to assess the problem of substance abuse among the women in domestic violence agencies. Data was collected by surveys that were mailed out to the directors of domestic violence agencies within two counties, San Bernardino and Los Angeles, California.