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Journal articles on the topic 'Anglicans – Uganda'
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1
McKinnon, Andrew. "Demography of Anglicans in Sub-Saharan Africa: Estimating the Population of Anglicans in Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda." Journal of Anglican Studies 18, no. 1 (May 2020): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355320000170.
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AbstractThere is an emerging debate about the growth of Anglicanism in sub-Saharan Africa. With this debate in mind, this paper uses four statistically representative surveys of sub-Saharan Africa to estimate the relative and absolute number who identify as Anglican in five countries: Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda. The results for Kenya, South Africa and Tanzania are broadly consistent with previous scholarly assessments. The findings on Nigeria and Uganda, the two largest provinces, are likely to be more controversial. The evidence from statistically representative surveys finds that the claims often made of the Church of Nigeria consisting of ‘over 18 million’ exceedingly unlikely; the best statistical estimate is that under 8 million Nigerians identify as Anglican. The evidence presented here shows that Uganda (rather than Nigeria) has the strongest claim to being the largest province in Africa in terms of those who identify as Anglican, and is larger than is usually assumed. Evidence from the Ugandan Census of Populations and Households, however, also suggests the proportion of Ugandans that identify as Anglican is in decline, even if absolute numbers have been growing, driven by population growth.
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Hughes, Rebecca C. "“Grandfather in the Bones”." Social Sciences and Missions 33, no. 3-4 (September 24, 2020): 347–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-bja10011.
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Abstract Evangelical Anglicans of the Church Missionary Society constructed a triumphal narrative on the growth of the Ugandan Church circa 1900–1920. This narrative developed from racial theory, the Hamitic hypothesis, and colonial conquest in its admiration of Ugandans. When faced with closing the mission due to its success, the missionaries shifted to scientific racist language to describe Ugandans and protect the mission. Most scholarship on missionaries argues that they eschewed scientific racism due to their commitment to spiritual equality. This episode reveals the complex ways the missionaries wove together racial and theological ideas to justify missions and the particularity of Uganda.
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Bondarenko, Dmitri M., and Andrey V. Tutorskiy. "Conversion to Orthodox Christianity in Uganda: A Hundred Years of Spiritual Encounter with Modernity, 1919–2019." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 1, 2020): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050223.
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In 1919, three Ugandan Anglicans converted to Orthodox Christianity, as they became sure that this was Christianity’s original and only true form. In 1946, Ugandan Orthodox Christians aligned with the Eastern Orthodox Church of Alexandria. Since the 1990s, new trends in conversion to Orthodox Christianity in Uganda can be observed: one is some growth in the number of new converts to the canonical Orthodox Church, while another is the appearance of new Orthodox Churches, including parishes of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia and the Russian Orthodox Old-Rite Church. The questions we raise in this article are: Why did some Ugandans switch from other religions to Orthodox Christianity in the first half of the 20th century and in more recent years? Were there common reasons for these two developments? We argue that both processes should be understood as attempts by some Ugandans to find their own way in the modern world. Trying to escape spiritually from the impact of colonialism, post-coloniality, and globalization, they viewed Catholicism, Anglicanism, and Islam as part of the legacy they rejected. These people did not turn to African traditional beliefs either. They already firmly saw their own tradition as Christian, but were (and are) seeking its “true”, “original” form. We emphasize that by rejecting post-colonial globalist modernity and embracing Orthodox Christianity as the basis of their own “alternative” modernity, these Ugandans themselves turn out to be modern products, and this speaks volumes about the nature of conversion in contemporary Africa. The article is based on field evidence collected in 2017–2019 as well as on print sources.
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Carney, J. J. "The Politics of Ecumenism in Uganda, 1962–1986." Church History 86, no. 3 (September 2017): 765–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717001287.
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In standard postcolonial political polemics in Uganda, colonial Anglican and Catholic churches have been castigated for fomenting and exacerbating Uganda's political divisions. These polemics overlook the growing ecumenical ties between Catholic and Anglican leaders that began in the 1950s and continued well into the 1980s. In particular, the shared experience of political oppression forged solidarity between erstwhile Catholic and Anglican rivals, especially during the Idi Amin dictatorship of 1971–1979 and the brutal civil war of 1979–1986. Drawing on an array of archival, oral, and secondary sources, this article offers a synthesis of Ugandan Christian leaders’ political engagement during the quarter-century following independence in 1962. I argue that church leaders in the 1960s embraced a politically quiescent, “social development” approach best embodied in the ecumenical Uganda Joint Christian Council. In the early 1970s, Anglican and Catholic leaders slowly withdrew from active collaboration with Amin's regime, embracing an approach I term “prudent recalcitrance,” entailing shifting stances of official silence, private lobbying, and carefully crafted written critiques. Finally, during the political unrest and civil war of the early 1980s, church leaders adopted a posture of “prophetic presence,” standing for and with the people in opposition to Milton Obote's increasingly violent state.
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Gribble, Richard. "Bishop Vincent McCauley, CSC: Ecumenical Pioneer." Mission Studies 25, no. 2 (2008): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338308x365396.
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AbstractVincent McCauley, bishop and missionary, was a great champion of the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965). As Bishop of Fort Portal, Uganda, a new diocese in the Western portion of the country (1961–1971), McCauley was instrumental in the full implementation of the 16 documents of Vatican II, but his principal legacy will be his work in the area of ecumenism. Overcoming significant and long standing hostility between Roman Catholics and Anglicans, McCauley was able to forge ecumenical dialogue and programs on various levels. Beginning simply through prayer services and a vernacular translation of the New Testament, he graduated to be a founder and initial chairman of the Uganda Joint Christian Council (UJCC), an organization which made great strides in removing government opposition to religion and forging dialogue between Christians in areas of sacraments and social justice. Both simultaneously and after his tenure in Fort Portal, McCauley served as chairman and secretary general of the Association of Member Episcopal Conferences of Eastern Africa (AMECEA). These positions allowed him to continue his ecumenical work on a broader scope.He was instrumental in setting up numerous conferences to foster ecumenical dialogue, various pastoral programs and certain educational initiatives, including the Interdisciplinary Urban Seminar, for which McCauley served as a member of the Academic Board. He was also integrally involved as a member of the advisory board of the Christian Organization Research and Advisory Trust (CORAT), an organization that sought to train church members in organization and management.Vincent McCauley stands as a significant example of one who implemented the ecumenical teachings of Vatican II on local and regional levels. His contribution continues to serve the church in Eastern Africa today.
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Kasibante, Amos. "The Ugandan Diaspora in Britain and Their Quest for Cultural Expression within the Church of England." Journal of Anglican Studies 7, no. 1 (May 2009): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355309000163.
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AbstractThe article examines the Anglican identity of two Ugandan immigrant communities in Britain and the congregations they have formed in order to foster their social, culture, and spiritual well-being. The two communities are the Acholi, who hail from the northern part of Uganda, and the Baganda from the central region. The former have formed the Acholi London Christian Fellowship while the latter have formed two distinct, yet similar, congregations in two separate London parishes. These are Okusinza mu Luganda (Worship in Luganda) and Ekkanisa y’Oluganda (the Luganda Church). The second is an offshoot of the first one. This article illustrates that religion and ethnicity are often inextricably intertwined, and that for the immigrants, Anglicanism does not merely displace or replace their native culture, but gives it a new sense of direction as they also shape it in the light of their aspirations. In this sense, we can speak of religious ethnicity, which refers to cases where an ethnic group is linked to a religious tradition shared by other ethnic groups.
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Ward, Kevin. "Series on Church and State: Eating and Sharing: Church and State in Uganda." Journal of Anglican Studies 3, no. 1 (June 2005): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740355305052827.
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ABSTRACTThe article explores the complexities of church-state relations in Uganda, with particular reference to the two dominant churches: the Anglican Church of Uganda (the Protestants) and the Roman Catholic Church. Together the two churches include some 80 per cent of Ugandans. Since the beginnings of Christianity in the late nineteenth century, the rivalry between the two communions has had political implications, with the Anglican Church perceived as constituting a quasi-establishment and the Catholics as lacking political clout. In local discourse, ‘eating’ refers to the enjoyment of political power; ‘sharing’ to the expectation of inclusion. The article looks at the attempt to overcome sectarian politics, and the Christian witness of both churches in the face of state oppression and violence.
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Wild-Wood, Emma. "Powerful Words: Reading the Diary of a Ganda Priest." Studies in World Christianity 18, no. 2 (August 2012): 134–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2012.0012.
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This paper aims to explore the nexus of power, literacy and conversion in the work of indigenous evangelists by an analysis of the diaries of Apolo Kivebulaya, a CMS ‘church teacher’ and Ugandan Anglican priest. It uses excerpts from the diaries and oral testimony to understand the Christianity that Apolo and those who read with him were creating and to better comprehend the role of evangelists as cultural brokers mediating change. Two significant stories and an explanation of the nature of Apolo's diaries pave the way for three foci: the agency accorded to texts in the negotiation between literacy and orality at the point of conversion; the contested power of literacy in the context of evangelism; and the connection between reading and conversion in Uganda.
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Weld, Emma L. "‘Walking in the light’: the Liturgy of Fellowship in the Early Years of the East African Revival." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014182.
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During a Christmas convention at Gahini mission station in Rwanda in 1933, a large number of people publicly confessed their sins, resolved to turn from their present beliefs and embraced the Christian Faith. From then on, missionaries of the Ruanda Mission wrote enthusiastically to their supporters in Britain of people flocking into churches in South-West Uganda and Rwanda, of ‘changed lives’, of emotional confessions followed by ‘tremendous joy’, and of the spontaneous forming of fellowship groups and mission teams. Ugandans working at Gahini saw an opportunity for ‘waking’ the sleeping Anglican Church in Buganda and elsewhere which had, they believed, lost its fervour. Following in the tradition of the evangelists of the 1880s and 1890s they travelled vast distances to share their message of repentance and forgiveness with others. This was the beginning of the East African Revival, long prayed for by Ruanda missionaries and the Ugandans who worked alongside them. Max Warren, General Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, writing in 1954 when the Revival was still pulsating through East Africa, perceived the revival phenomenon as ‘a reaffirmation of theology, a resuscitation of worship and a reviving of conscience … for the church’. All three were in evidence from the early years of the East African Revival, but perhaps the most dramatic change was the form taken by the ‘resuscitation of worship’.
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Ward, Kevin. "'The Armies of the Lord': Christianity, Rebels and the State in Northern Uganda, 1986-1999." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 187–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00121.
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AbstractThe accession to power of the National Resistance Movement in Uganda in 1986 was intended to inaugurate a new beginning for Uganda, an end to the political, ethnic and religious divisions that had characterised the country's violent history since the 1960s. Although peace, stability and the strengthening of democratic structures have brought substantial progress to many parts of the country, the Acholi of Northern Uganda have felt largely excluded from these benefits. Violence and insecurity have characterised the districts of Gulu and Kitgum since 1986. It is not simply the failure of development that has been so distressing for the inhabitants, but the collapse of the moral framework and the institutions that gave society coherence. Religion has played a considerable part in articulating the sense of loss and anger at this state of affairs. Traditional Acholi and Christian religious sentiments have helped to shape and sustain rebel movements against the central government, and to inform Acholi responses to the violence inflicted by rebels and government. The article, based on field work conducted in 1999, examines ways in which the main Churches, Catholic and Protestant (Anglican), have historically been bound up with the political divisions of Acholi. It examines the painful adjustments which loss of access to power has necessitated, particularly for the Anglican Church. Since 1986 the Churches have had a vital role in conflict resolution and in envisioning new futures for Acholi. The majority of the population, required to live in 'protected villages', have few material and spiritual resources. The importance of Christian faith and practice for Acholi living in such situations of prolonged conflict, with few signs of speedy resolution, is assessed.
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Bruner, Jason. "‘The Testimony Must Begin in the Home’: The Life of Salvation and the Remaking of Homes in the East African Revival in Southern Uganda, c. 1930-1955." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340021.
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The late colonial era in Uganda was not an easy time to keep families intact. Colonial officials, missionaries, and concerned East Africans offered their diagnoses of the problems and prescriptions for responding to the dilemma. In this context, Balokole Anglican revivalists articulated new patterns and ideals of family life. These new patterns of family life were not uniform across Uganda or East Africa, but they did share common characteristics that were derived from the spiritual disciplines and religious beliefs of the Balokole revival. As such, this essay argues that the revival movement was not simply a new message of eternal salvation or primarily a form of dissent, but rather a means through which a group of African Christians sought to address quotidian domestic problems and concerns of late-colonial East Africa.
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Cantrell, Phillip A. "“We Were a Chosen People”: The East African Revival and Its Return To Post-Genocide Rwanda." Church History 83, no. 2 (May 27, 2014): 422–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000080.
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This article, drawing upon primary field research, analyzes the origins and history of the East African Revival of the 1930s and its ongoing relevance and role in post-genocide Rwanda. Starting as a Holiness-inspired, Anglican movement, the Revival persisted among the Tutsi Diaspora during their exile to refugee camps in Uganda following the 1959 Hutu-led Revolution and has returned with them following the coming to power of the Rwandan Patriotic Front in 1994. The Revival, as it presently experiences a reawakening in the post-genocide church, provides the Tutsi returnees with a spiritual mechanism to explain their plight as refugees and a means by which to heal from decades of suffering. Additionally, a narrative has emerged in which they believe themselves to be a “Chosen People” who found redemption and healing in the refugee camps by embracing the revival spirit. Many Anglican returnees further believe they have been “chosen” to bring healing and reconciliation, through the revivalist tradition, to post-genocide Rwanda. While the return of the Revival tradition in the post-genocide Anglican Church offers potential benefits for Rwanda's reconciliation and recovery, the church must also abandon its apolitical inclinations and challenge the ruling regime in the name of truth, democratization, and justice.
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Wild-Wood, Emma. "The Making of an African Missionary Hero in the English Biographies of Apolo Kivebulaya (1923-1936)." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 3 (2010): 273–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x527758.
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AbstractApolo Kivebulaya was a well-respected Ganda priest who, beginning in the 1890s, established Anglican churches in Toro, Uganda, and in the Boga area of what is now Congo. A CMS colleague, A.B. Lloyd, wrote three popular biographies of Apolo for a British readership that inspired the writing of others. This article examines the style and content of Lloyd’s biographies and explores the factors that influenced them, including Keswick spirituality and boys’ adventure stories. It demonstrates early twentieth-century expectations of missionary heroism, and suggests that the way in which Apolo has been read in the past has influenced his relative neglect in the present.
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Meier zu Selhausen, Felix, Marco H. D. van Leeuwen, and Jacob L. Weisdorf. "Social mobility among Christian Africans: evidence from Anglican marriage registers in Uganda, 1895-2011." Economic History Review 71, no. 4 (December 13, 2017): 1291–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.12616.
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Ward, Kevin. "The role of the Anglican and Catholic Churches in Uganda in public discourse on homosexuality and ethics." Journal of Eastern African Studies 9, no. 1 (December 11, 2014): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2014.987509.
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Harris, Colette. "Some Gender Implications of the ‘Civilising Mission’ of the Anglican Church for the Acholi Peoples of Northern Uganda." Religions 8, no. 11 (November 6, 2017): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel8110245.
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Nsobya, Henry, Allen Kabagenyi, and Jean Christophe Rusatira. "Predictors of age at first child’s birth and contraceptive use among men in Uganda." Gates Open Research 3 (June 12, 2019): 1492. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/gatesopenres.12952.1.
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Background: Globally, research on age at first child’s birth among men has been neglected especially in Africa. Consequently, little is known about its impact on male involvement in reproductive health. This paper examined the socio-demographic, economic and proximate predictors of age at first child’s birth among men aged 15-54 years in Uganda. Methods: We used the 2016 Uganda Demographic and Health Survey (UDHS) on a sample of 3,206 men aged 15-54 years who had a biological child. The outcome variable was age at first childbirth categorized as: below 17, 18-24 and 25 years and above (25+). Analysis was done using descriptive statistics, un-adjusted and adjusted multinomial regressions with significance level at 95%. Results: Median age at first child’s birth was 22 years (IQR = 20-25). The majority of men (62.4%) had fatherhood onset between 18 and 24 years. Only 5.2% had fatherhood onset at 17 years or earlier, increasing to 32.4% at 25+. Respondents whose first sexual encounter was before 18 years was 44.3% and 92.7% by 24+. Few respondents (44.1%) reported use of any contraceptive methods. Anglican religion (RRR=1.62; CI 1.06 – 2.46) or not having attended school (RRR=2.20; CI 1.02-4.71) were predictors of childbirth onset before 17 years. Age of sex debut at 18 years or higher (RRR= 2.09, CI 1.72 – 2.54) and secondary and above education (RRR = 1.76, CI 1.42-2.18) were predictors of fatherhood onset at 25+. Contraceptive use among men had no association with age at first child’s birth. Conclusion: These findings are important for strategic allocation of resources to curb early onset of fatherhood among adolescent and young men under the age of 25 years. They highlight the need for gender-sensitive interventions targeting men for behavioral change, participation in Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR) programming and improved access to services delivery.
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Nanvubya, Annet, Rhoda Kitty Wanyenze, Onesmus Kamacooko, Teddy Nakaweesa, Juliet Mpendo, Barbarah Kawoozo, Francis Matovu, et al. "Barriers and Facilitators of Family Planning Use in Fishing Communities of Lake Victoria in Uganda." Journal of Primary Care & Community Health 11 (January 2020): 215013272094377. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2150132720943775.
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Introduction: Family planning (FP) is a key element in the conduct of research and is essential in managing family sizes. Although fishing communities (FCs) are targeted populations for HIV prevention research, their FP practices are poorly understood. We explored barriers and facilitators of FP use in FCs of Lake Victoria in Uganda. Methods: We employed a mixed-methods approach comprising a cross-sectional survey, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions in 2 FCs. Multivariable logistic regression was used to analyze quantitative data and a thematic approach to generate themes from the qualitative data. Results: Up to 1410 individuals participated in the survey and 47 in the qualitative study. Just over a third (35.6%) used FP. The most commonly used methods were condoms, pills, and injectables. In Kigungu community, participants whose religion was Anglican and Muslim were more likely to use FP than Catholics (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 1.45; 95% CI 1.05-1.99 and aOR 1.45; 95% CI 1.05-2.07, respectively). Participants were more likely to use FP if they had satisfactory FP knowledge compared to those with no satisfactory FP knowledge (aOR 1.79; 95% CI 1.23-2.61), or if they were married compared to their single counterparts (aOR 1.84; 95% CI 1.32-2.57). In both communities, participants were more likely to use FP if they had 2 or more sexual partners in the past 12 months than those with less than 2 sexual partners (aOR 1.41 95% CI 1.07-1.87 and aOR 2.60; 95% CI 1.36-4.97). Excessive bleeding and delayed fecundity; fertility desire; gender preferences of children; method stock outs and lack of FP trained personnel constituted barriers to FP use. There were also cultural influences in favor of large families. Conclusion: FP use in FCs is suboptimal. Barriers of FP use were mainly biomedical, religious, social, and cultural, which underscores a need for FP education and strengthening of FP service provision in FCs.
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Jones, Ben. "The Teso Insurgency Remembered: Churches, Burials and Propriety." Africa 77, no. 4 (November 2007): 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2007.77.4.500.
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AbstractFrom 1986 to 1993 the Teso region of eastern Uganda experienced a violent insurgency. The insurgency was remembered as a time of brutality, when norms of respect and reciprocity were broken down. Younger men targeted and killed older men, and life retreated inwards. In the years since the insurgency a number of institutional developments have reflected on this experience. A growing number of Pentecostal churches have been established in the region, while charismatic forms of worship have been introduced in Anglican and Catholic churches. Burial societies have been set up and in the local courts the presentation of cases has undergone a change of emphasis. In all these different institutions there has been an attempt to draw a line under the violence of the recent past. A growing emphasis on notions of propriety and respectability – whether in church, in court, or at a burial – was a common theme in the life of Teso villages. In emphasizing new forms of sociality and obligation, churches and burial societies promoted a sense of fortunes restored; a belief that the past could be divorced from the present. At the same time, however, the attempt to draw a line under the past made the insurgency, or rather the memory of the insurgency, a powerful catalyst for change. The article examines the continuing influence the insurgency has over processes of social and political change in Teso.
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Stafström, Martin, and Anette Agardh. "Socio-economic determinants for alcohol consumption and heavy episodic drinking in a Ugandan student population." International Journal of Alcohol and Drug Research 1, no. 1 (January 29, 2013): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7895/ijadr.v1i1.40.
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Stafström, M. & Agardh, A. (2012). Socio-economic determinants for alcohol consumption and heavy episodic drinking in a Ugandan student population. International Journal of Alcohol and Drug Research, 1(1), 57-67. doi: 10.7895/ijadr.v1i1.40 (http://dx.doi.org/10.7895/ijadr.v1i1.40)Aims: To examine whether the socio-economic determinants of alcohol use found in high-income university student settings are also true of Uganda.Design: Two cross-sectional surveys, conducted in 2005 and 2010, combined into a single dataset.Setting: Mbarara University of Science and Technology (MUST) in southwestern Uganda.Participants: 2,934 students (N in 2005 = 980; N in 2010 = 1,954). Total response rate = 76.8%.Results: Multivariate logistic regression showed the following socio-economic determinants to be positively associated with alcohol consumption: having attended boarding school (for males only); being Catholic; religion not playing a big role while growing up; head of household having had secondary education or higher (for females only); being a student of development studies, tropical forest conservation or computer science (the latter two for males only). Being Muslim or, for males, being a non-Anglican Protestant were negatively related to alcohol use. Different patterns were found for heavy episodic drinking. Being a male Muslim or a male student of development studies was positively related to heavy episodic drinking; while among females, being of a non-classified faith, having had a head of the household with a secondary education, not being raised by both parents, or being a student of development studies or science were positively related to heavy episodic drinking.Conclusion: Alcohol consumption and heavy episodic drinking on a monthly basis among the students at MUST seem linked to a student’s socio-economic background, with varying patterns for male and female students.
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Lwanga, Charles, Ishmael Kalule-Sabiti, Kamil Fuseini, Stephen Ojiambo Wandera, Kudzaishe Mangombe, and Fred Maniragaba. "Is cohabitation as a form of union formation a licence to intimate partner physical violence in Uganda?" Journal of Biosocial Science, September 9, 2021, 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932021000444.
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Abstract The study examined the argument that cohabitation as a form of union increases physical violence victimization among women. The study’s aim was to assess the association between physical violence and other socio-demographic factors that influence physical violence among women. Self-reported data were extracted from the 2016 Uganda Demographic and Health Survey (UDHS), with a sample of 2479 couples, from the couple file. Chi-squared tests and multivariate Firth-logit regression models were used to examine the relationship between intimate partner violence (IPV) victimization and marital status controlling for other social-demographic factors. There was no significant evidence that women in cohabiting union have a higher risk of exposure to physical violence in the Ugandan context. The risk of experiencing physical violence perpetration varied by birth cohort, with the most recent cohorts exhibiting a slightly higher risk of experiencing partner violence than previous cohorts. Significant factors found to be associated with an increased risk of experiencing IPV included being in the poorer, middle and richer compared with the poorest wealth tertile of income, residing in Eastern or Northern regions compared with the Central region, being affiliated to the Catholic faith compared with Anglican and having five or more children compared with 4 or fewer children. In conclusion, there is no evidence that physical violence is more pronounced among women in cohabiting unions compared with married women in Uganda.
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Mande, Wilson. "Corporate Governance and the Sustainability of Universities in Anglican Church in Uganda." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3304797.
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