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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Anglo-American relationship'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Marsh, S. "The Anglo-American special relationship and the Anglo-Iranian oil crisis, 1950-54." Thesis, Swansea University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.638007.

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Between 1950 and 1954 the Anglo-Iranian oil dispute sorely tried Anglo-American relations and initiated a process which had serious repercussions for the Special Relationship. Potentially, there was a sound basis for Anglo-American co-operation over Iran because, as the Cold-War developed, Britain needed American patronage to shore-up its wavering hegemony in the Middle East and America needed Britain's support to stabilise the region against communism, particularly in terms of its military commitment. Moreover, Britain and America agreed broadly on a series of issues raised by the oil crisis; the need to protect the sanctity of contract, the importance of securing Middle Eastern oil resources for the West, a desire to protect Iran against communism, and the imperative of denying the Soviets a bulkhead in the Persian Gulf. However, the Anglo-Iranian oil crisis exposed brutally the fact that Britain and America could not agree about either the nature or the primary objectives of their relationship in the Middle East. Whilst both countries valued Anglo-American co-operation highly, they also watched each other warily lest their principal ally become their principal rival. Anticipated co-operation over the Iranian oil crisis therefore foundered on a series of issues, such as: rivalry over oil resources, interpretations of what constituted a communist threat, and what had to be done to end the crisis. As a result, both sides were forced into a series of reassessments of their positions in the Middle East and of their Special Relationship. The result was quietly devastating for Anglo-American relations. British decline was exposed and accelerated. The US filled reluctantly the resultant power vacuum and de-prioritised co-operation with Britain. Two years after the oil dispute ended in 1954, the true magnitude of the silent revolution that it had provoked in Anglo-American relations was revealed spectacularly to the world by the Suez crisis.

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2

Murray, Claire Donette. "The Anglo-American defence relationship during the Kennedy presidency." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390070.

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3

Scott, Andrew James Thomas. "Heath, Nixon and the Anglo-American relationship, 1970-74." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612307.

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4

Grasselli, Gabriella. "British and American responses to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan : a case study of British and American foreign policies and the 'special relationship'." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.279798.

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5

Slattery, Thomas Eamon. "Intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American "special relationship." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2534.

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This dissertation examines the intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American “Special Relationship,” most notably Anglo-Saxonism and social Darwinism, and their effect on the noted policy organs of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (or Chatham House) and the Council on Foreign Relations (or the Council). It first traces the origins of Anglo-Saxonism and considers its effect on important historical events such as the Spanish-American War and the Second Boer War. This thesis also presents a definition of Anglo-Saxonism which appreciates the complexity of the term and allows a better understanding of its effects. It then shows the memberships of both groups were strongly affected by these Victorian and Edwardian phenomena, a fact which augments our understanding of them. Furthermore, this relationship between Anglo-Saxonism and Chatham House and the Council is not fully appreciated by many modern academics. Ultimately, the language of Anglo-Saxonism developed during the Victorian and Edwardian eras became institutionalised during the formative years of these groups’ memberships, predisposing both to the importance of permanent Anglo-American cooperation.

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6

Thornhill, Paula Georgia. "Catalyst for coalition : the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e66ee069-43c1-423b-8d54-d883c8ff4040.

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This thesis explores the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941, and the ability of these two nations to wage a coalition war immediately after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Organisationally, the first chapters of the thesis look at the impact of the Great War and the interwar period on this relationship. The remaining chapters are devoted to the evolution of the supply relationship between September 1939 and December 1941. The evidence found in British and American archives indicates that early supply discussions, conducted under the supervision of Arthur Purvis and Henry Morgenthau, established a common ground for Anglo-American co-operation during the early days of the Second World War. The fall of France prompted the British Government to seek much closer ties with the United States. However, in mid-1940 many senior US officials insisted that America should concentrate on its own defence against the Nazi threat because of the likelihood of Britain's defeat. By the end of 1940, the American defence planners were more confident of Britain's ability to survive, and therefore they were willing to consider the creation of Anglo-American defence plans. At the same time President Roosevelt requested Congressional approval for the Lend-Lease Act, to ensure the British Government could still acquire US war supplies even if it lacked the dollars to pay for them. Because of the inability of US industry to produce adequate war materiel for the British effort and American rearmament, representatives from the two countries were forced to work closely together to determine production and allocation priorities. Moreover, since these decisions influenced the fighting capability of British and American forces, war planners rather than civilians officials began to make these supply decisions. Subsequently, British and American officials determined that their efforts should be based on a joint strategy. Ultimately this realisation inspired the creation of the Victory Programme, which effectively acknowledged that supply needs, strategic considerations, and an overall commitment to defeat Germany and its allies were indistinguishable. Thus the supply relationship, 1939-1941, provided the foundation for the Anglo-American wartime coalition against Hitler.

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7

Vaughan, James Robert. "The Anglo-American relationship and propaganda strategies in the Middle East, 1953-1957." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.397616.

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8

Southwick, Robert C. "'Machines in the art of war' : the Anglo-American industrial relationship 1914-1917." Thesis, Keele University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287973.

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9

Hinds, Matthew. "Anglo-American relations in Saudi Arabia, 1941-1945 : a study of a trying relationship." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/593/.

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This thesis offers a fresh interpretation of Anglo-American relations in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia during the period 1941 to 1945. Historians of Anglo-American relations have characterized the bilateral relationship as one of rivalry and polarization. While examples of underlying national competition can be identified wherever the wartime alliance operated, whether on the battlefield or at the conference table, the commonalities which united the allies should, however, be given equal weight. My thesis departs from the traditional historiographical perspective, arguing that when closely examined, the allies were very aware of the strategic reciprocal benefits that would emanate from integrating their policies in Saudi Arabia. First and foremost, Britain and the United States’ relations in Saudi Arabia were shaped by the fact that the two countries were allies working side by side in the global struggle that was the Second World War. In this wartime context, the strategic influence of Saudi Arabia has tended to be overlooked. The Kingdom’s influence resided in its geographic location, its religious centrality within Islam, and most importantly, its rare political status as a sovereign Arab state. These attributes served as a unifying force for British and American wartime interests, encouraging the two allies to strive for an Anglo-American partnership in Saudi Arabia that was built on the concept of strategic interdependence. While collaboration between Britain and the United States ebbed and flowed, it is a testament to their continued pursuit of cooperation that the activities of the wartime alliance in Saudi Arabia between 1941 and 1945 were envisaged by policymakers as a template for achieving greater Anglo-American accord throughout the Middle East during and beyond the Second World War.

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10

Sewell, M. J. "Public sentiment and public men : The Anglo-American relationship in the late nineteenth century." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235279.

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11

Gioe, David Vincent. "The Anglo-American special intelligence relationship : wartime causes and Cold War consequences, 1940-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708484.

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12

Sereno, Victor. "Rebuilding the bridges : Harold Macmillan and the restoration of the Special Relationship." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367618.

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13

Shields, David Brandon. "The impact of the Kennedy/MacMillan relationship on the making of Anglo-American foreign policies." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288008.

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14

Gustafson, Edward J. "Atoms, Pounds and Poor Relations: The Illusion of an Anglo-American Special Relationship, 1941-1946." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626263.

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15

Mills, Thomas. "Anglo-American relations in south America during the second world war and post-war economic planning." Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4493.

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This thesis examines relations between the United States and Great Britain in South America between 1939 and 1945. It does so in the broader context of the economic planning for the post-war world undertaken by the US and Britain during the Second World War. Traditional interpretations of Anglo-American post-war economic planning have tended to focus on a process whereby the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration advocated a multilateral system, based on equality of access to markets and raw materials. Doubting Britain’s ability to compete successfully in such a system, the British government baulked at the US proposal and clung to its autarkic structures constructed during the interwar years. This thesis argues that relations between the US and Britain in South America followed a different and more complex pattern. In this region it was in fact Britain that eventually took the lead in advocating multilateralism. This policy was adopted following a lengthy evaluation of British policy in Latin America, which concluded that multilateralism represented the surest means of protecting British interests in South America. The US, on the other hand, demonstrated exclusionary tendencies in its policy toward Latin America, which threatened the successful implementation of a global economic system based on multilateralism. In explaining this divergence from multilateralism in the Roosevelt administration’s post-war economic planning, this thesis pays particular attention to the influence of different factions, both within the administration and in the broader US political and business establishment. By exploring Anglo-American relations in this previously neglected region, this thesis contributes toward a greater understanding of the broader process of post-war economic planning that took place between the US and Britain during the Second World War.

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16

Colman, Jonathan. "A 'special relationship'? : Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations 'at the summit', 1964-68 /." Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2004. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10096093.

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17

Melland, Claire Paula. "The Anglo-American special relationship and the decolonisation of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland 1957-1963." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/38492.

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The aim of this thesis is to use the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland to examine the way in which the Anglo-American special relationship functioned away from a crisis and on an issue over which the British were, uniquely the controlling power. Africa became a Cold War battleground in the sense that both the Americans and the Soviets wanted saw this vast area as a potential gain. For Britain the issue was how to appease both the white settler and African native populations, under the scrutiny of both new African nations and the UN while pushing forward with their decolonisation policy. This pressure, coupled with the desire to establish a new world role through helped to create a unique situation for Anglo-American relations as it gave the two nations an issue they could work together to solve, without a crisis to guide or influence them.

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18

Melland, Claire Paula. "Britain and a New World Role : The Nassau Agreement 1962 and its effect on International and Anglo-European Relations, and the Anglo-American 'Special Relationship'." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2010. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529606.

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This research focuses on the Nassau Agreement of 1962 and its effects on International relations. The Nassau Agreement can not be analysed however without looking at the Camp David Agreement of 1960 and the cancellation of Skybolt and the crisis that this created within British and American relations. While the Skybolt Crisis is used as a symbol of the failures of the Special Relationship the subsequent Nassau Agreement can be seen as an example of that Special Relationship in action. However the Special Relationship is just part of the complex and wide ranging story that also encompasses the Anglo-French relationship in the 1960s, the after effects of the Suez crisis, the changing nature of America’s nuclear strategy, Britain’s decline and a lack of communication between allies. The Nassau Agreement was also coloured by the context of 1962; the Cuban Missile crisis, the issues in Berlin, Communism and the Cold War. The consequences of the Nassau Agreement, the Multilateral Force, the long standing nuclear relationship between Britain and America and, to some, de Gaulle's veto of the British application to the EEC all effect how the Agreement was judged by historians, politicians and commentators alike. It is also important to look at the characters involved in the Crisis and the Agreement such as Robert McNamara and David Orsmby Gore and the relationship between Harold Macmillan and Dwight Eisenhower until 1960 and John F Kennedy there after. It is only when all of these issues and consequences are examined together can the Nassau Agreement be truly understood.

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19

Clark, David B. "A bridge over troubled waters the vital role of intelligence sharing in shaping the Anglo-American "special relationship" /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FClark.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Siegel, Scott. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-74). Also available in print.

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20

Chang, Ambrosia Hsin-Yi. "A study of alliance management in the Anglo-American special relationship during the Reagan-Thatcher period, 1981-89." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30705.

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How do leaders of an alliance manage crises in which the interests of the members of an alliance conflict with each other while, at the same time, maintaining the functioning of an alliance? This thesis seeks to make a contribution towards better a understanding of allies' crisis behaviour and offers a new model to explain this. In order to undertake the study, four crises in the US-UK 'Special Relationship' during the Reagan-Thatcher years (198 1-1988) have been selected: the Faildands War 1982, the US invasion of Grenada in 1983, the US air raids on Libya in 1986, and finally the Persian Gulf reflagging operation of 1987. The particular focus is upon the way in which crises were managed by the two governments and how these events impacted upon their wider relationship. It also argues that the nature of a certain type of crisis undermines the Anglo-American special relationship. By examining and analysing the allies' crisis behaviour in these four case studies, this thesis tries to determine whether the relationship between the two allies enabled them to co-operate more effectively in times of crisis.

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21

Lowry, David M. "Nuclear powers : an assessment of nuclear decision making, 1932-1979, with special reference to the Anglo-American atomic relationship." Thesis, Open University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444441.

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22

Adams, Iestyn Michael. "Our brothers across the ocean? : Unionist diplomacy, the Lansdown Foreign Office, and the Anglo-American 'special relationship', 1900-1905." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2002. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/473/.

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This study is intended as a detailed exploration of British diplomacy with the United States in the first five years of the twentieth century, that is, the period during which the Marquis of Lansdowne presided at the Foreign Office. Without doubt, this was a critical time in the readjustment (both in substance and style) of Anglo-American diplomatic relations, initiating the amicable 'special relationship' which, broadly speaking, has endured to the present day. The efforts made by Lansdowne and the Unionist Administration to 'clear the slate' of nagging Anglo-American disputes, and to encourage a closer diplomatic bond, helped to bring to an end decades of mutual suspicion and antagonism, whilst representing a significant change of course for British foreign policy. In this light, the study here presented aims to provide a close analysis of the Unionist Government's American diplomacy, their motives and diplomatic ambitions, in the appropriate imperial and strategic contexts. An examination of this topic prompts the conclusion that, although Lansdowne fully appreciated the importance of Anglo-American friendship, he approached each dispute with a separate agenda, always gauging the strength of American feeling before committing himself to a set policy. Lansdowne was perfectly prepared to concede non-vital interests to the United States in the Western Hemisphere when serious tension arose, and this was particularly evident during the Isthmian canal and Alaskan boundary negotiations. With these two issues successfully concluded, the rapprochement was effectively ensured. Thus, Lansdowne's determination to uphold British interests (and those of her Western Hemispheric colonies), while occasionally placing a strain on Anglo-American relations, threatened no lasting danger. Above all, Britain relied upon vocal protestations of friendship, both for the United States and the Monroe Doctrine, to extinguish the risks of serious diplomatic tension and to cement a permanent friendship. The major successes of Anglo-American relations, however, came to an abrupt end after the Alaskan verdict of late 1903, and a barren period followed. The relationship had been set upon an entirely new course, but hopes for an Anglo- American partnership, sadly, remained hazy, naive, and frequently ill-conceived. In the Far East, where British and American interests broadly coincided, no joint policy emerged; instead, the two nations became separated over their responses to the Russo-Japanese conflict. Equally, the outstanding issues in North America proved incapable of settlement. Although these final stages of Lansdowne's American diplomacy were marred by diplomatic inactivity and occasional friction, the Unionists' contribution to the Anglo-American 'special relationship' left an impressive and lasting legacy. By 1905, Britain and the United States, while not formally allied, had at least become mutually sympathetic. This was an essential factor in the readjustment of British global strategy, allowing Britain to abandon her defences in the Western Hemisphere and despatch her forces to more pressing areas of the globe.

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23

Perry, Rebecca M. "Britain in Iraq During the 1950s: Imperial Retrenchment and Informal Empire." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1367847401.

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24

Donald, Colin James. "Who Controlled Cruise?: The 1983 Deployment of Cruise Missiles in the United Kingdom and the Post-1945 Anglo-American Special Relationship in Defense." W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625488.

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25

Briant, Emma Louise. "‘Special relationships’ : the negotiation of an Anglo-American propaganda ‘War on Terror’." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2840/.

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This doctoral thesis will examine how relations between the United States and Britain, and internal dynamics within each country, affected the nature and development of the two countries’ information strategies in a shared theatre of war. It examines the two governments’ distinct organisational cultures and bureaucratic structures in explaining the shape this took. Going beyond the policy level it considers how cultures and power relationships contributed to propaganda war planning. The research emphasises important changes in policy development and circumstance which, it is argued, despite the obvious power imbalance, situated Britain in a key position in the Anglo-American propaganda effort. The analysis draws on empirical research conducted in both countries. This fieldwork involved elite interviews focussing on the period of the ‘War on Terror’, including policymakers, key bureaucrats, intelligence personnel, contractors and military planners in both Britain and America.

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26

Cooper, Timothy Samuel. "Anglo-Saxons and Orientals : British-American interaction over East Asia, 1898-1914." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22979.

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This study investigates the relations between Britain and the United States with regard to East Asia at the turn of the twentieth century with a view to establishing how far these conformed in practice to the ideal of the ‘great rapprochement’. It makes the case that interaction between the two powers, while generally cordial, was not characterised by cooperation or collaboration on a practical level. Through discussion of the issues of foreign investment and encroachment in China, the Boxer Rising, the Russo-Japanese War, Japanese immigration to the Pacific Coast of North America and the Chinese Revolution of 1911, the study considers why Britain and the United States failed to cooperate despite an apparent basis for joint action in both shared interests and ideological motivations. It argues that the community of interest of the two powers was generally nullified by the broader concerns of each power, principally the dictates of domestic politics for the United States and the global policy needs of an already overstretched British Empire. With regards to ideology, the study demonstrates that in spite of a significant body of shared ideas regarding race and civilisation, specifically the ideologies of Anglo-Saxonism and the Yellow Peril, British and American policymakers did not often employ such ideas or make use of ideological language in their interactions. It suggests that policymakers deliberately avoided or downplayed ideological considerations, apparently believing that these had the potential to be counterproductive. The key findings of the study are therefore that British and American policymakers were surprisingly sensitive and careful in their handling of ideas relating to race and civilisation and that very similar, if not identical, interests in a given region were not sufficient to overcome the wider limitations on British-American cooperation, bringing into question the notion that the ‘great rapprochement’ was effective beyond the level of rhetoric and friendly relations.

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27

Carter, Stephen. "The defining moments of Anglo-American relationsin the Caribbean, 1940 to 1983." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.425564.

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28

Woolf, Paul Jonathan. "Special relationships : Anglo-American love affairs, courtships and marriages in fiction, 1821-1914." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2007. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/73/.

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Special Relationships examines depictions of love affairs, courtships and marriages between British and American characters in nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century American short stories and novels. I argue that these transatlantic love stories respond to shifting Anglo-American cultural, political, and economic exchanges during the period. In some cases, texts under consideration actually helped shape those interactions. I also suggest that many authors found such transnational encounters a useful way to define ideal versions of American national identity, and to endorse or challenge prevalent attitudes regarding class, race, and gender. Special Relationships begins with Cooper’s The Spy (1821), which I discuss in the Introduction. Part One examines works published by Cooper, Irving, Frances Trollope, Lippard, Warner, and Melville during the 1820s, 30s and 40s, and traces the emergence of the “fairytale” of the American woman who marries into English aristocracy. Part Two places works by Henry James, Burnett, and several other writers in the context of a real-life phenomenon: the plethora of American women who between 1870 and 1914 married into European nobility. I conclude by discussing the Anglo-American political rapprochement of the 1890s and the use by Jack London and Edgar Rice Burroughs of Anglo-American love stories to promote racial ‘Anglo-Saxonism.’

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29

Chen, Jun-wei, and 陳君偉. "The Anglo-American Special Relationship under Thatcher and Reagan." Thesis, 1993. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/02267966628093490746.

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碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所
81
The aim of the thesis is to understand the intimacy of the Anglo-American special relationship under Thatcher and Reagan. The analytical method of international situations of Neorealism and historical analysis method are used in this thesis to discus the interactions, cooperations, and divergences between the United States and Britain in the 1980s. In the years after the World War Ⅱ, relations betweeen London and Washington developed in four distinct phases: decline (1945-56); repair (1957-63); decay (1964-79); revival (1980-89). In the 1980s, Margaret Thatcher re- established a more intimate relationship with the United States than that enjoyed by any Prime Minister since Harold Macmillan. This intimacy was partly a result of Thatcher'' s instinctive Atlanticism, but it was partly a consequence of the close or correspondence between the Reagan''s and Thatcher''s views both of the seriousness of Soviet-inspired threats to western interests and of the concomitant need to resist them with determination. The United States and Great Britain have cooperated closely in a number of important fields, including intelligence, diplomacy and other political contacts, technology and defense, and economic matters. But in a number of areas the assumption of harmony was challenged by real-world tensions, and by a British determination not only to support the United States but also to defend Britain''s own interests. In conclusion, the United States and Britain would do well to pool their wisdom, resources, and influence to meet all eventualities. Certainly, on strategic issues, they will have a lot to do together.

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30

Mallett, Derek Ray. "Prisoners of War-Cold War Allies: The Anglo-American Relationship with Wehrmacht Generals." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2009-08-869.

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This study examines the relationship between British and American officials and the fifty-five Wehrmacht general officers who were held as prisoners of war in the United States during World War II. This relationship transformed as the war developed and new national security concerns emerged in the immediate postwar era. As largely evidenced by the records of the United States War Department and the British War Office, the transformation of this relationship illustrates two important points. First, despite some similarities, the respective priorities of British and American authorities regarding their POW general officers differed significantly. British officials consistently interrogated and eavesdropped on all of their senior officer prisoners, primarily seeking operational and tactical intelligence to aid the Allied war effort. By contrast, American officials initially had little regard for the value of Wehrmacht general officer POWs. Second, by the end of the war, admiration for the prowess of German officers and the German military tradition in particular, coupled with anxiety about Soviet intentions and the strength of the Red Army, drove Washington into a collaborative relationship with many of the Wehrmacht general officers in its custody. The evolution of America's national security concerns in the years immediately following the end of World War II impacted its policy governing the treatment of high-ranking prisoners of war.

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31

Su, Yi-jen, and 蘇怡甄. "A Preliminary Study of the Anglo-American Special Relationship From the Aspect of Anti-Terrorism in the Cases of the 911 Incident and the War in Afghanistan." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44746796143323349273.

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碩士
南華大學
歐洲研究所
99
Anglo-American Special Relationship is a unique and important phenomenon in international relations. The nature of friendly relationship between two countries not only lies on the considerations of real-life political interests, but also the similar history backgrounds, cultures, the language and kinship, etc. Additionally, since World War II, Britain and America has had close cooperation on politics, economic, foreign affairs and military defenses and also the tacit agreement and amity developed by bilateral officials during cooperation. Consequently, Anglo-American special relationship is not only the indispensable Three Circles Doctrine for Postwar Britain, but also the primary priority for all previous British Prime Ministers to formulate diplomatic policy. In the face of increasing disagreement and strained situation from both sides of the Atlantic during the post-Cold War era, the British, as the communication bridge for America and Europe, is in a quandary and Anglo-American relationship therefore died away in the late nineties. However, 911 attacks and the War in Afghanistan provide a turning point of Anglo-American Special Relationship for Blair Government. Accordingly, the purpose of this article adopts anti-terrorism to primarily investigate the development and changes of Anglo-American Special Relationship during 911 attacks and the War in Afghanistan to explain the positions of Britain and America for diplomatic policy against terrorism and the influence on Anglo-American Special Relationship.

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