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Journal articles on the topic 'Anglo-American relationship'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

WARNER, GEOFFREY. "The Anglo-American Special Relationship." Diplomatic History 13, no. 4 (October 1989): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.1989.tb00068.x.

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2

Vivekanandan, B. "Whither the Anglo‐American special relationship?" Round Table 79, no. 316 (October 1990): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358539008454005.

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3

Baylis, John. "The Anglo-American Relationship and Alliance Theory." International Relations 8, no. 4 (October 1985): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788500800403.

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4

Rachman, Gideon. "Is the Anglo‐American relationship still special?" Washington Quarterly 24, no. 2 (June 2001): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016366001300092968.

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5

Ashton, Nigel. "Churchill and the Anglo-American special relationship." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 16, no. 2 (March 15, 2018): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2018.1451154.

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6

Kimball, Warren. "Dangerously Contagious? The Anglo-American Special Relationship." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 7, no. 3 (August 2005): 437–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00194.x.

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7

Xu, Ruike. "Collective Identity, Anglo-Saxon Bond and the Persistence of the Anglo-American Special Relationship." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i3.p122-134.

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There have been many “end of affair” comments on the Anglo-American special relationship (AASR) in the post-Cold War era. Notwithstanding this, the AASR has managed to persist without losing its vitality up to the present. This article seeks to explain the persistence of the AASR from the perspective of collective identity. It argues that a strong Anglo-American collective identity has been an indispensable positive contributor to the persistence of the AASR after the end of the Cold War. The strong Anglo-American collective identity facilitates Anglo-American common threat perceptions, solidifies embedded trust between the UK and the USA, and prescribes norms of appropriate behaviour for these two countries.
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8

Xu, Ruike. "Collective Identity, Anglo-Saxon Bond and the Persistence of the Anglo-American Special Relationship." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i1.p122-134.

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There have been many “end of affair” comments on the Anglo-American special relationship (AASR) in the post-Cold War era. Notwithstanding this, the AASR has managed to persist without losing its vitality up to the present. This article seeks to explain the persistence of the AASR from the perspective of collective identity. It argues that a strong Anglo-American collective identity has been an indispensable positive contributor to the persistence of the AASR after the end of the Cold War. The strong Anglo-American collective identity facilitates Anglo-American common threat perceptions, solidifies embedded trust between the UK and the USA, and prescribes norms of appropriate behaviour for these two countries.
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9

MARSH, STEVE. "The Special Relationship and the Anglo-Iranian oil crisis, 1950–4." Review of International Studies 24, no. 4 (October 1998): 529–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210598005294.

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The Anglo-Iranian oil crisis of 1950–4 provides an ideal case-study for those interested in the postwar Anglo-American Special Relationship. This article investigates the oil crisis with two purposes in mind: first, to demonstrate how Britain and the United States struggled to adjust their bilateral relations in response to their changing postwar world positions; second, to show just how crucial both countries perceived the Special Relationship to be in the early 1950s. This is done by examining the American decision not to pursue a policy in the Iranian oil crisis that would undermine Britain's position, despite at times severe Anglo-American tension. It is concluded that the problems created by the changing balance of forces within the Special Relationship were mitigated in Iran by a combination of consanguinity and, more important, the US need for British help in its policy of global containment. In short, Anglo-American policy-makers perceived sufficient mutual need to persuade them to actively preserve and develop the Special Relationship.
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10

Clive, Nigel. "The ‘special relationship’: Anglo-American relations since 1945." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 666–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619688.

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11

Dobson, Alan, and Steve Marsh. "Anglo-American Relations: End of a Special Relationship?" International History Review 36, no. 4 (January 15, 2014): 673–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.836124.

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12

Andreeva, T. "Anglo-American “Special Relationship” Under the Government of David Cameron." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 5 (2016): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-5-61-72.

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The article is devoted to the Anglo-American "special relationship" maintaining under two U.S. governments of Barak Obama and two Britain's governments – the coalition government of David Cameron-Nicholas Clegg and the conservative government of D. Cameron. The paper covers the evolution of the bilateral relationship from worsening to improving, which came into being amid the American economic and military resources overheating due to the shift of the U.S. political interest from Europe to the Pacific region and overstretch of American military communications as a result. The author scrutinizes only two main fields of this "special relationship": political and military cooperation. International events and political steps of both countries have rescued their relations from the collapse and have boosted them. The article deals with the role of such international crises as wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, combating the Islamic State (Islamic jihadists) and the Ukrainian crisis in preserving the speciality of Anglo-American relations. The author comes to a conclusion that Britain's participation in military operations around the world as the main partner of the U.S. is the main reason for improving the bilateral relationship. The attention is paid to the trends in cooperation making the relationship special, such as nuclear, sea and intelligence cooperation. The partnership between two countries in NATO is also highlighted. The author regards the movement for Scottish secession from the United Kingdom as one of political tendencies in the British society which bring uncertainties to Britain–U.S. relations. Special attention is paid to another political trend in the British society – the movement for Britain's exit from the European Union, which is a real threat for Anglo-American "special relationship", because it can ruin its traditional pillar – the bridge between the U.S. and Europe. The author tries to answer the question about perspectives of Anglo-American "special relationship" under the Cameron's government.
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13

Hammond, Theresa, Christine Cooper, and Chris J. van Staden. "Anglo American Corporation and the South African State." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 30, no. 6 (August 21, 2017): 1399–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-11-2016-2760.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the complex and shifting relationship between the Anglo American Corporation (Anglo) and the South African State (“the State”) as reflected in Anglo’s annual reports. Design/methodology/approach This paper builds on research on the role of annual reports in ideological conflict. To examine the ongoing relationship between Anglo and the State, the authors read all the annual reports published by Anglo American from 1917 to 1975, looking for instances in which the corporation appeared to be attempting to address, criticise, compliment, or implore the State. Findings During the period under study, despite the apparent struggles between the South African State and Anglo American, the relationship between the two was primarily symbiotic. The symbolic confrontation engaged in by these two behemoths perpetuated the real, physical violence perpetrated on the oppressed workers. By appearing to be a liberal opponent of apartheid, Anglo was able to ensure continued investment in South Africa. Social implications The examination of decades’ worth of annual reports provides an example of how these supposedly neutral instruments were used to contest and sustain power. Thereby, Anglo could continue to exploit workers, reap enormous profits, and maintain a fiction of opposition to the oppressive State. The State also benefited from its support of Anglo, which provided a plurality of tax revenue and economic expansion during the period. Originality/value This paper provides insights into the ways the State and other institutions sustain each other in the pursuit of economic and political power in the face of visible and widely condemned injustices. Although they frequently contested each other’s primacy, both benefited while black South African miners suffered.
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14

Webley, Simon. "The politics of the Anglo-American economic special relationship." International Affairs 65, no. 4 (1989): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622608.

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15

Spelling, Alex. "Allies Apart: Heath, Nixon and the Anglo-American Relationship." Contemporary British History 26, no. 3 (September 2012): 434–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2012.701908.

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16

Azubuike, Samuel. "The “Poodle Theory” and the Anglo-American “Special Relationship”." International Studies 42, no. 2 (April 2005): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002088170404200202.

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17

Marsh, Steve. "Beyond essential: Britons and the Anglo-American Special Relationship." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 18, no. 3 (July 6, 2020): 382–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s42738-020-00054-x.

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18

Rasmussen, Jorgen, and James M. McCormick. "British Mass Perceptions of the Anglo-American Special Relationship." Political Science Quarterly 108, no. 3 (1993): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151702.

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19

Muehlenbeck, P. E. "How Special Was the Anglo-American Relationship in Africa?" Diplomatic History 37, no. 5 (May 2, 2013): 1165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dht069.

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20

Colucci, Lamont. "The Bush Doctrine and the Anglo-American Special Relationship." Defense & Security Analysis 25, no. 2 (June 2009): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751790902985215.

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21

Gannon, Philip. "The special relationship and the 1945 Anglo-American Loan." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2014.871426.

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22

Vucetic, Srdjan. "British national identity and the Anglo-American special relationship." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 14, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 272–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2016.1200303.

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23

Adams, R. J. Q., and John Charmley. "Churchill's Grand Alliance: The Anglo-American Special Relationship 1940-57." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 893. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650625.

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24

Hoffmann, Stanley, and John Charmley. "Churchill's Grand Alliance: The Anglo-American Special Relationship, 1940-1957." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 2 (1996): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047526.

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25

Marsh, Steve, and John Baylis. "The Anglo-American “Special Relationship”: The Lazarus of International Relations." Diplomacy & Statecraft 17, no. 1 (April 2006): 173–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290500533841.

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26

Rees, Wyn, and Lance Davies. "The Anglo-American military relationship: Institutional rules, practices, and narratives." Contemporary Security Policy 40, no. 3 (March 2019): 312–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2019.1581973.

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27

Colman, Jonathan. "Portrait of an Institution: The US Embassy in London, 1945-53." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 4, no. 3 (2009): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119109x455946.

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AbstractThe US Embassy in London has long played a leading institutional role in the Anglo-American relationship, but few historians have examined that role. This article covers the early Cold War era of 1945-1953 — a formative period in the Anglo-American relationship — and considers issues such as the Embassy's organization, the range of work in which it participated and the contributions of the successive ambassadors. Prominent policy issues during this period included the European Recovery Plan and the Berlin Crisis. It is contended that the Embassy reached the peak of its peacetime importance under US Ambassador Lewis Douglas from 1947-1950, and that its most important role was in policy liaison. This liaison function stemmed from the need to coordinate British and US policies in the developing Cold War, and helped to lay the foundations for the long-term 'special relationship'. The article provides fresh insights into Anglo-American diplomatic bonds in a formative period.
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28

Jones, Geoffrey. "The Gramophone Company: An Anglo-American Multinational, 1898–1931." Business History Review 59, no. 1 (1985): 76–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114856.

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In this article Dr. Jones traces the history of the Gramophone Company—an early British multinational—between 1898 and 1931. Drawing on hitherto untapped archival sources, he provides a detailed narrative of the firm's history while at the same time placing it within the context of British multinational expansion as a whole. Of particular interest is his discussion of the firm's “special relationship” with the American-based Victor Company—a relationship that demonstrates how restrictive international agreements could affect the dynamics of multinational growth.
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29

HARRIS, PETER. "Decolonising the special relationship: Diego Garcia, the Chagossians, and Anglo-American relations." Review of International Studies 39, no. 3 (December 11, 2012): 707–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000319.

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AbstractIn this article, I challenge the prevailing concept of the UK-US ‘special relationship’ with a view to improving the concept as an analytic tool for researchers. As it stands, the special relationship draws attention to an uncommonly close bond between two state actors in the post-Second World War period, especially in terms of military cooperation. This conception imposes analytic costs – namely, an elision of imperialism as a feature of Anglo-American relations and a concomitant marginalisation of subaltern social actors. In response, I propose a reconception that posits the subaltern – third parties – as integral to the relationship, thus better capturing the empirical reality of Anglo-American relations past and present. Theoretically, I draw upon postcolonial International Relations scholarship and recent theories of friendship in international politics. Empirically, I present a case study of the US military base on Diego Garcia in the Chagos Islands.
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30

Dobson, Alan. "The years of transition: Anglo-American relatons 1961–1967." Review of International Studies 16, no. 3 (July 1990): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112495.

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The term ‘Special Relationship’ can give the false impression that Britain and the US have related to each other in an unchanging way since the forging of close bonds during World War II. If, like the present author, one chooses to use this terminology it is important to identify how the relationship has changed over the years.This article focuses on the period 1961–67, which was an important period of transition. In 1961, Suez notwithstanding, it was possible for British leaders to continue to think in terms of drawing on unique links with the US, some of which had been forged in World War II and still existed, others which had been developed in their common struggle against communism. By 1967 some of these links had been broken and others greatly weakened for a variety of reasons. Britain's relative world power had continued to decline, thus reducing her usefulness to the US; Britain began to look seriously to the EEC for its future and away from the US, which, for its part, was becoming increasingly preoccupied with Vietnam and the Far East in general; the economic structure Britain and the US had designed to manage the free world's. economy and in the direction of which they had cooperated extensively began to breakdown; and finally after the Kennedy–Macmillan friendship there was no really close relationship between British and American leaders until the mid-1970s. Before looking at this period of transition, however, it is necessary to review an earlier era when the Special Relationship was unquestioned.
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31

Clark, Jennifer. "John Bull's American Connection: The Allegorical Interpretation of England and the Anglo-American Relationship." Huntington Library Quarterly 53, no. 1 (January 1990): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3817114.

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32

Diebold, William, and Alan P. Dobson. "The Politics of the Anglo-American Economic Special Relationship, 1940-1987." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 2 (1988): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043805.

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33

Dunn, David H. "President Clinton and the Anglo-American ‘Special Relationship’: Time for Change?" Politics 13, no. 1 (April 1993): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1993.tb00221.x.

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34

Smith, Simon C. "THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ‘SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP’ AND THE MIDDLE EAST 1945–1973." Asian Affairs 45, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2014.951567.

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35

Warner, Geoffrey. "Diplomacy, Roger Makins and the Anglo-American relationship. By Richard Wevill." International Affairs 91, no. 4 (July 2015): 875–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12351.

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36

Rofe, J. Simon. "Wevill, R. (2014). Diplomacy, Roger Makins and the Anglo–American Relationship." Diplomacy & Statecraft 27, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 392–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2016.1169808.

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37

Dobson, Alan P., David A. Lincove, and Gary R. Treadway. "The Anglo-American Relationship: An Annotated Bibliography of Scholarship, 1945-1985." Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (March 1990): 1372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2936761.

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38

Villiers, C. "Property in Work: The Employment Relationship in the Anglo-American Firm." Industrial Law Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 496–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwm035.

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39

Coker, Christopher. "The Uncommon Tongue: Recent Writings on the Anglo-American Special Relationship." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 16, no. 2 (June 1987): 366–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298870160022201.

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40

Kimball, Warren F. "The ‘special’ Anglo-American special relationship ‘a fatter, larger underwater cable’." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 3, sup1 (March 2005): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010508656782.

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41

Marchi, Anna, and Steve Marsh. "Churchill, Fulton and the Anglo-American special relationship: setting the agenda?" Journal of Transatlantic Studies 14, no. 4 (October 2016): 365–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2016.1230258.

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42

Cull, N. J. "Review: A Special Relationship: Anglo-American Relations in the Cold War and After * John Dumbrell: A Special Relationship: Anglo-American Relations in the Cold War and After." Twentieth Century British History 13, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 316–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/13.3.316-a.

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43

Zorn,, CeCelia R., Mary Ellen Stolder,, and Marina J. Majeski,. "Expanding the Circle: Connecting Native American Learners with Distance Education." International Journal of Human Caring 8, no. 1 (February 2004): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20467/1091-5710.8.1.56.

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There appears to be a lack of bridging between Native American students and their culture, and the dominant Anglo system of higher education. This gap widens when the student participates in distance education (DE) and is separated from the teachers by space and time. This article calls for meeting the challenge of caring in academe by addressing cultural aspects of Native American students and provides suggestions for facilitating their learning through DE. After the Native American-Anglo relationship is briefly examined, characteristics and experiences of the Native American student are highlighted, followed by an examination of DE concerns pertinent to this population. Situated learning and a caring pedagogy are used as a framework to provide strategies that enhance success of the Native American student in DE.
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44

Kang, Yeong Seon, Eunji Huh, and Mi-Hee Lim. "Effects of Foreign Directors’ Nationalities and Director Types on Corporate Philanthropic Behavior: Evidence from Korean Firms." Sustainability 11, no. 11 (June 3, 2019): 3132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11113132.

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Addressing the fact that there are few studies exploring the relationship between board characteristics and corporate social responsibility (CSR) in non-Western contexts, this study examines the relationship in South Korean corporate contexts. We concentrate on foreign directors as a board attribute, which is reported as a remarkable change in Korean corporate boards, and propose that foreign directors have different impacts on CSR investment depending on their nationality (Anglo-Americans vs. non-Anglo-Americans) and director types (insiders vs. outsiders). In detail, the presence of directors from Anglo-American countries (e.g., the United States, the United Kingdom) decreases firms’ CSR involvement, whereas the presence of directors from non-Anglo-American countries (e.g., France, Germany) increases firms’ CSR involvement. Moreover, the effects of Anglo-Americans on CSR are strengthened when they are inside (rather than outside) directors. Empirical analyses using a sample of 1828 Korean firms from 2002 to 2015 provide evidence to support the predictions. This study theoretically contributes to CSR and corporate governance literature in that it sheds light on the CSR in non-Western companies and reveals varied effects of foreign directors contingent upon their individual attributes. It also has practical implications for policymakers and corporate managers by providing insights of the changes generated by foreign members in a boardroom.
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45

Keenleyside, T. A., and Anita Inder Singh. "The Limits of British Influence: South Asia and the Anglo-American Relationship." Pacific Affairs 68, no. 3 (1995): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761159.

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46

Newsom, David D. "‘The special relationship’: a political history of Anglo-American relations since 1945." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 747–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620600.

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47

Stern, Fritz, and C. J. Bartlett. "The Special Relationship: A Political History of Anglo-American Relations since 1945." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045458.

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48

ALDRICH, RICHARD J. "British intelligence and the Anglo‐American ‘Special Relationship’ during the Cold War." Review of International Studies 24, no. 3 (July 1998): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210598003313.

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49

Ellison, J. "Allies Apart: Heath, Nixon and the Anglo-American Relationship. By Andrew Scott." Twentieth Century British History 26, no. 4 (October 23, 2014): 653–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwu051.

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50

Bhattacharya, Purusottam. "In the Shadow of the Common Market: Anglo-American Relationship Since 1973." International Studies 27, no. 2 (April 1990): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881790027002002.

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