Journal articles on the topic 'Anglo-Indian and Indic (English)'

ABSTRACTThe speech of native speakers of Indian English has generally been neglected in studies of English in South Asia. This article describes a variety of Indian English used by a section of the Anglo-Indian community in Madras, South India. A comparison of this variety to available descriptions of “General” or “Educated” Indian English shows that the two are substantially similar, but that the Anglo-Indian variety differs in two features: deletion of/h/ (h-dropping) and the distribution of r-lessness. The community shows classbased variation in the phonological feature of h-dropping and in one syntactic feature: auxiliary movement in questions. Sources for features of Anglo-Indian English are discussed, including possible inheritance from both standard and non-standard BrE dialects as well as transfer from Tamil, the likely substrate Indian language for this section of the Anglo-Indian community.(South Asia, Indian English, language variation)

Examines the contemporary lexical component of the English/Creole of Trinidad (TEC) that is derived from languages of India. Author focuses on the TEC as spoken among Indo-Trinidadians, but also pays attention to Indic words used in the TEC of Afro-Trinidadians and other groups. Author sketches the history of Indian immigration into Trinidad, explaining how most came from the Bihar province in northern India and spoke Bhojpuri, rather than (closely related) Hindi, and how in the 20th c. Indian languages were replaced by English with education. She further focuses on retained Indic words incorporated in current-day TEC, and found 1844 of such words in usage. She discusses words misassigned locally as Indian-derived, but actually from other (European or African) languages. Then, she describes most of the Indo-TEC lexicon, categorizing items by their semantic-cultural domain, with major domains for Indian-derived words: religious practice, music, dance and stickfighting, food preparation, agriculture, kinship, and behaviour or appearance. Further, the author discusses to what degree Indic words have been mainstreamed within the non-Indian population of Trinidad, sometimes via standard English, sometimes directly assimilated into TEC, and made salient through the press or street food selling.

Examines the contemporary lexical component of the English/Creole of Trinidad (TEC) that is derived from languages of India. Author focuses on the TEC as spoken among Indo-Trinidadians, but also pays attention to Indic words used in the TEC of Afro-Trinidadians and other groups. Author sketches the history of Indian immigration into Trinidad, explaining how most came from the Bihar province in northern India and spoke Bhojpuri, rather than (closely related) Hindi, and how in the 20th c. Indian languages were replaced by English with education. She further focuses on retained Indic words incorporated in current-day TEC, and found 1844 of such words in usage. She discusses words misassigned locally as Indian-derived, but actually from other (European or African) languages. Then, she describes most of the Indo-TEC lexicon, categorizing items by their semantic-cultural domain, with major domains for Indian-derived words: religious practice, music, dance and stickfighting, food preparation, agriculture, kinship, and behaviour or appearance. Further, the author discusses to what degree Indic words have been mainstreamed within the non-Indian population of Trinidad, sometimes via standard English, sometimes directly assimilated into TEC, and made salient through the press or street food selling.

The paper analyses Syed Amanuddin’s “Don’t Call Me Indo-Anglian” from the perspective of a cultural materialist. In an effort to understand Amanuddin’s contempt for the term, the matrix of identity, language and cultural ideology has been explored. The politics of the representation of the self and the other that creates a chasm among human beings has also been discussed. The impact of the British colonialism on the language and psyche of people has been taken into account. This is best visible in the seemingly innocent introduction of English in India as medium of instruction which has subsequently brought in a new kind of sensibility and culture unknown hitherto in India. Indians experienced them in the form of snobbery, racism, highbrow and religious bigotry. P C Ray and M K Gandhi resisted the introduction of English as the medium of instruction. However, a new class of Indo-Anglians has emerged after independence which is not different from the Anglo-Indians in their attitude towards India. The question of identity has become important for an Indian irrespective of the spatial or time location of a person. References Abel, E. (1988). The Anglo-Indian Community: Survival in India. Delhi: Chanakya. Atharva Veda. Retrieved from: http://vedpuran.files.wordpress.com/2011/10/atharva-2.pdf Bethencourt, F. (2013). Racisms: From the Crusades to the Twentieth Century. Princeton: Princeton UP. Bhagvadgita:The Song of God. Retrieved from: www.holy-bhagavad-gita.org Constitution of India [The]. (2007). New Delhi: Ministry of Law and Justice, Govt of India, 2007, Retrieved from: www.lawmin.nic.in/coi/coiason29july08.pdf. Cousins, J. H. (1918). The Renaissance in India. Madras: Madras: Ganesh & Co., n. d., Preface is dated June 1918, Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.203914 Daruwalla, K. (2004). The Decolonised Muse: A Personal Statement. Retrieved from: https://www.poetryinternationalweb.net/pi/site/cou_article/item/2693/The-Decolonised-Muse/en Gale, T. (n.d.) Christian Impact on India, History of. Encyclopedia of India. Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved from: https://www.encyclopedia.com. Gandhi M K. (1938). My Own Experience. Harijan, Retrieved from: www.mkgandhi.org/ indiadreams/chap44.htm ---. “Medium of Education”. The Selected Works of Gandhi, Vol. 5, Retrieved from: www.mkgandhi.org/edugandhi/education.htm Gist, N. P., Wright, R. D. (1973). Marginality and Identity: Anglo-Indians as a Racially-Mixed Minority in India. Leiden: Brill. Godard, B. (1993). Marlene NourbeSe Philip’s Hyphenated Tongue or, Writing the Caribbean Demotic between Africa and Arctic. In Major Minorities: English Literatures in Transit, (pp. 151-175) Raoul Granquist (ed). Amsterdam, Rodopi. Gokak, V K. (n.d.). English in India: Its Present and Future. Bombay et al: Asia Publishing House. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.460832. Gopika, I S. (2018). Rise of the Indo-Anglians in Kerala. The New Indian Express. Retrieved from www.newindianexpress.com/cities/kochi/2018/feb/16/rise-of-the-indo-anglians-in-kerala-1774446.html Hall, S. (1996). Who Needs ‘Identity’? In Questions of Cultural Identity, (pp. 1-17). Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay (eds.). London: Sage. Lobo, A. (1996a). Anglo-Indian Schools and Anglo-Indian Educational Disadvantage. Part 1. International Journal of Anglo-Indian Studies, 1(1), 13-30. Retrieved from www.international-journal-of-anglo-indian-studies.org ---. (1996b). Anglo-Indian Schools and Anglo-Indian Educational Disadvantage. Part 2. International Journal of Anglo-Indian Studies. 1(2), 13-34. Retrieved from: www.international-journal-of-anglo-indian-studies.org Maha Upanishad. Retrieved from: http://www.gayathrimanthra.com/contents/documents/ Vedicrelated/Maha_Upanishad Montaut, A. (2010). English in India. In Problematizing Language Studies, Cultural, Theoretical and Applied Perspectives: Essays in Honour of Rama Kant Agnihotri. (pp. 83-116.) S. I. Hasnain and S. Chaudhary (eds). Delhi: Akar Books. Retrieved from: https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00549309/document Naik, M K. (1973). Indian Poetry in English. Indian Literature. 16(3/4) 157-164. Retrieved from: www.jstor.org/stable/24157227 Pai, S. (2018). Indo-Anglians: The newest and fastest-growing caste in India. Retrieved from: https://scroll.in/magazine/867130/indo-anglians-the-newest-and-fastest-growing-caste-in-india Pearson, M. N. (1987). The Portuguese in India. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. Rai, S. (2012). India’s New ‘English Only’ Generation. Retrieved from: https://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/06/01/indias-new-english-only-generation/ Ray, P. C. (1932). Life and Experiences of a Bengali Chemist. Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/ in.ernet.dli.2015.90919 Rig Veda. Retrieved from: http://www.sanskritweb.net/rigveda/rv09-044.pdf. Rocha, E. (2010). Racism in Novels: A Comparative Study of Brazilian and South American Cultural History. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Rushdie, S., West, E. (Eds.) (1997). The Vintage Book of Indian Writing 1947 – 1997. London: Vintage. Sen, S. (2010). Education of the Anglo-Indian Community. Gender and Generation: A Study on the Pattern of Responses of Two Generations of Anglo-Indian Women Living During and After 1970s in Kolkata, Unpublished Ph D dissertation. Kolkata: Jadavpur University. Retrieved from: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/176756/8/08_chapter% 203.pdf Stephens, H. M. (1897). The Rulers of India, Albuqurque. Ed. William Wilson Hunter. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.156532 Subramaniam, A. (2017). Speaking of Ramanujan. Retrieved from: https://indianexpress.com/ article/lifestyle/books/speaking-of-ramanujan-guillermo-rodriguez-when-mirrors-are-windows-4772031/ Trevelyan, G. O. (1876). The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay. London: Longmans, Geeen, & Co. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/lifelettersoflor01trevuoft Williams, B. R. (2002). Anglo-Indians: Vanishing Remnants of a Bygone Era: Anglo-Indians in India, North America and the UK in 2000. Calcutta: Tiljallah Relief. Yajurveda. Retrieved from: http://vedpuran.files.wordpress.com/2011/10/yajurved.pdf Yule, H., Burnell A. C. (1903). Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. Ed. William Crooke. London: J. Murray. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/hobsonjobsonagl00croogoog

This study concentrates on the analysis of early works by Rudyard Kipling who was born into the family of English colonists to India, thus becoming a representative of the newly formed Anglo-Indian society. The writer’s sketch Anglo-Indian Society (1887) and his collection of short stories Plain Tales from the Hills (1888) depict the characteristic features of Anglo-Indians’ worldview and lifestyle, which are revealed and analyzed by the author of the article. Special attention is paid to biographical factors influencing the author’s choice of Anglo-Indian topic at the beginning of his writing career. The researcher concludes that Kipling presents in his works an outline of Anglo-Indian society which emerged from the writer’s observations of Anglo-Indians’ lives during his work as a reporter. Striving for credibility in consideration of advantages and shortcomings of Anglo-Indian worldview and lifestyle, the author tries to occupy the position of the unconcerned observer, being capable of assessing the situation with fresh mind. Kipling disguises himself under the image of the hero-narrator, being either a tourist traveler from abroad, or a reporter, accustomed to collecting factual material for the local paper, in such a way receiving an opportunity to speak ironically and sometimes even sarcastically about certain models of behavior, accepted by Anglo-Indians.

A different name than English literature, ‘Anglo-Indian Literature’, was given to the body of literature in English that emerged on account of the British interaction with India unlike the case with their interaction with America or Australia or New Zealand. Even the Indians’ contributions (translations as well as creative pieces in English) were classed under the caption ‘Anglo-Indian’ initially but later a different name, ‘Indo-Anglian’, was conceived for the growing variety and volume of writings in English by the Indians. However, unlike the former the latter has not found a favour with the compilers of English dictionaries. With the passage of time the fine line of demarcation drawn on the basis of subject matter and author’s point of view has disappeared and currently even Anglo-Indians’ writings are classed as ‘Indo-Anglian’. Besides contemplating on various connotations of the term ‘Indo-Anglian’ the article discusses the related issues such as: the etymology of the term, fixing the name of its coiner and the date of its first use. In contrast to the opinions of the historians and critics like K R S Iyengar, G P Sarma, M K Naik, Daniela Rogobete, Sachidananda Mohanty, Dilip Chatterjee and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak it has been brought to light that the term ‘Indo-Anglian’ was first used in 1880 by James Payn to refer to the Indians’ writings in English rather pejoratively. However, Iyengar used it in a positive sense though he himself gave it up soon. The reasons for the wide acceptance of the term, sometimes also for the authors of the sub-continent, by the members of academia all over the world, despite its rejection by Sahitya Akademi (the national body of letters in India), have also been contemplated on. References Alphonso-Karkala, John B. (1970). Indo-English Literature in the Nineteenth Century, Mysore: Literary Half-yearly, University of Mysore, University of Mysore Press. Amanuddin, Syed. (2016 [1990]). “Don’t Call Me Indo-Anglian”. C. D. Narasimhaiah (Ed.), An Anthology of Commonwealth Poetry. Bengaluru: Trinity Press. B A (Compiler). (1883). Indo-Anglian Literature. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co. PDF. Retrieved from: https://books.google.co.in/books?id=rByZ2RcSBTMC&pg=PA1&source= gbs_selected_pages&cad=3#v=onepage&q&f=false ---. (1887). “Indo-Anglian Literature”. 2nd Issue. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co. PDF. Retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/60238178 Basham, A L. (1981[1954]). The Wonder That Was India: A Survey of the History and Culture of the Indian Sub-Continent before the Coming of the Muslims. Indian Rpt, Calcutta: Rupa. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/TheWonderThatWasIndiaByALBasham Bhushan, V N. (1945). The Peacock Lute. Bomaby: Padma Publications Ltd. Bhushan, V N. (1945). The Moving Finger. Bomaby: Padma Publications Ltd. Boria, Cavellay. (1807). “Account of the Jains, Collected from a Priest of this Sect; at Mudgeri: Translated by Cavelly Boria, Brahmen; for Major C. Mackenzie”. Asiatick Researches: Or Transactions of the Society; Instituted In Bengal, For Enquiring Into The History And Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences, and Literature, of Asia, 9, 244-286. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.104510 Chamber’s Twentieth Century Dictionary [The]. (1971). Bombay et al: Allied Publishers. Print. Chatterjee, Dilip Kumar. (1989). Cousins and Sri Aurobindo: A Study in Literary Influence, Journal of South Asian Literature, 24(1), 114-123. Retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/ stable/40873985. Chattopadhyay, Dilip Kumar. (1988). A Study of the Works of James Henry Cousins (1873-1956) in the Light of the Theosophical Movement in India and the West. Unpublished PhD dissertation. Burdwan: The University of Burdwan. PDF. Retrieved from: http://ir.inflibnet. ac.in:8080/jspui/bitstream/10603/68500/9/09_chapter%205.pdf. Cobuild English Language Dictionary. (1989 [1987]). rpt. London and Glasgow. Collins Cobuild Advanced Illustrated Dictionary. (2010). rpt. Glasgow: Harper Collins. Print. Concise Oxford English Dictionary [The]. (1961 [1951]). H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler. (Eds.) Oxford: Clarendon Press. 4th ed. Cousins, James H. (1921). Modern English Poetry: Its Characteristics and Tendencies. Madras: Ganesh & Co. n. d., Preface is dated April, 1921. PDF. Retrieved from: http://hdl.handle.net/ 2027/uc1.$b683874 ---. (1919) New Ways in English Literature. Madras: Ganesh & Co. 2nd edition. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.31747 ---. (1918). The Renaissance in India. Madras: Madras: Ganesh & Co., n. d., Preface is dated June 1918. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.203914 Das, Sisir Kumar. (1991). History of Indian Literature. Vol. 1. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi. Encarta World English Dictionary. (1999). London: Bloomsbury. Gandhi, M K. (1938 [1909]). Hind Swaraj Tr. M K Gandhi. Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House. PDF. Retrieved from: www.mkgandhi.org/ebks/hind_swaraj.pdf. Gokak, V K. (n.d.). English in India: Its Present and Future. Bombay et al: Asia Publishing House. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.460832 Goodwin, Gwendoline (Ed.). (1927). Anthology of Modern Indian Poetry, London: John Murray. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.176578 Guptara, Prabhu S. (1986). Review of Indian Literature in English, 1827-1979: A Guide to Information Sources. The Yearbook of English Studies, 16 (1986): 311–13. PDF. Retrieved from: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3507834 Iyengar, K R Srinivasa. (1945). Indian Contribution to English Literature [The]. Bombay: Karnatak Publishing House. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/ indiancontributi030041mbp ---. (2013 [1962]). Indian Writing in English. New Delhi: Sterling. ---. (1943). Indo-Anglian Literature. Bombay: PEN & International Book House. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/IndoAnglianLiterature Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. (2003). Essex: Pearson. Lyall, Alfred Comyn. (1915). The Anglo-Indian Novelist. Studies in Literature and History. London: John Murray. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet. dli.2015.94619 Macaulay T. B. (1835). Minute on Indian Education dated the 2nd February 1835. HTML. Retrieved from: http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00generallinks/macaulay/ txt_minute_education_1835.html Mehrotra, Arvind Krishna. (2003). An Illustrated History of Indian Literature in English. Delhi: Permanent Black. ---. (2003[1992]). The Oxford India Anthology of Twelve Modern Indian Poets. New Delhi: Oxford U P. Minocherhomji, Roshan Nadirsha. (1945). Indian Writers of Fiction in English. Bombay: U of Bombay. Modak, Cyril (Editor). (1938). The Indian Gateway to Poetry (Poetry in English), Calcutta: Longmans, Green. PDF. Retrieved from http://en.booksee.org/book/2266726 Mohanty, Sachidananda. (2013). “An ‘Indo-Anglian’ Legacy”. The Hindu. July 20, 2013. Web. Retrieved from: http://www.thehindu.com/features/magazine/an-indoanglian-legacy/article 4927193.ece Mukherjee, Sujit. (1968). Indo-English Literature: An Essay in Definition, Critical Essays on Indian Writing in English. Eds. M. K. Naik, G. S. Amur and S. K. Desai. Dharwad: Karnatak University. Naik, M K. (1989 [1982]). A History of Indian English Literature. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, rpt.New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles [The], (1993). Ed. Lesley Brown, Vol. 1, Oxford: Clarendon Press.Naik, M K. (1989 [1982]). A History of Indian English Literature. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, rpt. Oaten, Edward Farley. (1953 [1916]). Anglo-Indian Literature. In: Cambridge History of English Literature, Vol. 14, (pp. 331-342). A C Award and A R Waller, (Eds). Rpt. ---. (1908). A Sketch of Anglo-Indian Literature, London: Kegan Paul. PDF. Retrieved from: https://ia600303.us.archive.org/0/items/sketchofangloind00oateuoft/sketchofangloind00oateuoft.pdf) Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English. (1979 [1974]). A. S. Hornby (Ed). : Oxford UP, 3rd ed. Oxford English Dictionary [The]. Vol. 7. (1991[1989]). J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner, (Eds.). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2nd ed. Pai, Sajith. (2018). Indo-Anglians: The newest and fastest-growing caste in India. Web. Retrieved from: https://scroll.in/magazine/867130/indo-anglians-the-newest-and-fastest-growing-caste-in-india Pandia, Mahendra Navansuklal. (1950). The Indo-Anglian Novels as a Social Document. Bombay: U Press. Payn, James. (1880). An Indo-Anglian Poet, The Gentleman’s Magazine, 246(1791):370-375. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/stream/gentlemansmagaz11unkngoog#page/ n382/mode/2up. ---. (1880). An Indo-Anglian Poet, Littell’s Living Age (1844-1896), 145(1868): 49-52. PDF. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/stream/livingage18projgoog/livingage18projgoog_ djvu.txt. Rai, Saritha. (2012). India’s New ‘English Only’ Generation. Retrieved from: https://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/06/01/indias-new-english-only-generation/ Raizada, Harish. (1978). The Lotus and the Rose: Indian Fiction in English (1850-1947). Aligarh: The Arts Faculty. Rajan, P K. (2006). Indian English literature: Changing traditions. Littcrit. 32(1-2), 11-23. Rao, Raja. (2005 [1938]). Kanthapura. New Delhi: Oxford UP. Rogobete, Daniela. (2015). Global versus Glocal Dimensions of the Post-1981 Indian English Novel. Portal Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, 12(1). Retrieved from: http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/journals/index.php/portal/article/view/4378/4589. Rushdie, Salman & Elizabeth West. (Eds.) (1997). The Vintage Book of Indian Writing 1947 – 1997. London: Vintage. Sampson, George. (1959 [1941]). Concise Cambridge History of English Literature [The]. Cambridge: UP. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.18336. Sarma, Gobinda Prasad. (1990). Nationalism in Indo-Anglian Fiction. New Delhi: Sterling. Singh, Kh. Kunjo. (2002). The Fiction of Bhabani Bhattacharya. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. (2012). How to Read a ‘Culturally Different’ Book. An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Sturgeon, Mary C. (1916). Studies of Contemporary Poets, London: George G Hard & Co., Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.95728. Thomson, W S (Ed). (1876). Anglo-Indian Prize Poems, Native and English Writers, In: Commemoration of the Visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to India. London: Hamilton, Adams & Co., Retrieved from https://books.google.co.in/ books?id=QrwOAAAAQAAJ Wadia, A R. (1954). The Future of English. Bombay: Asia Publishing House. Wadia, B J. (1945). Foreword to K R Srinivasa Iyengar’s The Indian Contribution to English Literature. Bombay: Karnatak Publishing House. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/indiancontributi030041mbp Webster's Encyclopedic Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language. (1989). New York: Portland House. Yule, H. and A C Burnell. (1903). Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive. W. Crooke, Ed. London: J. Murray. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/ details/hobsonjobsonagl00croogoog Sources www.amazon.com/Indo-Anglian-Literature-Edward-Charles-Buck/dp/1358184496 www.archive.org/stream/livingage18projgoog/livingage18projgoog_djvu.txt www.catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001903204?type%5B%5D=all&lookfor%5B%5D=indo%20anglian&ft= www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B.L._Indo_Anglian_Public_School,_Aurangabad www.everyculture.com/South-Asia/Anglo-Indian.html www.solo.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/primo_library/libweb/action/search.do?fn=search&ct=search&initialSearch=true&mode=Basic&tab=local&indx=1&dum=true&srt=rank&vid=OXVU1&frbg=&tb=t&vl%28freeText0%29=Indo-Anglian+Literature+&scp.scps=scope%3A%28OX%29&vl% 28516065169UI1%29=all_items&vl%281UIStartWith0%29=contains&vl%28254947567UI0%29=any&vl%28254947567UI0%29=title&vl%28254947567UI0%29=any www.worldcat.org/title/indo-anglian-literature/oclc/30452040

The Indo-Anglican literature is different from the Anglo-Indian literature. The former is the genre written and created by the Indians through the English language; the latter is written by the Englishmen on themes and subjects related to India. The Indo-Anglican fiction owes its origin to the translations of various fictional works from the Indian languages into English, notably from Bengali into English. The Indo-Anglican writers of fiction write with an eye and hope on the western readers. This influenced their choice of the subject matter. In Indo-Anglican novels there are Sadhus, Fakirs, Caves, Temples, Vedanta, Gandhi, Rajahs and Nawabs, etc. to are to show the interest of western audience. They represent essentially the western idea of India. But at the same time there are elements of Indianness, Nationalism and Patriotism, glorification of India’s past and sympathy for the teeming millions of the country.

The demand for online content in Indian languages (IL) is growing faster than for that in English. The proliferation of cheap smartphones with Indic keyboards and high-speed connectivity is feeding this trend. Moreover, there is increasing formal and informal collaboration between English and IL publishers to make educational and literary content available in regional languages. This currently is not financially viable or scalable and follows the logic of the print (rather than digital) economy. The government is focused on online content delivery as part of a larger Digital India programme. In the absence of IL content in the higher education arena, it must work with private players to develop quality technical and scientific content. Indian-language publishers need to be included in this process via training and incentives, since they have regional networks for effective outreach with this content. The biggest role of the government, however, is in the arena of regulation with the updating and implementation of intellectual property (IP) and copyright laws that need to extend to digital content; as well as in creating an environment where quality educational content is incentivized.

Writing from outside the Anglo-American world is appreciated largely for the social life of English in worlds elsewhere, the linguistic oddities of its non-native cast of characters that spot poor translations. While English is easily granted inordinate powers of cultural assimilation, the languages of erstwhile colonies, the bhashas of India for example, from which this ‘translation’ presumably takes place, are seen to be rather weak and ill-equipped to meet the challenging demands of western narrative gambits. This essay offers three concrete examples of English fiction where its Indian writers afford us glimpses of a phenomenon critics have barely begun to notice. The passages examined here show how the bhashas sound differently when cast in English, or how English begins to breathe an unmistakable Indian ethos and idiom. When the Indian bhashas and English so happen together, there is no discrete language from which or into which translation occurs. It is evident that the writers here are no ‘Indianizers’ of a language whose fortunes now are global in reach and affect. For readers in India, English is still a bhasha-in-the-making, which is neither set in a ‘colonial’ far away and long ago, nor yet within current precincts of some ‘postcolonial’ felicity. If the efforts of these writers at resisting translation win, it is because they have asserted their right to imagine a language as a form of global life toward which English has taken them.

Mulk Raj Anand (1905-2004) is considered one of the pioneering Indian writers in English of Anglo-Indian fiction who gained international acclaim. Along with R.K. Narayana, and Raja Rao, he is popularly known as the trio of Indian English novelists. He marked his revolutionary appearance by giving voice to the oppressed section of the society with his novel, Untouchable in 1935. In this novel, he takes a day from the life of Bakha, a young sweeper who is an untouchable because of his work of cleaning latrines in the early 20th century British India. Discrimination based on caste and poverty are the two focal points of this novel. This paper aims at portraying a kaleidoscope of socio-cultural, economic and political spheres of life. It aims at painting the unexplored, and less talked vistas of life. Hence while revisiting untouchability and poverty, this paper offers an analysis to a variety of colours or a collage of varied aspects of human life.

Mulk Raj Anand (1905-2004) is considered one of the pioneering Indian writers in English of Anglo-Indian fiction who gained international acclaim. Along with R.K. Narayana, and Raja Rao, he is popularly known as the trio of Indian English novelists. He marked his revolutionary appearance by giving voice to the oppressed section of the society with his novel, Untouchable in 1935. In this novel, he takes a day from the life of Bakha, a young sweeper who is an untouchable because of his work of cleaning latrines in the early 20th century British India. Discrimination based on caste and poverty are the two focal points of this novel. This paper aims at portraying a kaleidoscope of socio-cultural, economic and political spheres of life. It aims at painting the unexplored, and less talked vistas of life. Hence while revisiting untouchability and poverty, this paper offers an analysis to a variety of colours or a collage of varied aspects of human life.

AbstractThe debate over the impact of British colonialism and “colonial modernity” in India has hinged around questions of epistemic and aesthetic rupture. Whether in modern poetry, art, music, in practically every language and region intellectuals struggled with the artistic traditions they had inherited and condemned them as decadent and artificial. But this is only part of the story. If we widen the lens a little and consider print culture and orature more broadly, then vibrant regional print and performance cultures in a variety of Indian languages, and the publishing of earlier knowledge and aesthetic traditions belie the notion that English made India into a province of Europe, peripheral to London as the center of world literature. Yet nothing of this new fervor of journals, associations, literary debates, of new genres or theater and popular publishing, transpires in Anglo-Indian and English journals of the period, whose occlusion of the Indian-language stories produced ignorance, distaste, indifference—those “technologies of recognition” (Shu-Mei Shih) that produce “the West” as the agent of recognition and “the rest” as the object of recognition, in representation.

A ‘hindostannie air‘ may be defined as a short piece derived from an Indian original but arranged in a European idiom. The genre came to prominence among the English inhabitants of Calcutta during the 1780s and 1790s. A small group of women, reflecting the currently fashionable interest in anything oriental, began to employ professional musicians to ‘collect’ Indian songs – that is, to notate them as best they could from the performances of leading Indian singers. Once the melodies had been transcribed, they were arranged as solo keyboard pieces or as songs, a process which necessitated the use of a key signature, a time signature and a harmonization in a European idiom. At the height of the fashion, pieces were performed regularly at the fashionable soirées of Calcutta society, often to great applause, with the singers sometimes adopting Indian dress to add to the ‘authenticity’ of the presentation. At the same time the repertory began to attract the attention of the small group of orientalists led by Sir William Jones, who were engaged in the first serious European attempt to understand the principles that lay behind Indian music. By the turn of the century, with Anglo-Indian attitudes to Indian culture becoming steadily more hostile, the genre began to decline in popularity, but it was then taken up by scholars in England. ‘Hindostannie’ specimens from collections brought back from India provided important material for the compilations of national airs published by Crotch, Jones and others. Having thus established a small but distinctive niche in popular English culture as exotic imports, Indian tunes of one kind or another continued to appear throughout the nineteenth century.

The overland communications between Asia and Europe were of crucial importance to the economic and military survival of the East India companies. This applies equally to the English, French and Dutch East India companies - and even to the Portuguese empire.At some of the most crucial moments of its history, the very survival of the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC) depended on the thin thread connecting it overland to Europe. One of these crises occurred in the mid-seventeenth century when during the first Anglo-Dutch war, English fleets challenged Dutch naval supremacy in the Indian Ocean. Reflecting on the defeat of the British fleets and the near eradication of the English East India Company or EIC's naval presence there in 1654, the Dutch director of Surat commented: ‘We would never have gained such an easy victory if the English had reacted more promptly or had we not received warnings so promptly [tijdig].’ Similarly, the catastrophic defeat suffered at a later date by the French admiral De la Haye is normally attributed to De la Haye's hesitations. Yet is is doubtful whether the VOC would have been able ot assemble a fleet quickly enough to destroy De la Haye's fleet had the VOC not received messages overland.

The Parsi theatre was the dominant form of dramatic entertainment in urban India from the 1860s to the 1930s. Named for its Bombay-based pioneers, the Parsi theatre blended certain European practices of stagecraft and commercial organization with Indic, Persian, and English stories, music, and poetry. Through the impact of its touring companies, it had a catalytic effect on the development of modern drama and regional theatre throughout South and Southeast Asia. Moreover, Parsi theatre is widely credited with contributing to popular Indian cinema its genres, aesthetic, and economic base. With Hindi films now the major cultural signifier for the middle classes and the ‘masses’ in South Asia and its diaspora, documentation and evaluation of the Parsi theatre is much needed, especially to connect it convincingly to the cinematic medium that followed.

This paper examines, and refutes, the currently most popular hypothesis concerning the origin of Fanagalo, namely, that it arose on the plantation fields of Natal among indentured East Indian migrants who arrived there from 1860 onwards. Can a pidgin be initiated by a group of migrants from differing linguistic backgrounds in a plantation situation, and still remain in widespread use without showing any substrate influences? If the Indian origin hypothesis is correct, this would indeed be the case: a "crystallized" southern African Pidgin, stable for about a hundred years, would have been created in the sugar plantations of Natal by migrant indentured Indian workers without any tangible influences from any of the five or so Indic and Dravidian languages involved. However, structural and lexical evidence indicates otherwise. Written sources (a first-hand account by an English settler from about 1905, and two published accounts by an English missionary) suggest that the use of Fanagalo in Natal predated the arrival of Indian immigrants by at least ten years. Regarding the origins of Fanagalo, one other viable alternative is examined — the Eastern Cape in the early 1800s. The conclusion is that the most likely site for Fanagalo's genesis was Natal in the mid-nineteenth century.

Though India declared itself a sovereign nation only in 1947, after two hundred years of British rule, its people had unleashed the processes of ‘Indianization’ well before independence. While addressing the transition from colonial subjecthood to independent citizenship is intricately linked to efforts of decolonization, the role of English-medium education in the creation of a new emergent class of independent Indian citizens often gets overlooked. This essay analyses the immediate impact of independence (1947–50), and locates the educational spaces where Indians (predominantly elite Bengalis) were struggling to unlink citizenship from nationalism and exploring inter-community relationships such as those between the Bengali elite and the micro-minority Jews, Parsis, Armenians and Anglo-Indians. I show how theatre activities by the students of St Xavier's Collegiate School and College, their new roles as potential public intellectuals and citizens of post-independent India and their theatre constituted an important intervention in the new democratic processes. I examine the duality of a Bengali elite who acquired an English-medium education and performed English-style Shakespeare while trying to construct a political dramaturgy as an ensemble or collective.

This article presents the study of Rudyard Kipling’s early pieces of writing (the collection of stories Plain Tales from the Hills, 1888). The author proposes an alternative view to the consideration of the writer’s literary heritage from the position of jingoism and propagation of the civilizing mission of the British Empire, which can still be encountered in academic research. The analysis of Plain Tales from the Hills suggests that the praise of British imperialism was not the main idea of Kipling’s early works. The researcher comes to the conclusion that Kipling did not regard India as a conquered barbarous land which the British people had to civilize. This remote exotic country became a motherland for a representative of Anglo-Indian society, who was born in Indian environment. Kipling’s love for India is felt in his strive to give a detailed description of exotic locations and ethnographic peculiarities and even to restore the manner of speech of Indian population. The reader of Plain Tales from the Hills can perceive the author’s respect for the English and Indian people, working in harsh climate, his interest and great sympathy with the aboriginal population, living in hard social conditions under the British rule. The sarcastic remarks of his characters, which reflect Kipling’s doubt in the beneficial role of the British Empire in the lives of the Indian people, finally refute the statement about the writer’s glorification of the imperialistic policy of Great Britain as the main aim of his creative art.

Editor's note: Although the general policy of this journal is to publish only new research, an exception is being made in the present case, in order to publish a work of unusual value which has been inaccessible to most scholars for a century or more, and which has now been translated into English for the first time. In 1877, K. F. Holle published his Tabel van oud en nieuw-indische alphabetten, with the support of the Batavia Society of Arts and Letters (the Batavia of that period is the Jakarta of today); it was printed by C. Lang at Buitenzorg, Java. Hoik's "Table" is spread over 49 pages followed by four pages of appendices). In 81 rows, arranged in the Indic canonical order, it displays the symbols of 198 scripts, one per column, which are native to areas reaching from the Indian subcontinent to insular Southeast Asia. These are the writing systems of the Indic tradition that begins with the Brahmi script, used in the Buddhist inscriptions of the Emperor Asoka, in the 3rd century BCE. From that starting point, Holle's display moves forward in time and eastward from India, following the Brahmi-descended scripts through Tibet and Southeast Asia, then extending over the length of the Netherlands Indies, and finally ending with a sample from the Philippines. Neither before Hoik's time nor since has a comparable display been published, showing the multiple historical developments of a script over such an extension of time and space. For scholars interested in the myriad ways that scripts can change through history, Holle's "Table" is a unique source of data. It is reprinted here unchanged; readers will find that they need only know something of the Sanskrit phonological system in order to grasp the organization by rows, and a minimum of Dutch in order to understand the labeling of the columns. In 1882, Holle published a commentary on his "Table", with the added subtitle Bijdrage tot de palaeographie van Nederlandsch-Indie 'Contribution to the paleography of the Netherlands Indies'. This work, of just 20 pages, was again published by the Batavia Society of Arts and Letters; it was distributed by W. Bruining & Co., Batavia, and by M. Njhoff in The Hague. It is published here, preceding the "Table" proper, in an English translation by Carol Molony and Henk Pechler. A unified bibliographical listing, giving fuller citations than those provided by Holle, is a great desideratum; unfortunately, resources were not available for preparing such a listing. Also to be desired is a reconsideration and evaluation of Holle's materials in terms of scholarship since his time; I hope that the publication of this reprint will stimulate scholars to undertake such work. The editor is indebted to Elly Amade — a linguist, speaker of Dutch, and native of Indonesia —for help in preparing the translation for publication.

AbstractScholars have long debated the impact of the British ‘rule of property’ on India. In our own day it has become common for historians to hold that the Raj's would-be regime of free capitalist property was frustrated by a pervasive divide between rhetoric and reality which derived from a fundamental lack of fit between English ideas and Indian land control practices. While seemingly novel, the contemporary emphasis on the theory-practice divide is rooted in an earlier ‘revisionist’ perspective among late-nineteenth-century colonial thinkers who argued that land control in the subcontinent derived from a uniquely Indian species of ‘proprietary’ (rather than genuinely propertied) right-holding. In this article, I critically examine the revisionist discourse of ‘proprietary right’ by situating it in a broader comparative perspective, both relative to earlier ideas about rendering property ‘absolute’ during the East India Company's rule and relative to the changing conception of the property right among legal thinkers in the central domains of the Anglo-common law world. In so doing, the article significantly revises our understanding of the relationship between property, law, and political economy in the subcontinent from the late eighteenth to the late nineteenth century.

AbstractThe paucity of sources documenting the role of Indians in the nineteenth-century British imperial engagement with Afghanistan has resulted in significant lacunae within later cultural artefacts documenting the period. The South Asians who formed the bulk of British expeditionary forces in the first Anglo-Afghan war (1837–1842) were, however, indispensable as cultural intermediaries, translating little-studied Afghan languages into patterns of South Asian speech that had become familiar to colonial officials through a gradual and ongoing process of exposure in India proper and, in the presence of comprador agents, beyond. For English-language authors writing in the aftermath of the traumatic retreat of the British army from Afghanistan in 1842, British India and its subject populations provided a convenient and long-established set of topoi through which to produce convincingly authentic representations of Afghanistan as an exotic and alien ‘mythic space’. Following George Steiner and Richard Slotkin, this article argues that the narrative memorials to the first Anglo-Afghan War become possible only through the activation of a particular set of stable, yet portable, South Asian literary figures which stand in for Afghanistan itself.

PurposeThe increasing globalization of business has led to increasing demand for executives who can function in cultural milieus different from their own. This demand has been exacerbated by the fact that globalization has not led to cultural homogenization and hence, for good or bad, executives are not able to universally apply the home country's conceptualizations of rights, responsibilities and duties and must operate within the constraints of host country's cultural environments. Hence, business scholars and global executives increasingly need to reflect on the conceptualization of rights, responsibilities and duties; understand the historical context which has led to different conceptualizations across geographies and appreciate and harness these differences for improving business effectiveness. This paper helps in this endeavor by explaining the differences and similarities that exists between the Indian and Western cultures regarding the concepts of roles, responsibilities and duties. This exposition will help multinational organizations improve their internal practices and employee training methods.Design/methodology/approachThis study attempts to trace the differences and similarities in the conceptualization of rights, duties and responsibilities between the Western tradition and the Indic tradition by literature review. The Indic tradition refers to the broad cultural paradigm that shapes the thinking of the people of Indian subcontinent. The prominent sources of the Indic tradition include Hinduism and Buddhism. India was a British colony for two hundred years and is home to one of world's largest English-speaking population. There are more Muslims in the Indian subcontinent than in the Middle East (Grim and Karim, 2011). Hence, the Indic tradition has also been substantially influenced by the Western and Islamic traditions.FindingsThe paper argues that Westerners and Indians have different conceptualization of rights, duties and responsibilities and their relative importance. Broadly speaking, Indian ethos focuses on context-specific responsibilities while the Western attitude focuses on universal rights. These differing conceptualizations have been shaped by the cultural history of the two regions and are manifested in the decision-making styles, levels of individual autonomy and views on the ethicality of actions. There is a need to train expatriate Western and Indian managers on these issues to enable smooth functioning.Research limitations/implicationsThe cross-cultural literature has tended to lump together all non-Western civilizations under the category of East thereby ignoring significant differences between them. The Far-East countries of China, Korea, Taiwan and Japan have been highly influenced by the Confucian ethics. India-specific social systems like the caste system, division of human life span into stages with specific responsibilities, enduring worship of nature and Western influence through colonization have been absent in these countries or much less marked. The paper aims to bring forward the distinguishing features in Indian thought that contributes to its distinctive attitude toward rights, responsibilities and duties; contrast it with the Western views on rights and duties and identify the relevance of the discussion to the business context.Practical implicationsThe cross-cultural training needs to emphasize both conflict resolution and behavioral aspects. For example, the conflict resolution process in Western countries can be more algorithmic with conflicts being rationally determined by consistent application as well-defined rules (as nature of duties is more universal in Western tradition). On the other hand, conflict resolution practices in India need to be contextual and may require appeals to higher ideals (as nature of duties is more contextual and idealistic in Eastern tradition).Social implicationsThe differences in attitudes regarding rights, responsibility and duties between the West and India suggest the need for cross-cultural training of managers and contextual conflict resolution techniques. The need is exacerbated by the increase in the number of multinational corporations (MNCs). Earlier, most MNCs were headquartered in the West and hence cross-cultural training was primarily geared to help Western expatriates fit into the host country culture (Nam et al., 2014). The growth of Asian MNCs has increased the need of cross-cultural training for Asian expatriates (Nam et al., 2014).Originality/valueThe training processes can be customized to supplement cultural strengths and promote behaviors that are culturally inhibited. Employees in India can be trained to emphasize the value of assertiveness in communication, the need to articulate one's personal success and appreciate the rigid nature of rules in Western contexts. Similarly, Westerners can be trained to emphasize the importance of context in business interactions, the need to forge personal relations for business success and the importance of paternalistic behavior in securing employees commitment.

Multilingual Sentiment analysis plays an important role in a country like India with many languages as the style of expression varies in different languages. The Indian people speak in total 22 different languages and with the help of Google Indic keyboard people can express their sentiments i.e reviews about anything in the social media in their native language from individual smart phones. It has been found that machine learning approach has overcome the limitations of other approaches. In this paper, a detailed study has been carried out based on Natural Language Processing (NLP) using Simple Neural Network (SNN) ,Convolutional Neural Network(CNN), and Long Short Term Memory (LSTM)Neural Network followed by another amalgamated model adding a CNN layer on top of the LSTM without worrying about versatility of multilingualism. Around 4000 samples of reviews in English, Hindi and in Bengali languages are considered to generate outputs for the above models and analyzed. The experimental results on these realistic reviews are found to be effective for further research work.

The historical experience of India in search of its own concept of punishment is unique. It was greatly influenced by the countrys colonial past and the Anglo-Saxon legal culture as well as the philosophical, religious, ethno-linguistic, caste, tribal and other factors. The Indian Penal Code of 1860 uses an original penological construct and a system of punishments. It was influenced by the historical and theoretical factors described in this article, by criminal policy in British India and by its post-colonial development. The countrys penological discourse, influenced by the criminal law doctrine of the metropolitan state, has two distinct features. Firstly, it is the diversity of types of punishment and judges discretion in choosing them to individualize liability. Secondly, the humanitarian orientation of the institute of punishment and the reduction in the number of crimes punishable by death penalty. English lawyer Th.B. Macaulay, the creator of the Indian Penal Code of 1860, considered general prevention, or deterrence, to be the main goal of punishment, while specific prevention through the physical isolation of the criminal and his correction was viewed as a complimentary goal. It was important for the colonial criminal policy to obtain tangible results from the penological theory and the practices of punishment in order to suppress the local ritual crimes (cult «thuggism») and traditional ritual sacrifices (sati ritual). After a large-scale sepoy rebellion and the spread of dacoity crimes, the repressive functions of punishment began to prevail over other penological theories. The so-called «white terror» was commonly used against political opponents fighting for religious freedoms and independence of colonial India. Modern India is a good example of the controversial experience of the search for the effective criminal-penological theories that is a considerable addition to the classic (westernized) criminology. The special historical concepts and practices of punishment in the countries of the «global south», including India, are now studied by the new field of «Southern Criminology». The Indian government is promoting a complex criminal-penological approach to counteracting domestic crimes and transnational threats.

Abstract This article examines the role of gift exchanges in political relations between the East India Company and the Mughal imperial administration. Focusing on the period 1670–1720, it discusses the items selected for presentation, the occasions at which they changed hands, and the hierarchical relationships expressed and acknowledged through these transactions. It argues that in exchanges both with the central court and with provincial authorities, transfers of valuables in cash and kind between English and Indian actors were embedded in a wider imperial discourse regarding sovereignty and service. By acknowledging the continuum running from courtly engagements to everyday political interactions at local sites of power, a notion of Company diplomacy comes into view that straddled the boundaries between inter-polity relations and intra-imperial solicitation. As such, the case study invites us to rethink our notion of diplomacy as it pertained to relations between the English Company and Mughal state.

During the early nineteenth century, the English East India Company (EIC) was in a state of transition in Penang, an island in the Straits of Malacca off the coast of the Malay Peninsula. Although the EIC had established strong ties with merchants based in Penang, they had failed to convince the EIC government in Bengal to invest them with more legal powers. As a result, they could not firmly extend formal jurisdiction over the region. The Anglo-Dutch Treaty (also known as the Treaty of London) that officially cemented EIC legal authority over the Straits of Malacca, was not signed until 1824, bringing the three Straits Settlements of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore under EIC rule officially in 1826. Prior to that, the EIC imposed their ideas of legitimacy on the region via other means, mainly through the co-optation of local individuals of all origins who were identified as politically and economically influential, by granting them EIC military protection, and ease of sailing under English flags. Because co-opted influential individuals could still be a threat to EIC authority in the region, EIC company officials eradicated competing loci of authority by discrediting them in courtroom trials in which they were treated as private individuals. All clients in EIC courts including royal personages in the region were treated like colonial subjects subject to English Common Law. By focusing on a series of trials involving a prominent merchant named Syed Hussain Aideed from 1816 to 1821, this article traces how EIC legal authority became pervasive at the eastern end of the Indian Ocean by the early nineteenth century without actual territorial conquest.

AbstractThis article examines changing conceptions of the Himalaya in nineteenth-century Bengali travelogues from that of a sacred space to a spatial metaphor of a putative nation-space. It examines sections of Devendranath Tagore's autobiography, written around 1856–58, before discussing the travelogues of Jaladhar Sen and Ramananda Bharati from the closing years of the nineteenth century. The article argues that for Tagore the mountains are the ‘holy lands of Brahma’, while Sen and Bharati depict the Himalaya with a political slant and secularize the space of Hindu sacred geography. It contends that this process of secularization posits Hinduism as the civil religion of India. The article further argues that the later writers make a distinction between the idea of a ‘homeland’ and a ‘nation’. Unlike in Europe, where the ideas of homeland and nation overlap, these writers imagined the Indian nation-space as one that encompassed diverse ethno-linguistic homelands. It contends that the putative nation-space articulates the hegemony of the Anglo-vernacular middle classes, that is, English educated, upper caste, male Hindus where women, non-Hindus, and the labouring classes are marginalized.

Englantilaisen Richard Attenborough’n ohjaama Gandhi (1982) on Mohandas K. Gandhin (1869–1948) elämää ihailevasti tarkasteleva historiallinen suurelokuva, joka kuvaa nimihenkilön elämän ohella myös sitä, kuinka brittiläinen imperiumi luopui Intiasta vuonna 1947 intialaisten vuosikymmeniä kestäneen itsenäisyyskamppailun jälkeen.Tässä artikkelissa Gandhia luetaan brittien itselleen kertomana tarinana imperialismistaan ja kolonialismistaan ja niiden päättymisestä Intiassa. Tähän liittyy kiinteästi kysymys rotusuhteista kolonisoidussa Intiassa. Artikkelissa kysytään mitä Gandhi kertoo katsojilleen imperialismista, kolonialismista ja britti-hallinnosta Intiassa? Mikä merkitys on Gandhia alinomaa ympäröivillä valkoisilla henkilöillä? Käytän elokuvan tarkasteluun postkoloniaalista näkökulmaa yhdistettynä kulttuurihistorialliseen lähestymistapaan.Siitä huolimatta, että Gandhi suhtautuu nimihenkilöönsä ja tämän väkivallattomaan vastarintaan kunnioittavasti ja myönteisesti, elokuva myös kaunistelee britti-imperialismia ja siihen liittynyttä rasismia ja nostaa keskeiseen asemaan valkoisia, angloamerikkalaisia toimijoita monien intialaisten itsenäisyystaistelijoiden ohi. Gandhi onkin imperialismin ja kolonialismin vastaisuudestaan huolimatta erinomainen esimerkki eurosentrisen diskurssin hallitsemasta elokuvasta ja valkopestystä historian tulkinnasta. Elokuvaan on kirjoitettu runsaasti valkoisia, länsimaisia henkilöitä, jotka eivät elokuvan kuvaamien tapahtumien ja tulkintojen kannalta olisi olleet historiallisesti välttämättömiä. Gandhi kuvaa ”tavalliset britit” hyvinä yksilöinä ja ”tavalliset intialaiset” potentiaalisesti väkivaltaisina ja väkijoukkojen osana. Brittiläinen Intia ei elokuvassa tunnusta rasistisuuttaan, vaan kysymys imperialismista esitetään kysymyksenä Intian parhaasta hallinnosta ja hallinnasta.Through a White Lens: Imperialism, Racialization and Media in GandhiThe British film Gandhi (1982), directed by the English filmmaker Richard Attenborough, presents an admiring portrait of the Indian leader Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948). Along with the life of the mahatma, the grand historical film also depicts (by necessity) the Indian independence struggle and the withdrawal of the British from India in 1947. In this article, Gandhi is read as a British narrative about British imperialism, colonialism, and the decolonization of India. These are inextricably intertwined with racial relations in colonial India.The article examines what Gandhi tells its viewers about imperialism, colonialism, and the British rule in India and asks, what is the meaning of all the white characters surrounding Gandhi. The film is analyzed from a postcolonial perspective.Despite the film’s respectful and admiring take on Gandhi and his philosophy and method of nonviolence, Gandhi also sanitizes British imperialism and racism, and has white, Anglo-American characters in central roles, all the while omitting or downplaying the role of many central Indian historical figures. It can be argued that though Gandhi is written in principle as an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist text, it is also a prime example of Eurocentric and whitewashed historical interpretation. A number of white, Western characters who are not historically integral or necessary to the story being told have been included in the film. “Ordinary Brits” are depicted as good guys in Gandhi – British imperialists are an estranged elite – whereas “ordinary Indians” appear as potentially violent members of a mob. The British India of Gandhi does not admit its racist character, and the question of imperialism is presented as a question of the best possible governance of India.

The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.

The year 1998 sees the fiftieth anniversary of the formation of the World Council of Churches. Great, but subsequently largely disappointed hopes, greeted it. The movement that led directly to its formation had its genesis in the International Missionary Conference of 1910, an event often cited in popular surveys as marking the beginning of the Ecumenical Movement. This paper will, however, argue that modern ecumenism has a complex series of roots. Some of them predate that conference, significant though it was in leading to the ‘Faith and Order’ movement that was, in its turn, such an important contributor to the genesis of the World Council.Archbishop William Temple, who played a key role in both the ‘Faith and Order’ and ‘Life and Work’ movements, referred to the Ecumenical Movement as the ‘great fact of our times’. This was a gross exaggeration. It is true that the movement engaged, from about 1920 onwards, a very considerable amount of the energy of the most talented and forward-looking leaders and thinkers of the Churches in the Anglican and Protestant traditions. It remained, however, marginal in the life of the Roman Catholic Church until Vatican II, despite the pioneering commitment of some extremely able people amidst official disapproval. Some leaders of the Orthodox Church took a considerable interest in the movement. However, both the official ecclesiology and the popular stance of most Orthodox precluded any real rapprochement with other Churches on terms that bore any resemblance to practicality. Even in the Anglican and mainstream Protestant Churches, the movement remained largely one of a section of the leadership. It attained little genuine popularity, a fact that was frequently admitted even by its most ardent partisans. One could well say that the Ecumenical Movement had only one really solid achievement to celebrate in 1948. This was the formation, in the previous year, of the Church of South India, the first Church to represent a union across the episcopal–non-episcopal divide. This type of union has yet to be emulated outside the Indian sub-continent.One of the aims of this article will be to try to explain why success in India went unmatched elsewhere. The emphasis will be on the English dimension of the problem, though many of the factors that affected the English situation also obtained in other countries in the Anglo-Saxon cultural tradition. This assessment must be balanced, however, by an appreciation of the real progress made in terms of improved and even amicable church relationships.

Kachru (1965, 1966) has presented a detailed analysis of the idiosyncratic vocabulary items of Indian English (hereafter IE). He observes that “in India an idiom of English has developed which is Indian in the sense that there are formal and contextual exponents of Indianness in such writing, and the defining-context of such idiom is Indian setting” (1965:396). To illustrate how IE has become culture bound in India, he mentions many formations, such as confusion of caste, dung wash, saltgiver, rape-sister, etc., drawn from IE fiction, and calls them Indianisms.

The article discusses distinguishing features of speech etiquette in Indian English and certain aspects of its translation into Russian. The relevance of this research topic is determined by the current spread of English as an international language and by the emergence of the World Englishes paradigm. In India there are a lot of cultural conventions that do not have English equivalents and, thus, cannot be expressed adequatelyby means of the English language. As a result of the language contact, Indian English has got an impact on its linguistic setting from Hindi and other regional languages. This linguistic transfer from Indian languages can be seen at various levels, including the use of politeness formulas. In this article the focus is made on the politeness formula “What is your good name?”, which is a polite way of asking someone’s name. This etiquette question is one of the most common Indian English politeness patterns, generalized all over India. The article analyzes the etymology of this expression and explains why it is frequently encountered in the speech of Indian English users, as well as to show the important role of such an analysis in overcoming translation difficulties.

This corpus study brings a second language (L2) research perspective, insights from generative grammar, and new empirical evidence to bear on a long-accepted claim in the World Englishes literature—namely, that inversion with wh-movement in colloquial Indian English is obligatory in embedded clauses and impossible in main clauses. It is argued that this register of Indian English is a L2 variety, functioning as part of a multilingual code repertoire, but that syntactic universals apply to first and second languages alike. Despite recent attempts at formalization, this distribution should be unattested, as such a grammar would fall outside the constraints of Universal Grammar and would contradict proposed discourse-pragmatic principles of natural language. A Perl program was created to search the Indian subcorpus of the International Corpus of English (Greenbaum, 1996) for relevant distributional patterns. Results reveal that wh-inversion in Indian English operates in the same way as in other varieties: It is robustly attested in main clauses and appears only occasionally in embedded clauses where syntactic and pragmatic conditions allow; it is obligatory only with interrogative complementizer deletion. Thus, contrary to the standard account but commensurate with recent corpus studies, users of English in India exhibit knowledge of universal constraints in this domain.

Certain European notions of the nature of the Asian economies — especially the peddling character of Asian trade and its contrast with the rational capitalist business organization which was supposed to be a purely European enclave superimposed by conquest on the peddling, precapitalist basis of Asian production and exchange — were formulated most clearly of all by Dutch sociologists and economists from their experience of Netherlands India of the nineteenth century and of the Eastern Archipelago in the age of Portuguese and Dutch voyages. They were not unaware of the existence of Chinese and Indian business groups in Southeast Asia with some of the features of early modern capitalism, but these were regarded as the bastard offspring of developed European capitalism. Such immigrant Asian groups were supposed to have sprung from the need of the Europeans for intermediaries to deal with the economically innocent natives and were thought to be completely dependent on servicing the European enclave with no autonomous business concerns of their own. This essay focusses on the Chinese financiers and Chetti bankers operating long distance credit networks in the Southern Ocean (Nanyang) before and after the opening of the Suez Canal (1869). The aim is to show that these immigrant business groups derived from a sophisticated financial and mercantile background in their home countries and that they conducted autonomous operations in the Eastern Archipelago with their own capital and business techniques: a large volume of such operations were conducted within a purely inter-Asian framework quite apart from the colonial trade with Europe, and in their dealings with the Dutch and the English banks and corporations, these towkays and nagarathars showed a strength and resilience which made ‘dependence’ and ‘collaboration’ a mutual process.

Pakistani English is considered to be a distinct variety of English on the basis of its comparison with British English and American English. However, this claim is partial as its distinction from other varieties of English particularly used in South Asia has not yet been established. Thus, there is a need to investigate the similarities and differences between Pakistani and South Asian Englishes, and to analyse how far Pakistani English is distinct from other South Asian Englishes. Therefore, the present study aims at analyzing the linguistic features of Pakistani English as a separate variety from other varieties of English used in India and Bangladesh. For this purpose, a corpus of Pakistani, Indian and Bangladeshi English newspaper reportage was developed and analyzed using Biber’s (1988) multivariate/ multidimensional approach. The findings indicated that Pakistani press reportage is different from Indian and Bangladeshi press reportage on all the five dimensions, especially on Dimension 2, in which Pakistani press reportage is narrative, while Bangladeshi press reportage is non-narrative in nature. On Dimension 3, the press reportage of Pakistan is highly explicit as compared to Indian and Bangladeshi press reportage. Further, the sub-categories of Pakistani press reportage also exhibit variation when compared to the sub-categories of Indian and Bangladeshi press reportage. The possible causes of linguistic variation among these countries are their culture and geographical origin. It is further suggested that South Asian Englishes are evolving rapidly and linguistic variation among them certainly be a worth researchable area. Keywords: Multidimensional analysis, Pakistani English, press reportage, South Asian Englishes, world Englishes. Cite as: Ali, S. & Shehzad, W. (2019). Linguistic variation among South Asian Englishes: A corpus-based multidimensional analysis. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 4(1), 69-92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol4iss1pp69-92

The New Varieties of English (e.g. IndE, SingE, NigE) have been studied for the last several decades. In the course of this study several 'myths' have arisen about these varieties and these myths have increasingly been accepted as facts. The main aim of this paper is to examine some of these myths and to try to reveal the realities behind them. I argue that as long as the myths are accepted as givens there can be no real progress in the study of the New Varieties. I will explore the myths in the context of IndE but the arguments provided apply to all the New Varieties. The myths I will deal with are: 1) IndE is a "non-native" variety of English. 2) IndE has no standards. 3) IndE lacks creativity. 4) IndE is the language of a small but dominant elite. 5) English is the cause of most of the problems in India and in the world.

Abstract The present study seeks to contribute to two sparsely examined areas of World Englishes research by (i) quantitatively evaluating two potential linguistic epicenters in Asia (Indian and Singapore English) while (ii) investigating the English genitive alternation in a cross-varietal perspective. In a corpus-based bottom-up approach, we evaluate 4,200 interchangeable genitive cases of written English from Great Britain, Hong Kong, India, the Philippines, Singapore and Sri Lanka, as represented in the International Corpus of English. We use a new method called MuPDARF, a multifactorial deviation analysis based on random forest classifications, to evaluate to what extent and with which factors the Asian varieties differ from British English in their genitive choices. Results show conspicuous differences between British English and the Asian varieties and validate the potential epicenter status of Indian English for South Asia, but not unanimously that of Singapore English for Southeast Asia.

In Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson describes how sacred script languages (Arabic, Chinese, Latin) were usurped in political primacy by languages based on the spoken vernacular (French, English, German). In this article I examine one instance of these complications through Raja Rao’s classic novel of Indian independence, Kanthapura, a novel written in Indian English that works both with and against Anderson’s concept of nationalism’s linguistic underpinnings. Kanthapura not only proposes a model for Indian English speakers and writers, but performs a rhetorical argument about the necessity for Indian English if India is to cohere as a nation. I argue that the residents of Kanthapura are “translated” into citizens of the nation of India. This movement of translation is echoed by the language of the novel: the largely spoken language of Kannada is translated into the largely written (in India) language of English. English in Kanthapura performs a double function, unifying the nation as a script language while also reflecting the idiosyncrasies of local regional vernaculars. Kanthapura demonstrates that a nativized form of Indian English can serve as an invaluable tool for the development of a national consciousness, and that novels written in Indian English will play a role in determining the shape and identity of the nation.

Introduced by the British colonization and today the official language of the Indian Nation in association with Hindi, English is spoken as a second language by a minority of the educated population of 8 to 11% according to current estimations. English as a language in India has an archive of about three hundred years. It existed in India with the entrance of the British on the Indian coasts. English as a language from that time until now has a substantial journey in the Indian subcontinent. People from different religions, communities, and cultures have attempted to adopt English for many reasons. Consequently, in the present context, we cannot think our life is comfortable in India without English. English in India is a symbol of people’s aspirations for quality in education and fuller participation in national and international life. Therefore it is the need of the hour to understand the history and evolution of English in India as well as to review how we are progressing with the English language and the same is being highlighted in this research paper.

Abstract This article introduces the new Corpus of Regional Indian Newspaper Englishes (CORINNE). The current version of CORINNE contains news and other text types from regional Indian newspapers published between 2015 and 2020, covering 13 states and regions so far. The corpus complements previous corpora, such as the Indian component of the International Corpus of English (ICE) as well as the Indian section of the South Asian Varieties of English (SAVE) corpus, by giving researchers the opportunity to analyse and compare regional (written) Englishes in India. In the first sections of the paper we discuss the rationale for creating CORINNE as well as the development of the corpus. We stress the potential of CORINNE and go into detail about selection criteria for the inclusion of newspapers as well as corpus compilation and the current word count. In order to show the potential of the corpus, the paper presents a case study of ‘intrusive as’, a syntactic feature that has made its way into formal registers of Indian English. Based on two subcorpora covering newspapers from Tamil Nadu and Uttarakhand, we compare frequencies and usage patterns of call (as) and term (as). The case study lends further weight to the hypothesis that the presence or absence of a quotative in the majority language spoken in an Indian state has an impact on the frequency of ‘intrusive as’. Finally, we foreshadow the next steps in the development of CORINNE as well as potential studies that can be carried out using the corpus.

Multilingualism is defined by the functional relationship between languages. The relationship of English with Indian languages is legitimized by its nativization. English has been nativized in grammar, semantics and pragmatics acquiring the features of Indian languages, as well documented in sociolinguistic literature. It is also adopted as a tool in native politics by some non-Hindi speaking communities to keep the largest Indian language — Hindi — from becoming the sole official language of the Union and by the linguistic minorities to curtail the dominance of the majority language in the states. The oppressed social groups want to appropriate English to serve them in their battle against upper castes, who have come to control the major Indian languages and the benefits from them. While becoming a powerful cousin to help the disadvantaged, English has simultaneously acquired a native elite cutting across regions and castes, and has spread from cerebral domains to expressive domains, which have been exclusive to Indian languages, in the name of modernity and cosmopolitanism. Such extended functions of English have a profound effect on the nature of multilingualism in India.

Rasipuram Krishnaswami Iyer Narayanaswami, a well-known South Indian writer, creator of a fictional town ‘Malgudi” developed a sense of interest among middle- class people in India to read short stories in English. He is the spell caster of encompassing Indianism into English literature through his writings. This celebrated Indian novelist brought an aroma of Southern Indian Coffee into English and indianized it through his fictional stories which connect with real time situations of a common Indian. This distinguished writer captivated readers through his meticulous mastery over foreign language on Indian soil. His short stories are the best paradigm to understand Indian English that is entangled with beliefs, traditions, culture to an extent superstitions existed in the routes of Indian lives. Contrast between the lives of Western and Indians’ lives in various aspects are illustrated through his short stories and novels. The present paper tries to highlight Indianized contexts into English literature by this outstanding writer. It also attempts to show how characters in the short stories of Narayan are related to Karmic philosophy.

Indian Legal literature is comprehensive and exhaustive in that it fully encompasses the law prevailing in India in all its varied aspects. Statutory law, case law, and minor portions of customary and religion-based laws are well documented and readily accessible. Fortunately, from the point of view of a foreign reader, nearly all of the law currently prevalent in India is available in English.

ABSTRACTThe Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore, India organized a symposium/dialogue on English in India and Indian English held during January 4–6, 2007 at the The Central Institute of Indian Languages (CIIL), Mysore, India. It was devoted to a discussion of the issues addressed in the keynote paper by Rajendra Singh, which some 23 scholars from throughout the world had been invited to respond to. Although a few of the invited scholars were not able to attend, they were kind enough to send their papers and we had a very productive and lively discussion in which the academic staff of CIIL and local journalists, students, and educationists also participated. This report is organized as follows: in section 1, we summarize the keynote address and all the full-length responses to it; in section 2, we summarize the brief comments and observations that were presented or tabled by the invited respondents; in section 3, we offer concluding remarks and a brief summary of Singh's responses to the interventions summarized in sections 1 and 2.