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Journal articles on the topic 'Anglo-Iranian Oil Company'
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1
Ebrahimian, Mojtaba. "The Coup." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2014): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i2.1038.
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In his most recent work, The Coup: 1953, the CIA, and the Roots of ModernU. S.-Iranian Relations, Ervand Abrahamian (Distinguished Professor of Iranianand Middle Eastern History, Baruch College of the City University, NewYork) recounts a definitive moment of modern Iranian history that overshadowsIranian-American relations to this day. Drawing on a remarkable varietyof sources – accessible Iranian official documents, the Foreign Office andState Department files, memoirs and biographies, newspaper articles publishedduring the crisis, recent Persian-language books published in Iran, aCIA report leaked in 2000 known as “the Wilber document,” and two contemporaryoral history projects (the Iranian Oral History Project at HarvardUniversity and the Iranian Left history project in Berlin) – the author providesa detailed and thorough account of the 1953 coup.Challenging the dominant consensus among academicians and politicalanalysts that the coup transpired because of the Cold War rivalries betweenthe West and the Soviet Union, he locates it within the paradigms of the clashbetween an old imperialism and a burgeoning nationalism. He then traces itsorigins to Iran’s struggle to nationalize its oil industry and the Anglo-Americanalliance against this effort.The book is divided into four chapters. The first chapter, “Oil Nationalization,”narrates the history of Iran’s oil industry and various encounters betweenthe Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) and the Iranians. The Anglo-Persian Oil Company (APOC), an English company founded in 1908 followingthe discovery of a large oil field in Masjed Soleiman in southern Iran, wasrenamed AIOC in 1935. AIOC gradually turned into a vital British asset andprovided its treasury with more than £24 million a year in taxes and £92 millionin foreign exchange in the first decades of the twentieth century ...
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Shafiee, Katayoun. "TECHNOPOLITICS OF A CONCESSIONARY CONTRACT: HOW INTERNATIONAL LAW WAS TRANSFORMED BY ITS ENCOUNTER WITH ANGLO-IRANIAN OIL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 4 (November 2018): 627–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000909.
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AbstractThe Iranian government's decision to nationalize its British-controlled oil industry in 1951 was a landmark case in international law. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and the Iranian government clashed over whether international authorities had the right to arbitrate for them in disputes over the terms of the oil concession. Scholarship in Middle East studies has overlooked the role of concession terms in shaping political disputes in the 20th century. Rather than seeing legal studies of the oil industry on one side and power struggles and resources on the other, this article examines international court proceedings at The Hague to argue that Anglo-Iranian oil transformed international law. Novel mechanisms of economic and legal governance, set up to deal with an expanded community of nation-states, worked as techniques of political power that equipped the oil corporation with the power to associate Iran's oil with foreign control while generating new forms of law and contract that undermined resource nationalism.
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Crinson, Mark. "Abadan: planning and architecture under the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company." Planning Perspectives 12, no. 3 (January 1997): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/026654397364681.
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Abdelrehim, Neveen. "Rethinking “Oil Nationalism”." International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems 4, no. 2 (July 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsss.2015070103.
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In the early twentieth century, Great Britain began a new wave of imperialism, focusing on areas in the Middle East strategic to enhance their trade. Iran was one of the countries in which Britain gained enormous power and influence. This power was derived from its control of Iranian oil resources, through the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). After many years of AIOC producing oil in Iran with Iranian Government support, a wave of economic nationalism led to the nationalization of AIOC in 1951 by the Iranian Prime Minister Musaddiq. The nationalization of the AIOC angered the British and seemed part of a growing pattern of pressure on their interests culminating in wresting Musaddiq from the control of the oil industry. As a result, in considering the above effects, by using AIOC as a case study, a textual analysis of the Chairman's Statement to Shareholders is conducted and the validity of the Statements is reappraised with reference to historical evidence.
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Abdelrehim, Neveen, and Steven Toms. "The obsolescing bargain model and oil: the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company 1933–1951." Business History 59, no. 4 (September 23, 2016): 554–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2016.1232397.
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Abdelrehim, Neveen, Josephine Maltby, and Steven Toms. "Corporate Social Responsibility and Corporate Control: The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, 1933–1951." Enterprise & Society 12, no. 4 (December 2011): 824–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700010697.
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A new conceptualization of corporate social responsibility (CSR) is presented as a means of asserting and maintaining corporate control in the face of political, economic, and social challenges. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) applied different strategies to maintain control of its Iranian assets in the face nationalist demands—political and covert mechanisms, market based, resource access controls, and CSR programs. This paper investigates the third, and least explored, strand of their strategy. It identifies managerial strategies for CSR engagement with respect to three corresponding interest groups: politicians and diplomats, shareholders, and local employees, drawing on a variety of previously unused archival sources. From prior studies it is unclear whether the AIOC's CSR programs, for example, in employment and housing, were motivated by social improvement, its business agenda, or responses to legislative pressures from the Iranian government. A detailed examination of CSR policy and private correspondence between AIOC's senior executives about their negotiations with the Iranian government shows that they engaged in and reported voluntary CSR activities to strengthen their reputation and negotiating position but refused to compromise on aspects of CSR that threatened the existing managerial hierarchy of control. This interpretation is supported by a content analysis of the company's annual reports in the years before and after nationalization, revealing a choice of topics and language intended to support its self-presentation as a socially concerned employer. The results of this study have wider implications for understanding CSR reporting as a corporate strategy to enhance negotiating and bargaining positions.
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Kipping, Matthias. "Consultancy and conflicts : Bedaux at Lukens Steel and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company." Entreprises et histoire 25, no. 2 (2000): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eh.025.0009.
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Abdelrehim, N., J. Maltby, and S. Toms. "Corporate Social Responsibility and Corporate Control: The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, 1933-1951." Enterprise and Society 12, no. 4 (July 16, 2011): 824–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khr032.
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Atabaki, Touraj. "From ‘Amaleh(Labor) toKargar(Worker): Recruitment, Work Discipline and Making of the Working Class in the Persian/Iranian Oil Industry." International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000306.
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AbstractThe extraction of oil in 1908 and the ensuing construction of an oil refinery, shipping docks and company towns in southwest Persia/Iran opened a new chapter in the nation's labor history. Enjoying absolute monopoly over the extraction, production and marketing of the oil, the Anglo-Persian/Iranian Oil Company (APOC, AIOC, now British Petroleum—BP) embarked on a massive labor recruitment campaign, drawing its recruits primarily from tribal and village-based laboring poor throughout a region. But, in a region where human needs were few and cheap, it was no easy task to persuade young men to leave their traditional mode of life in exchange for industrial milieu with radically different work patterns. Those who did join the oil industry's work force were then subjected to labor discipline of an advanced industrial economy, which eventually contributed to the formation of the early clusters of modern Iran's working class.
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Hadi Mihi, Zulaikha, and Qahtan Raouf Abdullah. "The American factor influence on the British position during the Iranian oil crisis 1951-1953." Journal of University of Raparin 11, no. 3 (July 9, 2024): 235–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(11).no(3).paper10.
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The issue of nationalizing oil in Iran has already been addressed by researchers in previous studies that were characterized by comprehensiveness، However، this study attempts to shed light on the ongoing controversy in some aspects related to the British position، which were not resolved in previous studies، in light of the data which we obtained from unpublished documents and the recently published British and American documents and memoirs of decision makers in the countries concerned. There are still those who believe that the oil interests of Western companies were the most important factor in formulating the British and American decision، but there is another school that believes that the security factor and the exigencies of the Cold War were the most important factor in resolving matter the way it was done. This study is an attempt to shed further light on this controversy. The study will give special importance to the American factor and its influence on the British position during the Iranian oil crisis. The importance of the research is evident in the fact that it specializes in studying the first real attempt by a country that seeks to nationalize one of its most important resources in the Middle East in the atmosphere of the Cold War. Therefore، the study is an attempt to explain and analyze how and why the government of Muhammad Mosaddeq was seeking to nationalize Iranian oil ، and we discuss the challenges it faced in order to achieve that goal. As for the methodology of the paper، we study the debate on the subject by following the historical methodology in addressing the issues in a chronological way and critically analyzing the discourse. While doing the analyses، we compare the British archival material with that of American and the Iranian. The collected data from the archival material will be used to evaluate the previous studies in the field. As for the structure of the research، it consists of an introduction، two sections، and the conclusion. In the preface، light is shed on a historical renunciation of the Anglo-Iranian company. As for the first section، it is devoted to studying the development of British oil interests in Iran (1902-1951)، in which the conflicting British and Russian interests towards Iranian oil addressed. Besides، the differences between the views of the Iranian government and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company during 1947-1951 on the oil crisis are explained in detail. The second topic deals with the stand of the United States of America on the oil crises and its impact on formulating British position during the Iranian oil crisis 1951-1953.While explaining the US stand on the crisis ، we will point the two distinct stages in this regard .Finally ، we explain and discuss how the US and British government had eventually reached the conclusion that a joint efforts were needed to overthrow the government of Muhammad Mossadegh on August 19، 1953. In the end study will present its most important findings.
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Saboori, Leila. "The Ambivalence of Urban Modernity and Marginality: The Making of Abadan Under the Anglo-Persian/Iranian Oil Company." International Journal of Islamic Architecture 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijia_00133_1.
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The discovery of oil in Masjed Soleyman, Iran, in 1908 prompted the foundation of the British-owned Anglo Persian Oil Company (APOC), and the construction of a massive refinery in Abadan in the southwest. It also sparked astonishing industrial and urban development in the region. Within a span of fifty years following the discovery of oil, Abadan developed from a small tribal village to one of Iran’s major modern industrial cities. This study examines how the rapid modern transformation of Abadan under the management and control of APOC influenced the everyday lived experiences of the local population. As a typical colonial company town of the era, Abadan’s patterns of industrialization, urbanization, and modernization became archetypes for other oil cities in Iran and the Middle East. Shaped by dependence on a single commodity, the architecture and urban planning of Abadan reveals hierarchies of economic, social, and political domination. Using the oral histories of Iranians familiar with the period and the area, this research argues that early twentieth-century company towns in Iran such as Abadan served as rhetorical instruments, which foreign-owned companies and their hired architects and planners used to impose specific visions of modernity upon subaltern or indigenous populations.
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Pirouz, Kamrouz. "OIL AND THE IRANIAN ECONOMY - FROM DISCOVERY OF OIL TO FORMATION OF THE ANGLO PERSIAN OIL COMPANY TO 1933 OIL AGREEMENT." Review of Business Research 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/rbr-14-1.6.
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Abdelrehim, Neveen. "CORPORATE GOVERNANCE AND CORPORATE FAILURE IN THE OIL INDUSTRY: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF ANGLO IRANIAN OIL COMPANY (AIOC) 1908-1951." EURASIAN JOURNAL OF BUSINESS AND MANAGEMENT 10, no. 3 (2022): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15604/ejbm.2022.10.03.003.
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There has been much written about the nationalization of the AIOC in 1951. Many accounts have, perhaps unfairly, painted the directors of the AIOC as Imperialist stooges seeking to plunder the natural resources of another sovereign state to cement the United Kingdom’s geopolitical position in the Middle East. The main aim of this research is to employ historical analysis to address and scrutinize the corporate governance and corporate failure of AIOC, which led to the company’s nationalization. Analysis of archival material illustrates that the AIOC had not honored their commitments to various agreements for over 30 years preceding nationalization. Furthermore, from a range of evidence arising from the AIOC annual reports and historical sources including the British press, it can be clearly seen that the management regarded the shareholders’ interests to be superior and taking preference over the interests of Iranian and other stakeholder groups. Historical analysis should feature prominently in empirical accounting research, which is a major motivation behind this analysis. Longitudinal analysis of confidential documents and internal memos illustrates that the company was aware of various Iranians concerns as early as the 1910s, but through various strategies, management was able to deflect these concerns, the scale of which was often not well understood, ultimately leading to nationalization in 1951.
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Abdelrehim, Neveen. "THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE OIL INDUSTRY IN THE MENA REGION: THE CASE OF ANGLO IRANIAN OIL COMPANY (AIOC)." Eurasian Journal of Business and Management 11, no. 3-4 (2023): 158–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15604/ejbm.2023.11.0304.004.
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This study explores the intricate relationship between politics, economy, and social communication within the oil sector in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, with a specific focus on Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). It scrutinizes how the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) handled the complexities of staff-related disclosures in their operations. Through the lens of political economy theory, the investigation unpacks the strategies AIOC employed to sustain societal approval and present their operations in a positive manner. Furthermore, the study probes into political-influenced narrative disclosures from AIOC's chairman and various political diplomats. It analyzes the potential usage of these disclosures as a strategic tool to safeguard and augment AIOC's political and economic dominance, particularly in relation to their competitive standing in Iran. Utilizing a theoretical framework rooted in political economy theory, it highlights disclosure patterns aligning with AIOC's policy and strategy to sustain shareholder trust. The research aims to cast light on employee-related press disclosures and the AIOC chairman’s statement. It seeks to discern whether these disclosures provide fact-based data that align with the critical realism viewpoint, or if they are components of a strategic "game" designed to preserve shareholder confidence.
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Shaw, Alexander Nicholas. "‘Strong, United and Independent’: the British Foreign Office, Anglo–Iranian Oil Company and the internationalization of Iranian politics at the dawn of the Cold War, 1945–46." Middle Eastern Studies 52, no. 3 (February 25, 2016): 505–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2015.1124417.
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Sreberny, Annabelle, and Massoumeh Torfeh. "The BBC Persian Service and the Islamic Revolution of 1979." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, no. 2 (2010): 216–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398610x510029.
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AbstractThis paper is the second part of a work in progress that examines the impact of seventy years of BBC Persian broadcasts to Iran. The Persian Service, established in December 1940, was originally set up by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) as one of thirty-eight language services broadcasting to strategically important areas of the world during World War Two. The first piece of research looked at three historic moments when the influence of BBC Persian broadcasts was hotly debated: the toppling of the pro-German Shah of Iran, Reza Pahlavi, in 1941; the late 1940s, when Iran's nationalist leader, Mohammad Mossadeq, championed oil nationalization and challenged the rights hitherto enjoyed by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company; and the US-led coup of 1953 that returned the young Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to the throne. The present research focuses on a period that many Iranians consider the most influential in terms of all BBC broadcasts to Iran. The BBC Persian Service (BBCPS) became a household name during 1978, the year leading up to the revolution of 11 February 1979. Many Iranians at home and abroad tuned in to hear the latest news and developments, even as the Shah of Iran accused the BBC of fomenting revolution, an argument echoed thirty years later in the responses of the Islamic Republic to the launch of the new Persian television channel in January 2009. The research shows clearly how difficult it had become for the FCO to uphold the independence of the BBC and support their closest friend in the region when he believed that the British government must be in charge. There was indeed heated debate and discussion inside the Foreign Office as to whether Britain was sacrificing its long-term interests by allowing the BBC to continue its broadcasts when even the British ambassador in Tehran was suggesting the service should be closed down.
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Andersen, Steen. "Building for the Shah: Market Entry, Political Reality and Risks on the Iranian Market, 1933–1939." Enterprise & Society 9, no. 4 (December 2008): 637–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700007588.
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Unlike other Western European companies operating in Iran between the first and second world wars, the Danish construction firm Kampsax pursued a forestalling strategy in dealing with the political imperative of Reza Shah. The British Bank of the Middle East and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, by contrast, pursued an absorption strategy. That is, they actively tried to “Iranize” their operations by appointing native Iranians to important managerial positions. Kampsax, however, made no attempt at “Iranization,” depending entirely on contractual relations with local builders and labor forces. This no doubt contributed to the firm's exposure as a totally foreign enterprise and lessened their chances of gaining favor with the Shah's advisors, who pursued an overtly nationalistic set of policies. The history of Kampsax in Iran therefore offers a useful case to use the concept of the political risks in relation to multinationals working in dictatorial settings. This paper undertakes such a study and concludes that the absorption strategy that was already being pursued by British firms offers a better way of managing such risks.
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Daoud, Mohamed. "Iran and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company 1950-1954, a documentary study." An-Najah University Journal for Research - B (Humanities), September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35552/0247.37.9.2081.
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This research reviews the history of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in Iran since Darcy obtained the oil concession in 1903 and then the establishment of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, which controlled the extraction and sale of oil in Iran until 1950, the year that witnessed the rise of the national trend in Iran Led by Mohamed Mosadegh, he entered into a conflict with Britain after he nationalized the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, which London saw as a dangerous development, which prompted it to present the issue to the Security Council. Oil nationalization, and with the failure of all political attempts to dissuade Mosadegh from his decision, both London and Washington resorted to supporting the Iranian opposition and the dismissal of the Iranian prime minister on August 19, 1953, and the approval of the new prime minister on the decision to cancel the nationalization of oil in 1954. Here the researcher followed the descriptive analytical method. He also relied on a number of US State Department documents and British documents in this study, as well as documents of the United Nations and the World Bank. يستعرض هذا البحث تاريخ شركة النفط الأنجلو- إيرانية في إيران منذ حصول دارسي على امتياز النفط عام 1903 ثم تأسيس شركة النفط الانجلو- إيرانية التي سيطرت على استخراج النفط وبيعه في إيران حتى عام 1950 ، وهو العام الذي شهد صعود التيار الوطني في ايران بزعامة محمد مصدق ودخوله في نزاع مع بريطانيا عقب قيامه بتأميم شركة النفط الانجلو-إيرانية ، الامر الذي رأت فيه لندن تطوراَ خطيراَ مما دفعها الي عرض القضية على مجلس الأمن ومع تنامي حدة الصراع تدخلت الولايات المتحدة والبنك الدولي للضغط على مصدق للتراجع عن خطوة تأميم النفط ، ومع فشل جميع المحاولات السياسية لإثتاء مصدق عن قراره، لجأت كل من لندن وواشنطن لدعم المعارضة الإيرانية وعزل رئيس الوزراء الايراني في 19 أغسطس عام 1953 ، وموافقة رئيس الوزراء الجديد على قرار الغاء تأميم النفط عام 1954. واتبع الباحث هنا المنهج الوصفي التحليلي. كما اعتمد في هذه الدراسة على عدد من وثائق وزارة الخارجية الأمريكية ووثائق البريطانية إلى جانب وثائق الأمم المتحدة والبنك الدولي.
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Soghomonyan, Hayk. "The 1953 coup in Iran and the role of Great Britain in it." BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, December 14, 2022, 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52837/27382702-2022.2-111.
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The article discusses the causes of the 1953 military coup in Iran and the role of Great Britain in it. In 1951 Prime Minister Mossadegh roused Britain’s ire when he nationalized the oil industry. Mossadegh argued that Iran should begin profiting from its vast oil reserves which had been exclusively controlled by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. The company later became known as British Petroleum (BP). After considering military action, Britain opted for a coup. President Harry Truman rejected the idea, but when Dwight Eisenhower took over the White House, he ordered the CIA to embark on one of its first covert operations against a foreign government. In 1953, Iranian armed forces, with the help of the CIA and British intelligence, orchestrated a coup that toppled the democratically elected government of Iran.
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"The backgrounds and motives of Iran for severing its diplomatic relations with Britain 1951-1954 M." Journal of Scientific Development for Studies and Research, August 12, 2023, 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.61212/jsd/104.
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Iran went through important incidents during the second half of the twentieth century that affected its political and social reality. These events coincided with the accession of Muhammad Mossadegh to the position of Iranian prime minister, who was elected twice between 1951-1953. In turn, he carried out many reforms, including the issuance of the Social Security Law and land reform, but the most important of them was The law of nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, which has been in the hands of the British since 1913. Mosaddegh believes that the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company is the arm of the British government to control Iranian oil, which contradicts the goals of the National Front that Mossadegh founded with a group of his colleagues, as it seeks to end the foreign presence in Iran At the same time, Mosaddegh reduced the powers of the Shah to a large extent and made them honorary functions, which annoyed Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi and his sister Ashraf Pahlavi, who was more severe than her brother and was trying to impose her personality in Iran and wanted to preserve the throne of her brother, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, and the situation between Iran and Britain worsened. After the expulsion of the British company's employees, which prompted Britain to take action, file a complaint against Iran before the UN Security Council, and take legal action I am against oil buyers from Iran and contracting with international oil companies not to deal with Iran