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Journal articles on the topic 'Anglo-Norman'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Price, Glanville, and William Rothwell. "Anglo-Norman Dictionary." Modern Language Review 89, no. 1 (January 1994): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3733191.

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2

Flanagan, Marie Therese. "Anglo–Norman change and continuity: the castle of Telach Cail in Delbna." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 112 (November 1993): 385–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011342.

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The purpose of this note is to identify the place-name Telach Cail as Castletown Delvin, County Westmeath, and to demonstrate the continued use of the site from the pre-Norman into the post-Norman period. While archaeologists have identified a number of earthwork sites which had a continuous use from the pre-Norman into the post-Norman period, documentary sources may also provide valuable evidence. A combination of near-contemporary pre-Norman and Anglo-Norman documentary evidence indicates that the pre-Norman royal site of Telach Cail in Delbna was chosen for the location of an Anglo-Norman motte.
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3

Levy, Brian J., Ian Short, and Roy Pearcy. "Eighteen Anglo-Norman Fabliaux." Modern Language Review 97, no. 2 (April 2002): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3736895.

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4

Trotter, D. A., and Ian Short. "Anglo-Norman Anniversary Essays." Modern Language Review 90, no. 4 (October 1995): 992. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3733088.

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5

Pagan, H. "Three Anglo-Norman Chronicles." French Studies 67, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knt097.

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6

Trotter, D. "Manual of Anglo-Norman." French Studies 69, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knv022.

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7

Jewell, Helen M., and Marjorie CHibnall. "Anglo-Norman England, 1066-1166." American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (June 1987): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869925.

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8

Karkishchenko, Olga. "Anglo-Norman Borrowings in Irish." Studia Celto-Slavica 3 (2010): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/djvd2774.

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In the present paper an attempt is made to analyze and classify French lexis borrowed into Irish during the Middle Ages. The French language flourished in Ireland in the XII c., giving way to English in everyday communication in the XIII c., but still used on a formal level till the XV c. The strong influence of Anglo-Norman dialect of French in this period caused an active borrowing of French vocabulary into Irish. Most of the borrowings, however, have analogous correspondences in Middle English, this fact obscuring their origin: it is not clear whether they have been borrowed directly from Anglo-Norman or brought into Irish by means of English. Here phonetic form of the word can be of help in defining the source language, as a number of distinctive features can be found in both types of borrowed words. Such cases are illustrated in the paper and the importance of phonetic analysis for their chronological classification and dating is also emphasized. Semantics of the borrowed vocabulary is also discussed here showing what spheres of life in society underwent the most considerable influence of the invaders. Words mostly belong to specialized language and serve to name the ideas and objects not typical or new to Irish society before the Norman Conquest. A number of significant and relatively homogeneous semantic groups of borrowings are singled out and illustrated; distinct parallels with English are also traced here. It is shown that unlike the English language, Irish did not allow the borrowed words to become a center of already existing semantic groups, they always remained at the periphery and are now perceived as stylistically marked. Nevertheless, the borrowed French vocabulary was assimilated by the Irish language and the instances of still existing borrowings have become a natural part of the modern lexis. The question of a trustworthy dating is also raised here. The required information is drawn from documents created during two centuries after the Conquest, but it is phonetic analysis, which often proves most reliable, especially if the date of the earliest written fixation of the word can hardly be ascertained. The first written instances of borrowings can be found in the late XIII c., but documents of the conquest period are rare as a whole. However, in certain cases the dating is possible, and here a rough two-period classification of these instances is introduced and grounded.
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9

Burrows, D. "Review: Eighteen Anglo-Norman Fabliaux." French Studies 56, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/56.3.383.

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10

Rosenthal, Joel T., and Marjorie Chibnall. "Anglo-Norman England, 1066-1166." History Teacher 21, no. 4 (August 1988): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493363.

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11

Zolotarev, A. Yu. "Ordeals in Anglo-norman England." Izvestiya of Saratov University New Series Series History International Relations 18, no. 3 (2018): 314–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2018-18-3-314-318.

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12

HUNT, T. "ANGLO-NORMAN RULES OF FRIENDSHIP." French Studies Bulletin 9, no. 30 (January 1, 1989): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/frebul/9.30.9.

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13

Hunt, Tony. "An Anglo-Norman Pater Noster." Notes and Queries 42, no. 1 (March 1, 1995): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/42.1.16.

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14

Appleton, Helen, and Francis Leneghan. "The Psalms in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman England." English Studies 98, no. 1 (November 16, 2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2016.1230327.

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15

Kozachek, Thomas. "Tonal neumes in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman pontificals." Plainsong and Medieval Music 6, no. 2 (October 1997): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137100001315.

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The earliest efforts to represent accurately the intervallic structure of a melody, beyond the general shape encoded in non-diastematic neumes, or to indicate specific degrees in the gamut, are commonly associated with musical notations of the latter part of the eleventh century. In various chant manuscripts of this period we find systematic use of common or special note shapes, strictly diastematic writing with respect to a drypoint line, and the earliest surviving staff notations.
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16

INGHAM, RICHARD. "Syntactic change in Anglo-Norman and continental French chronicles: was there a ‘Middle’ Anglo-Norman?" Journal of French Language Studies 16, no. 1 (March 2006): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269506002274.

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Anglo-Norman (AN) showed a tendency to lose Old French conjugation and gender inflectional distinctions, but is thought to have largely maintained the syntax of Old French. This study considers whether in the early 14th century AN syntax continued to follow continental French (CF) by moving towards new word-order patterns, namely XSV order and subject-verb inversion after et, which were to typify Middle French. Using corpora of CF and AN historical writing, especially chronicles, it is found that AN to some extent shadowed developments found in later 13th and in 14th century CF. In both AN and CF, XSV order was widespread with time adjuncts, but avoided with place adjuncts and direct and indirect objects. This dissociation was not calqued on Old/Middle English subject-verb inversion, which showed a different dissociation, i.e. inversion of verb and nominal subjects, but not pronominal subjects; AN showed no influence of this contrast. Inversion after et was found in AN, but only with unaccusative verbs, whereas in CF by the late 13th century it was spreading to other verbs as well, having initially shown a similar limitation as in AN. It is concluded that underlying syntactic processes of change began to affect AN as well as CF, but that they were interrupted by the switch away from French in England in the later 14th century.
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17

Williams, Graham Trevor. "Performative speech act verbs and sincerity in Anglo-Norman and Middle English letters." Multilingua 39, no. 1 (January 28, 2020): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2019-0011.

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AbstractThis paper investigates performative manifestations of sincerity across Anglo-Norman and Middle English. In particular, it locates adverbial sincerity markers used to qualify performative speech act verbs in late medieval letters (fourteenth and fifteenth centuries), at a point when Middle English was rapidly replacing Anglo-Norman as the vernacular of epistolarity in England. Employing historical dictionaries and corpora, the study 1) locates the range of words for ‘sincerity’ from a time when the modern lexeme had yet to be borrowed in either vernacular, and 2) demonstrates that while it is clear that Middle English epistolarity was greatly influenced by Anglo-Norman, quantitative and qualitative analyses suggest that sincerity markers were much less commonplace in Middle English performatives, which further suggests ways in which the communicative ideal and practice of sincerity were reanalyzed from one language to the next.
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18

HAMILTON, SARAH. "LITURGY AS HISTORY: THE ORIGINS OF THE EXETER MARTYROLOGY." Traditio 74 (2019): 179–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2019.11.

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Through an Anglo-Norman case study, this article highlights the value of normative liturgical material for scholars interested in the role that saints’ cults played in the history and identity of religious communities. The records of Anglo-Saxon cults are largely the work of Anglo-Norman monks. Historians exploring why this was the case have therefore concentrated upon hagiographical texts about individual Anglo-Saxon saints composed in and for monastic communities in the post-Conquest period. This article shifts the focus away from the monastic to those secular clerical communities that did not commission specific accounts, and away from individual cults, to uncover the potential of historical martyrologies for showing how such secular communities remembered and understood their own past through the cult of saints. Exeter Cathedral Library, MS 3518, is a copy of the martyrology by the ninth-century Frankish monk, Usuard of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, written in and for Exeter cathedral's canons in the mid-twelfth century. Through investigation of the context in which it was produced and how its contents were adapted to this locality, this article uncovers the various different layers of the past behind its compilation. It further suggests that this manuscript is based on a pre-Conquest model, pointing to the textual debt Anglo-Norman churchmen owed to their Anglo-Saxon predecessors.
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19

Trotter, D. A., David L. Jeffrey, and Brian J. Levy. "The Anglo-Norman Lyric: An Anthology." Modern Language Review 87, no. 2 (April 1992): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3730716.

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20

Sara Gorman. "Anglo-Norman Hagiography as Institutional Historiography:." Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 37, no. 2 (2011): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmedirelicult.37.2.0110.

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21

Fulton, Helen, and Jean Blacker. "Anglo-Norman Verse 'Prophecies of Merlin'." Modern Language Review 103, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 848. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20467949.

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22

Hunt, Tony. "Early Anglo-Norman Receipts for Colours." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 58 (1995): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/751511.

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23

Roger Dahood. "The Anglo-Norman “Hugo de Lincolnia”:." Chaucer Review 49, no. 1 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/chaucerrev.49.1.0001.

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24

ROTHWELL, W. "Anglo-Norman at the (Green) Grocer's." French Studies 52, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/52.1.1.

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25

Hunt, Tony. "Haymarus's Relatio Tripartita in Anglo-Norman." Medieval Encounters 4, no. 2 (1998): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006798x00061.

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AbstractIdentifies two new Anglo-Norman MSS of a vernacular French translation of Haymarus Monachus, Relatio tripartita ad Innocentium III de viribus Agarenorum, investigates the relationship between five insular MSS, and prints the text from MS Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce 137.
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26

ROTHWELL, W. "ANGLO-NORMAN AT THE (GREEN)GROCER'S." French Studies LII, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/lii.1.1.

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27

O’Keeffe, Tadhg. "Castles and the Anglo-Norman World." Archaeological Journal 176, no. 2 (April 17, 2019): 398–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2019.1600847.

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28

Rothwell, W. "The place ofFeminain Anglo‐Norman studies1." Studia Neophilologica 70, no. 1 (January 1998): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393279808588219.

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29

Christelow, Stephanie Mooers. "Anglo-Norman Administrations and Their Historians." History Compass 9, no. 7 (July 2011): 525–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00786.x.

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30

Busby, Keith. "Manual of Anglo-Norman. Ian Short." Speculum 84, no. 3 (January 2009): 774–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400210063.

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31

Richardson, Amanda. "Anglo-Norman Parks in Medieval Ireland." Medieval Archaeology 60, no. 1 (January 2016): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00766097.2016.1147864.

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32

Trotter, D. "Three Anglo-Norman Treatises on Falconry." French Studies 64, no. 4 (September 29, 2010): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knq120.

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33

Smith, Brendan. "Anglo-Norman Parks in Medieval Ireland." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 169, no. 1 (January 2016): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00681288.2016.1223411.

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34

Rotherham, Ian. "Anglo-Norman parks in Medieval Ireland." Arboricultural Journal 41, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071375.2019.1690902.

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35

Abell, Jacob. "Book Review of "Animal Soundscapes in Anglo-Norman Texts"." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 15, no. 1 (April 26, 2024): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2024.15.1.5263.

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36

Jewell, Richard. "An English Romanesque Mount and Three Ninth-Century Strap-Ends." Antiquaries Journal 83 (September 2003): 433–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500077751.

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This note discusses several recent English finds of early medieval ornamental metalwork shown at the Society of Antiquaries on 16 May 2002: most notably, a Romanesque mount with open-work foliate decoration having clear parallels with Norman and Anglo-Norman ornament of c 1100–25. Four ninth-century Anglo-Saxon strapends are also described and illustrated, two of which have decorative features with links to contemporary larger-scale works but rarer within the corpus of strap-ends; the other two being unusual examples of East Anglian niello and silver-wire inlay.
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37

Flight, Tim. "Aristocratic deer hunting in late Anglo-Saxon England: a reconsideration, based upon the Vita S. Dvnstani." Anglo-Saxon England 45 (December 2016): 311–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100080315.

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AbstractScholarship is divided over whether there existed a tradition of recreational hunting in Anglo-Saxon England, in addition to pragmatic forms of venery, and the extent to which it was altered by the Normans after the Conquest. However, hunting scholarship has hitherto neglected the detailed account of a recreational royal deer hunt in the Vita S. Dvnstani. By analysing this account, which describes a hunt resembling a typically ‘Norman’ chasse par force de chiens, I reassess the evidence for the nature of hunting in laws, charters, and the archaeological record. I posit that the Anglo-Saxon aristocracy hunted in a similar manner to the Normans, and that hunting was a socially inscribed pursuit, legally restricted to the ruling classes long before 1066. This argument supports the definition of the disputed charter term haga (‘enclosure’) in certain instances as an Anglo-Saxon hunting park. Finally, I suggest the existence of a specialized Anglo-Saxon hunting dog developed specifically to hunt large quarry in the ‘Norman’ manner.
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38

Owen-Crocker, Gale R. "The Bayeux ‘Tapestry’: invisible seams and visible boundaries." Anglo-Saxon England 31 (December 2002): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675102000108.

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The embroidered hanging known as the Bayeux ‘Tapestry’ was an obvious candidate for inclusion in an Anglo-Saxonists' conference titled ‘Imagined Endings, Borders, Reigns, Millennia’. Almost certainly constructed in English workshops for a Norman master, the ‘Tapestry’ illustrates a chronological period that begins with the final years of Edward the Confessor's reign and ends with the closing of the Anglo-Saxon era. The physical termination of the ‘Tapestry’ is missing, but this does not preclude the imagining of it, usually as a scene showing the accession of William the Conqueror to the English throne, a new reign and a new, Norman, era.
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39

Price, Glanville, and William Rothwell. "Anglo-Norman Dictionary. Fascicle 5: P-Q." Modern Language Review 86, no. 4 (October 1991): 1008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732589.

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40

Jones, Peter Murray. "Anglo-Norman Medicine, 2: Shorter Treatises.Tony Hunt." Speculum 74, no. 2 (April 1999): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887089.

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41

Kapelle, William E. "Anglo-Norman England, 1066-1166.Marjorie Chibnall." Speculum 66, no. 3 (July 1991): 619–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864239.

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42

Ingham, Richard. "Middle English and Anglo-Norman in Contact." Bulletin des anglicistes médiévistes 81, no. 1 (2012): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bamed.2012.1091.

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43

Townsend, David. "Anglo-Latin Hagiography and the Norman Transition." Exemplaria 3, no. 2 (January 1991): 385–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/exm.1991.3.2.385.

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44

HOLDEN, A. J. "Review. Anglo-Norman Anniversary Essays. Short, Ian." French Studies 50, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/50.1.66.

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45

Barlow, F. "A Companion to the Anglo-Norman World." English Historical Review 118, no. 477 (June 1, 2003): 700–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.477.700.

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46

TROTTER. "THE ANGLO-NORMAN INSCRIPTIONS AT BERKELEY CASTLE." Medium Ævum 59, no. 1 (1990): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43629287.

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47

Davis, Miriam C., and Tony Hunt. "Anglo-Norman Medicine Volume II: Shorter Treatises." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 30, no. 3 (1998): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053292.

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48

Howlett, D. "GEMATRIA, NUMBER, AND NAME IN ANGLO-NORMAN." French Studies Bulletin LX, no. 101 (January 1, 2006): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/frebul/ktl034.

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49

PEARCY. "ANGLO-NORMAN FABLIAUX AND CHAUCER'S MERCHANT'S TALE." Medium Ævum 69, no. 2 (2000): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43630287.

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50

HUNT. "AN ANGLO-NORMAN TREATISE ON FEMALE RELIGIOUS." Medium Ævum 64, no. 2 (1995): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43633092.

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