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Journal articles on the topic 'Anglo-Saxon England'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Anlezark, D. "Anglo-Saxon England 30." Notes and Queries 51, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/51.1.63-b.

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2

Anlezark, Daniel. "Anglo-Saxon England 30." Notes and Queries 51, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/510063b.

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3

Harte, Jeremy. "Building Anglo-Saxon England." Time and Mind 13, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 431–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1751696x.2020.1850954.

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4

Thomas, Gabor. "Building Anglo-Saxon England." Archaeological Journal 176, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2019.1594637.

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5

Gem, Richard. "Building Anglo-Saxon England." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 172, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 191–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00681288.2019.1653012.

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6

Biddle, Martin, Rosemary Cramp, Milton Mcc Gatch, Simon Keynes, and Birthe Kjølbye-Biddle. "Anglo-Saxon Architecture and Anglo-Saxon studies: a review." Anglo-Saxon England 14 (December 1985): 293–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367510000137x.

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The pilgrimage to discriminate the styles of Anglo-Saxon architecture on which Dr Harold Taylor embarked with his late wife Joan some fifty years ago was brought to a majestic conclusion in 1978 by the publication of the third volume of Anglo-Saxon Architecture (hereafter AS Arch), the first two volumes of which appeared in 1965. It is a work in the mainstream of English antiquarianism, reaching back to the days of Camden, Aubrey, Stukeley and Horsley, and is to be compared in our own time only with Pevsner's The Buildings of England.
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7

Ross, Margaret Clunies. "CONCUBINAGE IN ANGLO‐SAXON ENGLAND." Past and Present 108, no. 1 (1985): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/108.1.3.

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8

Hinton, David A. "Dress in Anglo-Saxon England." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (December 1, 2005): 1350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei392.

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9

Yorke, B. "Britons in Anglo-Saxon England." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 507 (April 1, 2009): 378–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep019.

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10

Dickinson, Tania M. "Anglo-Saxon England. By MartinWelch." Archaeological Journal 149, no. 1 (January 1992): 432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1992.11078026.

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11

Hooke, Della. "Groves in Anglo-Saxon England." Landscape History 38, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01433768.2017.1322264.

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12

Hutton, Ronald. "Trees in Anglo-Saxon England." Time and Mind 5, no. 2 (January 2012): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/175169712x13276628335294.

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13

Rotherham, Ian D. "Trees in Anglo-Saxon England." Arboricultural Journal 34, no. 4 (December 2012): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071375.2012.774144.

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14

Kohnen, Thomas. "Understanding Anglo-Saxon “politeness”." Understanding Historical (Im)Politeness 12, no. 1-2 (May 23, 2011): 230–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.12.1-2.10koh.

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ic wille ic wolde ic wolde þæt þu me sædest ic wille ic wolde Dictionary of Old English Corpus humilitas Thus, this paper, on the one hand, confirms the picture of Anglo-Saxon England as a world “beyond politeness” (Kohnen 2008a); on the other hand, it also adds important aspects that may improve our perception of the complexities of Anglo-Saxon social interaction.
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15

Magennis, Hugh. "Writing Women Saints in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto Anglo-Saxon Series 14)." English Studies 96, no. 7 (August 28, 2015): 839–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2015.1054150.

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16

Kristoffersen, Elna Siv. "Toby F. Martin:The Cruciform Brooch and Anglo-Saxon England. Anglo-Saxon Studies." Norwegian Archaeological Review 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00293652.2016.1164750.

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17

Gautier, Alban. "John Blair, Building Anglo-Saxon England." Médiévales, no. 77 (December 5, 2019): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/medievales.10626.

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18

Bullitta, Dario. "Preaching Apocrypha in Anglo-Saxon England." Medieval Sermon Studies 65, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13660691.2021.1992125.

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19

Jones, Christopher A. "Preaching Apocrypha in Anglo-Saxon England." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 119, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.119.4.0535.

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20

Anderson, T. "Dental treatment in Anglo-Saxon England." British Dental Journal 197, no. 5 (September 2004): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/sj.bdj.4811623.

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21

Clermont-Ferrand, Meredith. "An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England." English Language Notes 42, no. 1 (September 1, 2004): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-42.1.76.

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22

Larrington, C. "Review: Anglo-Saxon England. Volume 30." Review of English Studies 54, no. 217 (November 1, 2003): 679–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/54.217.679.

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23

Hawk, Brandon W. "Psalm 151 in Anglo-Saxon England." Review of English Studies 66, no. 277 (September 2, 2015): 805–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgv077.

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24

Rauer, C. "An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England." Notes and Queries 51, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/51.3.310-a.

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25

Rauer, Christine. "An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England." Notes and Queries 51, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/510310a.

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26

Davies, Gareth. "Farming transformed in Anglo-Saxon England." Archaeological Journal 177, no. 2 (December 17, 2019): 433–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2019.1700061.

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27

Cesario, Marilina. "Weather Prognostics in Anglo-Saxon England." English Studies 93, no. 4 (May 2012): 391–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2012.668309.

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28

Pulsiano, Phillip. "Persius's Satires in Anglo-Saxon England." Journal of Medieval Latin 11 (January 2001): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.2.304151.

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29

Winkler, John Frederick. "Roman law in Anglo‐Saxon England." Journal of Legal History 13, no. 2 (August 1992): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440369208531053.

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30

Poole, Kristopher, and Eric Lacey. "Avian aurality in Anglo-Saxon England." World Archaeology 46, no. 3 (May 6, 2014): 400–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2014.909104.

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31

Howe, N. "Rome: Capital of Anglo-Saxon England." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-34-1-147.

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32

Knappe, Gabriele. "Classical rhetoric in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 27 (December 1998): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004774.

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This passage fromThe Wandererdemonstrates some of the rhetorical techniques which have been noted in Old English texts. Its most striking features are the rhetorical questions and the figure ofanaphorawhich is produced by the repetition of ‘Hwær’. Another rhetorical element is the use of the theme(topos)ofubi sunt(‘where are…?’) to lament the loss of past joys. In classical antiquity, features such as these, which served to create effective discourse, were the products ofars rhetorica. This art was distinguished from the more basic subject ofars grammaticain that rhetoric, the ‘ars … bene dicendi’ (Quintilian,Institutio oratoriaII.xvii.37), aimed at thegoodproduction of text (for oral delivery) with the aim of persuading the listeners to take or adopt some form of action or belief, whereas grammar, the ‘recte loquendi scientia’, was responsible forcorrectspeech and also for the interpretation of poetical texts (‘poetarum enarratio’: Quintilian,Institutio oratoriaI.iv.2). In terms of classical rhetoric, the above passage fromThe Wanderercould be analysed according to the three phases of the production of a text(partes artis)which pertain to both written and oral discourse:inventio(finding topics such as theubi sunt),dispositio(arranging the parts of the text) andelocutio(embellishing the text stylistically, for example with rhetorical questions and other figures and tropes).How and under what circumstances did the Anglo-Saxons acquire their knowledge of how to compose a text effectively?
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33

Bedingfield, Brad. "Public penance in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 31 (December 2002): 223–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675102000091.

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In a sermon for Ash Wednesday, after general exhortations to prayer, church-going, and almsgiving during Lent, Wulfstan discusses what is to be done with those guilty of ‘high’ sins:And sume men syndon eac Þe nyde sculan of cyricgemanan Þas halgan tid ascadene mid rihte weorðan for healican synnan, ealswa adam wearð of engla gemanan Þa ða he forworðe Þa myclan myrhðe Þe he on wunode ær ðam Þe he syngode … Leofan men, on Wodnesdæg, Þe byð caput ieiunii, bisceopas ascadað on manegum stowan ut of cyrican for heora agenan Þearfe Þa ðe healice on openlican synnan hy sylfe forgyltan. And eft on Ðunresdæg ær Eastran hy geinniað into cyrican Þa ðe geornlice Þæt Lencten heora synna betað, swa swa hym man wissað; Þonne absolutionem bisceopas ofer hy rædað [agus] for hi Þingiað [agus] mid Þam heora synna Þurh Godes mildheortnesse myclum gelyhtað. And Þæt is Þearflic gewuna, ac we his ne gymað swa wel swa we scoldan on ðisse Þeode, [agus] hit wære mycel Þearf Þæt hit man georne on gewunan hæfde.
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34

Cesario, Marilina. "Ant-lore in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 40 (December 2011): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675111000123.

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AbstractTwo Old English versions of a sunshine prognostication survive in the mid-eleventh century Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 391, p. 713, and in a twelfth-century addition to Oxford, Bodleian Library, Hatton 115, 149v–150r. Among standard predictions promising joy, peace, blossom, abundance of milk and fruit, and a great baptism sent by God, one encounters an enigmatic prophecy which involves camels stealing gold from the ants. These gold-digging ants have a long pedigree, one which links Old English with much earlier literature and indicates the extent to which Anglo-Saxon culture had assimilated traditions of European learning. It remains difficult to say what is being prophesied, however, or to explain the presence of the passage among conventional predictions. Whether the prediction was merely a literary exercise or carried a symbolic implication, it must have originated in an ecclesiastical context. Its mixture of classical learning and vernacular tradition, Greek and Latin, folklore and Christian, implies an author with some knowledge of literary and scholarly traditions.
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35

Paxton, Frederick S. ":Dying and Death in Later Anglo‐Saxon England.(Anglo‐Saxon Studies, number 4.)." American Historical Review 110, no. 5 (December 2005): 1577. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.5.1577.

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36

Thomas, Mark G., Michael P. H. Stumpf, and Heinrich Härke. "Evidence for an apartheid-like social structure in early Anglo-Saxon England." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 273, no. 1601 (July 18, 2006): 2651–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2006.3627.

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The role of migration in the Anglo-Saxon transition in England remains controversial. Archaeological and historical evidence is inconclusive, but current estimates of the contribution of migrants to the English population range from less than 10 000 to as many as 200 000. In contrast, recent studies based on Y-chromosome variation posit a considerably higher contribution to the modern English gene pool (50–100%). Historical evidence suggests that following the Anglo-Saxon transition, people of indigenous ethnicity were at an economic and legal disadvantage compared to those having Anglo-Saxon ethnicity. It is likely that such a disadvantage would lead to differential reproductive success. We examine the effect of differential reproductive success, coupled with limited intermarriage between distinct ethnic groups, on the spread of genetic variants. Computer simulations indicate that a social structure limiting intermarriage between indigenous Britons and an initially small Anglo-Saxon immigrant population provide a plausible explanation of the high degree of Continental male-line ancestry in England.
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37

Appleton, Helen, and Francis Leneghan. "The Psalms in Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman England." English Studies 98, no. 1 (November 16, 2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2016.1230327.

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38

Battles, Paul. "Genesis A and the Anglo-Saxon ‘migration myth’." Anglo-Saxon England 29 (January 2000): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002404.

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In his study of Migration and Mythmaking in Anglo-Saxon England, Nicholas Howe has argued that the Anglo-Saxons regarded the ancestral migration from the Continent as ‘the founding and defining event of their culture’. He suggests that the adventus Saxonum gave the Germanic tribes in England a shared identity, and proved central to their historical, cultural and even theological self-definition. Howe investigates what he calls the Anglo-Saxon ‘migration myth’, which links the Germanic tribal migration to England with the Israelites’ exodus from Egypt, both being transmarine journeys from a land of spiritual bondage to one of spiritual salvation. Migration and Mythmaking in Anglo-Saxon England traces the development of this concept from Bede's Historia ecclesiastica to Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi, and discusses its function in the writings of Alcuin and Boniface, as well as in Old English poetry. Howe's elegant analysis succeeds in demonstrating the pervasiveness of migration as a cultural myth, that is, a story that endures in a people's memory because it speaks powerfully to their collective imagination.
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39

Pratt, David. "Kings and books in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 43 (November 26, 2014): 297–377. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367511400012x.

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AbstractThis article examines the evidence for books associated with kings in Anglo-Saxon England, making the case for the ninth century as the key period of change. A wide variety of books were probably present in the household of later Anglo-Saxon kings. There was a degree of connection between the gift of books by kings and practices of ownership. The donation of gospel-books to favoured churches played a distinctive role, emphasizing the king's position in ecclesiastical leadership. In a number of cases, gospel-books associated with kings subsequently acted as a repository for documents, entered in blank spaces or additional leaves by scribes at the recipient church. Certain aspects of this practice strengthen the case for identifying two late Anglo-Saxon gospel-books as royal gifts. Books given by kings had a numinous quality arising from their royal associations. The possible strategies underpinning the dissemination of this ‘royal’ culture are explored.
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40

Story, Joanna. "The Frankish Annals of Lindisfarne and Kent." Anglo-Saxon England 34 (December 2005): 59–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675105000037.

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The Frankish Annals of Lindisfarne and Kent lie at the root of the ‘making of history’ in Anglo-Saxon England. They are brief ‘paschal annals’, recording mainly the accession or burials of Kentish and Northumbrian kings between 616 and 704, and are found in the margins of Easter tables in one Anglo-Saxon and six Frankish manuscripts dating from c. 740-c. 830. These annals are not well known, but they deserve close attention since they provide factual details not just of ‘what happened’ in early Anglo-Saxon England, but also how such historical data was collected, copied, and transmitted across generations. Crucially, the annals contain chronological details that are not found in any other source, not even in Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, and they are a unique source for those details. The evidence points to the variety of formats and contexts in which precise chronological details were first recorded in Anglo-Saxon England, and shows that these annals are a very rare piece of independent evidence not just for the history of the seventh century, but also for the type of ‘raw material’ that was available to Bede at Jarrow in the early decades of the eighth.
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41

Hebing, Rosanne. "Sunday Observance and the Sunday Letter in Anglo-Saxon England (Anglo-Saxon Texts 8)." English Studies 92, no. 8 (December 2011): 923–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2011.620254.

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42

Okasha, Elisabeth. "A third supplement to Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions." Anglo-Saxon England 33 (December 2004): 225–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675104000080.

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This supplement brings up to date my Hand-List of Anglo-Saxon Non-Runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971), and the two supplements which appeared in Anglo-Saxon England 11 (1983) and 21 (1992). It contains twenty-nine entries and includes all the Anglo-Saxon non-runic inscriptions that have come to my notice since the publication of the second supplement. I have personally examined all the existing inscriptions included in this third supplement, with the exception of 233 Sleaford and 240 ‘in deo’ ring, both of which are in private possession.
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43

Fleming, Robin, and Nicholas Howe. "Migration and Mythmaking in Anglo-Saxon England." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (December 1991): 1529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165325.

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44

Sheingorn, Pamela, and David Rollason. "Saints and Relics in Anglo-Saxon England." American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (April 1992): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165758.

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45

Wilcox. "Confessing the Faith in Anglo-Saxon England." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 113, no. 3 (2014): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.113.3.0308.

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46

Stevenson, Jane. "Ephraim the Syrian in Anglo-Saxon England." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2010-010116.

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47

Heslop, T. A. "CULT AND CULTURE IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND." Art History 14, no. 3 (September 1991): 442–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.1991.tb00449.x.

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48

Foys, Martin K. "A sensual philology for Anglo-Saxon England." postmedieval: a journal of medieval cultural studies 5, no. 4 (December 2014): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pmed.2014.37.

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49

Hamerow, Helena. "Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England Sally Crawford." English Historical Review 115, no. 464 (November 2000): 1258–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.464.1258-a.

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50

Clayton, Mary. "Homiliaries and preaching in Anglo-Saxon England." Peritia 4 (January 1985): 207–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.106.

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