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CLARENCE-SMITH, GERVASE. "Angola's Political Economy 1975–1985." African Affairs 86, no. 342 (January 1987): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097863.
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van der Waag, Ian, Jakkie Cilliers, and Christian Dietrich. "Angola's War Economy: The Role of Oil and Diamonds." Journal of Military History 66, no. 2 (April 2002): 647. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093161.
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de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Business success, Angola-style: postcolonial politics and the rise and rise of Sonangol." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 4 (November 12, 2007): 595–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002893.
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ABSTRACTThis paper investigates a paradoxical case of business success in one of the world's worst-governed states, Angola. Founded in 1976 as the essential tool of the Angolan end of the oil business, Sonangol, the national oil company, was from the very start protected from the dominant (both predatory and centrally planned) logic of Angola's political economy. Throughout its first years, the pragmatic senior management of Sonangol accumulated technical and managerial experience, often in partnership with Western oil and consulting firms. By the time the ruling party dropped Marxism in the early 1990s, Sonangol was the key domestic actor in the economy, an island of competence thriving in tandem with the implosion of most other Angolan state institutions. However, the growing sophistication of Sonangol (now employing thousands of people, active in four continents, and controlling a vast parallel budget of offshore accounts and myriad assets) has not led to the benign developmental outcomes one would expect from the successful ‘capacity building’ of the last thirty years. Instead, Sonangol has primarily been at the service of the presidency and its rentier ambitions. Amongst other themes, the paper seeks to highlight the extent to which a nominal ‘failed state’ can be successful amidst widespread human destitution, provided that basic tools for elite empowerment (in this case, Sonangol and the means of coercion) exist to ensure the viability of incumbents.
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le Billon, Philippe. "Angola's political economy of war: The role of oil and diamonds, 1975–2000." African Affairs 100, no. 398 (January 1, 2001): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.398.55.
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Calvão, Filipe. "The Company Oracle: Corporate Security and Diviner-Detectives in Angola's Diamond Mines." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 3 (June 7, 2017): 574–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000172.
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AbstractIn 1957, the security force of Angola's colonial diamond mining company recruited African diviners to help them solve a case of diamond theft in Lunda. This event reveals a peculiar convergence of divinatory practices with techniques of corporate surveillance in Lunda's political economy of security. In their overlapping features of secrecy and control, divination and corporate security can be understood as historically aligned evidentiary practices, or what I call “corporate divination.” By examining divinatory rituals in tandem with the “occult” apparatus of corporate surveillance, and the figure of a colonial sorcerer-detective renowned for his “divinatory” prowess, I ask how such seemingly opposed modes of knowledge production eroded or shored up colonial rule. The cultural significance of divination within the context of a mining company, I suggest, exposes the conditions under which a colonial corporation appropriates the social world in which it intervenes, and conversely, the cultural resources that potentially shape or undermine corporate life in a colonial context.
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Santos, Daniel dos. "Economia, democracia e justiça em Angola: o efêmero e o permanente." Estudos Afro-Asiáticos 23, no. 1 (June 2001): 99–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-546x2001000100005.
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Este artigo analisa as implicações diversas em torno das disputas pela hegemonia política em Angola, basicamente após sua independência em 1975. No período anterior a este processo, organizações e partidos políticos compostos e dirigidos por diferentes elites angolanas disputavam o poder do Estado na tentativa de inaugurar uma nova fase em termos de construção da soberania e dos destinos da nação angolana. O autor argumenta que tais tentativas, por mais legítimas que tenham sido, na realidade invertiam de maneira elitista e subordinada a trajetória histórica que Angola, enquanto nação independente e desejosa de mudança na geopolítica continental e internacional, almejava fazer. As recentes disputas internas entre as forças políticas do país prejudicam a construção de um projeto nacional e deixam de lado a grande parte do povo angolano. Com o término da disputa inscrita pela Guerra Fria, Angola perde sua importância enquanto nação estratégica e se transforma em peça do joguete internacional orquestrado pelos EUA. Dessa forma, a efetivação de uma democracia que envolva as aspirações populares torna-se hoje a tarefa mais importante para a consolidação de uma inclusão positiva de Angola na política internacional
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Waldorff, Pétur. "Renegotiated (Post)Colonial Relations within the New Portuguese Migration to Angola." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 3 (December 2017): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200303.
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This article examines the new wave of Portuguese migration to Luanda in the first decade after Angola's civil war, a time characterised by extensive economic growth and shifting economic prospects in Angola. It frames Portuguese–Angolan relations in contemporary Angola, relations that are sometimes portrayed as amicable and influenced by a common brotherhood, as multifaceted. This article distinguishes different social, cultural, and historic interpretations of this migration and investigates how such interpretations influence people's relations, identities, feelings, and personal understandings of the social, political, and historic contexts that people confront on a daily basis in contemporary Luanda, a capital city where “colonial encounters in postcolonial contexts” have increasingly become everyday occurrences. It argues that at the intersections of Angolan and Portuguese contact in Angola, new configurations of power are being produced and reproduced against the backdrop of its colonial history and Lusotropicalist myths, where colonial and postcolonial inequalities, as well as economic opportunities, are brought to the fore in both Angolan and Portuguese imaginaries.
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Padilha, Maria Fernanda Freire Gatto, Alexandre José Gomes de Sá, Claudia Cruz, and Cláudio Pereira do Nascimento. "O Comércio “Sino-Angolano” no esquema “Prebischiano” de Centro-Periferia: breves lições para o Brasil hoje." Revista Foco 12, no. 3 (October 8, 2019): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.28950/1981-223x_revistafocoadm/2019.v12i3.691.
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Com esse artigo – aliando os métodos qualitativo e quantitativo de pesquisa – analisamos a relação comercial bilateral sino-angolana – China-Angola – hodierna com enfoque na questão do petróleo. Como parte de um panorama econômico globalizado, buscamos identificar as assimetrias nessa relação à luz do esquema “Prebichiano” de Centro-Periferia” – elaborado pelo economista Raúl Prebisch no século passado –. A China, um país emergente – em desenvolvimento – (ou já de Centro para alguns pensadores), tem de fato uma economia pujante com uma capilaridade ainda complexa de dimensionar. Enquanto Angola é um país que ainda pode ser conceituado – sob vários aspectos – “subdesenvolvido” (ou seja, um país periférico). Esse artigo pode também ser concebido como mais um passo para entender o que a China almeja econômica, é claro, – mas também politicamente do restante do Continente Africano, do mundo e do Brasil –. Ensejando possibilidades de pesquisar especificamente as relações da China com outros países africanos lusófonos, tais como: Moçambique (fornecedor de madeira para os chineses) e Cabo Verde (fornecedor de pescados para os chineses). Por fim, procuramos extrair das relações comerciais bilaterais sino-angolanas, breves lições para o comércio bilateral sino-brasileiro – China-Brasil – já que a China é hoje o nosso maior parceiro econômico. With this article - combining the qualitative and quantitative research methods - we analyze the Sino-Angolan - China-Angola - bilateral trade relationship today focusing on the oil issue. As part of a globalized economic landscape, we seek to identify asymmetries in this relationship in light of the “Prebichian” Center-Periphery scheme” - elaborated by economist Raúl Prebisch in the last century -. China, an emerging developing country (or already a Center for some thinkers), has indeed a thriving economy with a capillarity that is still complex to scale. While Angola is a country that can still be conceptualized - in many ways - “underdeveloped” (ie a peripheral country). This article can also be conceived as a further step in understanding what China wants economically, of course - but also politically from the rest of the African continent, the world and Brazil -. As a possibility to investigate specifically China's relations with other Lusophone African countries, such as: Mozambique (Chinese wood supplier) and Cape Verde (Chinese fish supplier). Finally, we seek to draw from Sino-Angolan bilateral trade relations, brief lessons for Sino-Brazilian bilateral trade - China-Brazil - as China is today our largest economic partner.
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Schmitz, Cheryl Mei-ting. "Significant Others: Security and Suspicion in Chinese-Angolan Encounters." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 43, no. 1 (March 2014): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261404300103.
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The sense of mystery around Chinese presences in Angola impels researchers to understand not only the empirical details of economic transactions and diplomatic partnerships but also the various ways in which the actors involved make sense of a novel social, political, and economic configuration. By drawing several ethnographic portraits of the social practices and discursive strategies at play in Chinese–Angolan relations, I show how, in a context of mutual uncertainty and suspicion, appeals to “security” play a central role. Instead of viewing Chinese and Angolans as two separate groups with opposed interests and lack of communication between them, I explore how participation in a shared context generates common modes of explanation. Moreover, I propose a parallel analysis of state-level negotiations alongside everyday social encounters to consider how a political economic partnership between China and Angola is lived through the everyday negotiations of Chinese and Angolan residents in Luanda.
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Pérez Niño, Helena, and Philippe Le Billon. "Foreign Aid, Resource Rents, and State Fragility in Mozambique and Angola." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no. 1 (October 9, 2014): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214544458.
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Sharing similar colonial and postindependence civil war experiences, Mozambique’s and Angola’s development paths are often contrasted, with foreign aid–dependent Mozambique hailed a success compared to oil-rentier Angola. This article questions the so-called Mozambican miracle and revisits Angola’s trajectory over the past two decades. Paying attention to ruling parties and postwar political economy transitions, we discuss differences and similarities in postconflict reconstruction paths, policy, and institutional fragility. We suggest that large aid flows to Mozambique have contributed to a relaxation of its government’s urgency in creating the financial structure capable of capturing rents from natural resources in contrast to Angola, where the relative absence of official development aid has led Angolan elites to seek tenure prolongation partly through high rent capture and incipient socialization of massive oil rents. We conclude by discussing the likely consequences of these factors in terms of the relative “fragility” and “robustness” of both states, and by discussing the implications for foreign assistance.
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Vos, Jelmer. "Work in Times of Slavery, Colonialism, and Civil War: Labor Relations in Angola from 1800 to 2000." History in Africa 41 (April 28, 2014): 363–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.8.
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AbstractIn Angola, a trend towards labor commodification, set in motion under the impact of the nineteenth-century produce trade and colonial rule, has been reversed in the decades since independence. Angolans have always worked mainly in the reciprocal sphere, but with the growing commercialization of the economy after the abolition of the slave trade, self-employment has also become a constant in Angolan labor history. By 2000, the rural population was thrown back to subsistence farming, while the larger part of the urban population has tried to survive by self-employment in the informal economy. Wage labor, widespread under colonialism, has become less common.
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Isaiah Zayone, Titus, Shida Rastegari Henneberry, and Riza Radmehr. "Effects of Agricultural, Manufacturing, and Mineral Exports on Angola’s Economic Growth." Energies 13, no. 6 (March 21, 2020): 1494. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en13061494.
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This study investigates the effects of Angola’s agricultural, manufacturing, and mineral exports on the country’s economic growth using data from 1980 to 2017. An Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model is employed to estimate the effect of sectoral exports on economic growth. The estimation results show that while exports from all three sectors (manufacturing, mineral, and non-mineral) have driven Angola’s economic growth in the long-run; only non-manufacturing (agricultural and mineral) exports have led its growth in the short-run. Moreover, growth in non-export GDP was driven by mineral exports in the long-run and agricultural exports in the short-run. Considering the statistically significant and positive impact of mineral exports on the Angolan GDP as well as on its non-export GDP, this study points to a lack of evidence supporting the Dutch disease phenomenon in Angola.
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Warren, Jenny. "M. R. Bhagavan, Angola's Political Economy 1975–1985, Research Report No. 75. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1986, 89 pp., SEK 30, ISBN 91 7106 248." Africa 58, no. 4 (October 1988): 488–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160361.
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Dominik Kopiński. "A Successful Failed State after All? The Case of Angola." Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.05.
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Among African countries Angola stands out as a particularly interesting case where robust economic growth has occurred despite the country having a relatively long list of characteristics of a failed state. This has prompted some scholars to call it “a successful failed state” or “weak but strong”. In 2002 Angola emerged from the devastating 25-year long civil war and since then has recorded a burgeoning growth, which only recently came to a halt due to the oil prices collapse. At the same time, Angola is famous for its corruption, lack of transparency and state capture by local elites. This article seeks to provide a critical discussion about the Angolan state, with a special reference to its capacity to provide public goods and finance them. It probes the notion that Angola can be labelled a successful failed state and argues that a perception of the relative success holds only in the time of favourable external conditions and only when major structural and institutional shortcomings of the Angolan economy are ignored.
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Nguluve, Alberto Kapitango. "Quando o colono é negro: educação e práticas sociais de reprodução do racismo em Angola." MOTRICIDADES: Revista da Sociedade de Pesquisa Qualitativa em Motricidade Humana 2, no. 2 (August 2, 2018): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.29181/2594-6463.2018.v2.n2.p106-119.
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ResumoO racismo é, ainda hoje, um fenômeno complexo que remete às questões da humilhação ou discriminação da pessoa a partir dos diferentes conceitos (raça, cor da pele e cultura) e status sociais hierarquicamente construídos. A partir dele se constrói e reproduz o discurso que contribui para consolidar formas e processos que dão voz à exclusão ou à inclusão social. A proposta deste artigo é analisar as práticas sociais que contribuem para a produção e reprodução do racismo em Angola; olhar para o racismo como um instrumento a serviço de fins políticos, econômicos e de poder; e destacar os seus efeitos na educação angolana. O texto traz alguns exemplos que permitem entender como a partir da concepção do sistema educacional angolano, em 1975, se incorporaram elementos que apontam para o racismo, tipicamente da educação colonial, e que ao longo dos 40 anos de independência foram “minando” a concepção de uma educação cultural própria.Palavras-chave: Educação. Escola. Racismo. Angola.When the colonizer is negro: education and social practices of racism reproduction in AngolaAbstractRacism is, nowadays, a complex phenomenon which poses questions of humiliation or discrimination of people from different concepts (race, skin of color and culture) and social status hierarchically constructed. From racism, it has been constructed and reproduced a discourse which consolidates forms and processes which give voices to exclusion or social inclusion. This article intends to examine social practices which favors for production of racism in Angola; it looks at racism as an instrument of politics, economy and power. The paper emphasizes the effects of racism in the angolan education. Also, it gives some examples which allow to understand how the conception of the Angolan education system, in 1975, incorporated elements that illustrates practices of racism, typically of the colonial education, and that throughout 40 years of independence constituted a proper concept of cultural education.Keywords: Education. School. Racism. Angola.Cuando el colono es negro: educación y prácticas sociales de reproducción del racismo en AngolaResumenEl racismo es, aún hoy, un fenómeno complejo que remite a las cuestiones de la humillación o discriminación de la persona a partir de los diferentes conceptos (raza, color de la piel y cultura) y status social jerárquicamente construidos. A partir de él se construye y reproduce el discurso que contribuye a consolidar formas y procesos que dan voz a la exclusión o la inclusión social. La propuesta de este artículo es analizar las prácticas sociales que contribuyen a la producción y reproducción del racismo en Angola; mirar al racismo como un instrumento al servicio de fines políticos, económicos y de poder; y destacar sus efectos en la educación angoleña. El texto trae algunos ejemplos que permiten entender cómo a partir de la concepción del sistema educativo angoleño, en 1975, se incorporaron elementos que apuntan al racismo, típicamente de la educación colonial, y que a lo largo de los 40 años de independencia fueron “minando” la concepción de una educación cultural propia.Palabras clave: Educación. Escuela. Racismo. Angola.
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Cain, Allan, and Afonso Cupi Baptista. "Community Management and the Demand for ‘Water for All’ in Angola’s Musseques." Water 12, no. 6 (June 3, 2020): 1592. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w12061592.
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The Angolan State’s post-war center-piece reconstruction program, to provide the human right to ‘Water to All’, remains incomplete. The majority of Angola’s peri-urban communities still use the informal market to fill the gap. Water selling is the largest sub-sector of Luanda’s extensive informal economy, involving extractors, transporters and retailers. Negotiating for water at the local household level involves significant trading in social capital. Communities in Angola’s musseques have built on neighborhood solidarity to manage the supply of water themselves. The article is drawn from the authors’ experience in practice to examine the complexity of Angola’s informal water economy and local-level innovative responses. The Government has drawn on these lessons and adopted the community management model MoGeCA (the Portuguese language acronym for Model of Community Water Management)to help address the shortfall. The article is written from a practitioner’s point of view, based on more than a decade of experimentation in practice and support from USAID and UNICEF in taking community management to the national scale.
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Santos, Daniel dos. "Encontro entre pobreza e moral em Luanda. Urbanização, direitos e violência." Sociedade e Estado 30, no. 1 (April 2015): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-69922015000100007.
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O artigo apresenta uma análise da questão urbana da capital angolana, com base em duas pesquisas feitas ao final dos anos 1980, uma sobre a economia paralela em Angola, mais especificamente em sua capital, Luanda; outra sobre as políticas de urbanização da periferia africana, ao sul do Saara, assim como novas pesquisas realizadas entre 2006 e 2010 voltadas, desta vez, à compreensão da nova realidade, passados 20 anos, e à descrição e análise das mudanças ocorridas, assim como as razões dessas transformações, conforme a narrativa e as práticas dos atores sociais implicados. O texto se concentra na análise do desenvolvimento imobiliário, com a reconstrução da infraestrutura de base destruída durante a guerra civil, destacando reiteradas disputas entre o Estado angolano e as populações de cidadãos deserdados e deslocados pela guerra, vítimas, durante muito tempo, das lutas políticas e da violência das diferentes facções da elite que lutam pelo controle do Estado desde a Independência.
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Jover, Estefania, and Chipo Mlambo. "A review of factors affecting the attractiveness of Angola to private equity (PE) investments." South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 17, no. 5 (November 28, 2014): 609–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v17i5.781.
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Angola’s attractiveness to PE investors and the potential to increase PE investments in the country are explored. Primary data were collected using a survey of 18 PE funds that invest or have considered investing in Angola, followed by 10 expert interviews to gain deeper insight into the country’s institutional and economic environment, and its potential for PE investments. It is found that most PE funds are attracted to Angola by its rapid economic growth and high potential returns. The country is also vastly undersupplied, and many key economic sectors are fast developing, presenting exciting opportunities for investors. Nevertheless, PE in Angola remains limited, mainly owing to the difficulty of doing business in Angola, and owing particularly to the unfavourable regulatory environment. There is no regulation or process when it comes to the registration of PE funds in Angola, and any new regulation that applies to foreign investments is marred by unnecessary red tape, making it difficult for the investment to enter the market. Only two funds are authorised to operate in Angola: Fundo de Investimento Privado de Angola (FIPA), and BESA Activ. Streamlining regulation is critical to increasing PE flows to Angola in order to advance the country’s economic and social objectives.
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Begu, Liviu, Maria Vasilescu, Larisa Stanila, and Roxana Clodnitchi. "China-Angola Investment Model." Sustainability 10, no. 8 (August 18, 2018): 2936. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10082936.
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In the aftermath of Angola’s civil war, strong economic relations developed between the country and the People’s Republic of China. Our study addresses China’s investment risks in Angola, considering an infrastructure-for-petroleum partnership between these two countries. The main working hypothesis is that the recovery of Chinese investments made in Angola is has translated into thousands of barrels of petroleum being imported daily from Angola. We analyzed the main economic, social, and political indicators that describe the situation in Angola that could impact the recovery of Chinese loans in the form of oil exports. Data processing implied involved regression-based imputation, MinMax data normalization, the use of the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP), and econometric analysis, next to the construction of a composite risk indicator. The results of the econometric analysis highlighted that an increase in the composite risk indicator of 1% leads to a decrease in the quantity of petroleum exported by almost 6377 barrels per day. Because, at least in the short run, the economic diversification in Angola is weak, and the most important asset is its oil, the partnership with China will continue to exist. This cooperation model represents a source of economic growth and infrastructure development for Angola and a source of energy that fuels China—one of the most powerful economies in the world.
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Dikarev, A. "China – Angola – Russia: Non-existing Triangle." Journal of International Analytics, no. 3 (September 28, 2019): 48–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2019-0-3-48-61.
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This article contains the detailed comparative analysis of Russian and Chinese participation in the economic development of one of the most important African countries. The article highlights the history of credits and loans, foreign direct investments to Angola, dynamics of Russian and Chines trade turnover in the 21-st century. Main projects of Russia-Angola economic co-operation, activities of the biggest Chinese companies in Angola are in the scope of this research. Main economic interest of both powers – China and Russia – is to obtain access to the rich energy and mineral resources of Angola. However, any numerical indices of Russian and Chinese involvement into Angolan economics show that Russia cannot compete with China in this respect. Incomparable scale of trade turnover and economic cooperation make the hypotheses about possible “rivalry” between Russia and China in this region groundless. In spite of the fact that China has reduced loans volumes to Angola recently, the trade between the two countries shows increasing trend. For the time being Russia seems competitive to China in military cooperation with Angola though falls behind in humanitarian sphere.
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McGuirk, Bernard. "Intracolonialismo ou "l’Animotion" do Atlântico negro." Via Atlântica, no. 25 (July 24, 2014): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/va.v0i25.69815.
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<p>Na linha canônica de Dostoevsky e Kafka o novelista angolano José Eduardo Agualusa nos brinda com protagonistas ou narradores menos propenso à porta-vozes que a <em>animots</em>. A proposição de Jacques Derrida “<em>Ecce animot</em>, [...] assumindo o título de um animal autobiográfico numa resposta arriscada, fabulosa ou quimérica à questão “Mas eu, quem sou eu?” é apropriada se quisermos perseguir o o re(p)t(il)elhar da história na construção da memória angolana. O “vendedor” que dá nome ao romance, o albino Félix Ventura (felicidade futura garantida?), é um homem com uma ocupação pouco usual. Se a sua linhagem não é suficientemente distinta, ele pode muda-la para você. Se sua família não é tão gloriosa quanto você gostaria, Félix Ventura pode te dar outra. Félix Ventura é um vendedor de passados. Mas quem o observa? Quem conta sua estória? Quem, ou o que, está na sua cola? Quem, ou o que, coloca o enredo em (ani)mo(t)vimento? <em>L’animot juste ou juste l’animot</em>? A proposta meditação acerca do intra-colonialismo pós-colonial angolano tem como foco a economia de passados transformados, lavados pela valência de cambiantes identidades. A análise da função do albino que explora a dimensão parda – um tom de cinza – de uma atlântica Angola pós-colonial que reinventa seu passado e reinscreve sua história; após intromissões falhadas de expansionismos soviéticos ou intervencionismos cubanos, agora envoltos numa língua globalizante de animosidade menos paralisante de <em>animots</em> que ousam se arriscar.</p>
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Vicente Justino, Mateus, and Robertson K. Tengeh. "Role of external environmental factors in the failure of small enterprises in Angola." Environmental Economics 7, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.07(2).2016.9.
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The high failure rate of new small enterprises in Angola calls to attention the fact that they are not equipped enough to meet the challenges of sustainable economic growth, equitable distribution of wealth and job creation. The worrying impact on the Angolan landscape, as a consequence, has had economists scrambling for solutions in recent years. Moving from on the assumption that the current business climate has been a contributing factor, this paper attempts to examine the role of external environmental factors in the context of Angola. Adopting a quantitative approach, the questionnaire was utilized as the primary data collection tool with snowballing as the sampling technique. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) software delivered a result to the quantitative data that indicate a severe lack of economic support and availability of fundamental business resources such as raw material, skilled people and finance, and rigid policy-making regulations. The doomed-to-fail death knell to the Angolan small business comes in the form of a high level of corruption and theft in the country
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Sýkora, Jiří. "Economic policy of Angola and development of its national economy." Acta Oeconomica Pragensia 17, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.aop.4.
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García-Rodríguez, José León, Francisco J. García-Rodríguez, Carlos Castilla-Gutiérrez, and Silvério Adriano Major. "Oil, Power, and Poverty in Angola." African Studies Review 58, no. 1 (March 16, 2015): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.8.
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Abstract:Angola is a large country with a relatively small population and abundant natural resources, including oil reserves. The high price fetched by oil, the mainstay of the Angolan economy, on international markets has helped this leading producer attain growth rates that are among the highest in the world. However, Angola is also noted for its unequal distribution of wealth and notorious political corruption. This article seeks to explore this paradox within the framework of the so-called resource curse theory and analyze the role played by the oil industry in the process.
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Van der Zwan, Pieter. "An analysis of compensation collected for the depletion of Angola’s oil resources." Journal of Economic and Financial Sciences 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2012): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/jef.v5i1.310.
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The African continent contributes approximately 12% of the world’s oil production. Despite this wealth, many citizens of oil-rich African countries live in poverty, often because their governments do not collect sufficient compensation for the depletion of oil resources to fund national development or do not utilise compensation collected for the benefit of the people. In this article the extraction tax regime to collect compensation on Angola’s oil resources is compared to the regimes in other oil-rich countries to identify aspects from which Angola can learn with regard to the compensation systems of those countries. It is concluded that Angola may be able to improve its extraction tax regime by learning from governance measures over natural resource funds in Norway and Canada, by implementing measures to increase its oil royalty income in times of economic prosperity and by defining deductible costs more specifically in its production-sharing agreements.
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Tvedten, Inge. "U.S. Policy Towards Angola Since 1975." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1992): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007710.
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It is generally agreed that the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in March 1988 marked the final attempt to secure a military solution to the Angolan conflict. Thereafter, in December 1988, South Africa, Cuba, and Angola signed the so-called ‘New York accord’ that included a timetable for the phased withdrawal of the South Africans and the Cubans from Namibia and Angola, respectively; in June 1989, the Gbadolite agreement initiated African attempts to end the continuing armed struggle in Angola; and in March 1990, Namibia achieved its long-awaited independence. But despite these efforts and developments, the war continued between the Government that had been established in Luanda by the Movimento Popular de Libertacão de Angola (M.P.L.A.) in November 1975 and the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (Unita), with devastating implications for the country's estimated ten million inhabitants. Not before May 1991 was a final peace agreement signed in Portugal, and then with considerably poorer options for political stability and economic recovery than would have been the case after the original accord in New York.
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Moorman, Marissa J. "Anatomy of Kuduro: Articulating the Angolan Body Politic after the War." African Studies Review 57, no. 3 (December 2014): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.90.
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Abstract:Kuduro, meaning “hard-ass” or “in a hard place,” is a contemporary genre of music and dance produced and consumed in Angola, especially in Luanda. This article maps kuduro historically and assesses it in its current moment. While the dance is full of invention and the genre has thrived in the informal economy, this alternative expression and the infrastructure it produces cannot be considered politically or economically liberatory. But the international “os Kuduristas” campaign promoted by two of the Angolan president’s children and companies they own shows the dangers of a culturally conservative discourse that dismisses kuduro as a vulgar popular phenomenon while hegemonic political and commercial forces embrace it.
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Vines, Alex. "Tony Hodges, Angola to 2000: prospects for recovery. London: Economist Intelligence Unit, 1993, 170 pp., £245.00. - Shawn McCormick, The Angolan Economy: prospects for growth in a postwar environment. Washington, DC.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1994, 78 pp., $25.00. - David Sogge, Sustainable Peace: Angola's recovery. Harare: Southern African Research and Documentation Centre, 1992, 152 pp., £15.00. - Elaine Windrich, The Cold War Guerrilla: Jonas Savimbi, the US media, and the Angolan war. New York: Greenwood Press, 1992, 183 pp., £35.95." Africa 66, no. 2 (April 1996): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161334.
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Ben-Ari, Nirit. "Angola: Inequality clouds growing economy." Africa Renewal 28, no. 2 (August 31, 2014): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/e6b6baab-en.
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Lima, Paulo Branco. "CONDICIONALISMOS DA IDENTIDADE KUVALE EM VOU LÁ VISITAR PASTORES." Revista de Estudos Literários 6 (December 27, 2017): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-847x_6_19.
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Partindo de uma leitura da obra Vou lá visitar pastores (1999), de Ruy Duarte de Carvalho, o presente artigo propõe-se analisar vários vetores da condicionalidade do povo Kuvale, nomeadamente quanto ao seu posicionamento identitário face ao processo de construção do Estado-Nação de Angola. De igual modo, procura-se refletir acerca do impacto político-social da globalização na tradição dos Kuvale, levando em conta aspetos como o relacionamento com ONG’s, a circulação de gado ligada ao lugar das mulheres, e a economia particular dos pastores. Encarando a realidade deste povo angolano, sobressai o projeto literário do autor, eivado de uma prática ficcional autobiográfica estilisticamente sedutora, ultrapassando o mero exercício etnográfico.
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de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.
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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy. Making sense of the Angolan case is a starting point for a broader comparative look at other cases of illiberal peacebuilding such as Rwanda, Lebanon and Sri Lanka.
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Vaisman, Rafael. "Risks and Benefits with International Technology Transfer from Brazil to Angola." Fronteiras: Journal of Social, Technological and Environmental Science 2, no. 2 (December 20, 2013): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21664/2238-8869.2013v2i2.p89-104.
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Thanks to the transfer of technology from Brazil, Angola is entering the sucroalcooleiro sector with multiple aims. These include creating jobs in rural areas, diversifying the energy mix and boosting exports. Angola is one of the countries that has envisioned international technology transfer as a strategy to increase participation in the global market, while decreasing its dependence on sugar imports. While the production of ethanol and sugar can bring about some benefits, technology transfer in this area is not without risks. It needs to be carefully crafted and executed, especially in accordance with the principles of sustainable development, which is by the government plan of Angola to include, rather than exclude, the rural poor. This study shows that stakeholders presented different opinions in relation to Biocom and sustainable development. The main reason is linked to the distinction between global, national and local levels. On the global level, ITT and Biocom are seen as alternative renewable sources of energy (ethanol) to fossil fuels, on the local level there is a concern with the socio-environmental issues which local communities might face, indeed ITT and Biocom are perceived as a risk in case locals lose their lands and do not receive compensation. On the national level, while there is the expectancy of employment, infrastructure development and attraction of investments in the country, there is a lack of trust in governance by Angolan civil society; which argues that Angolan government and enterprises do not encourage public participation nor allows it to happen. Technology transfer is perceived as a business and geopolitical strategy driven by private and state interests, undermining environmental and social costs. On the other hand technology transfer is seen as a key to foster economic opportunities towards sustainable development.
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Botelho Peixoto, Alice. "Realismo afetivo em Predadores." Cadernos CESPUC de Pesquisa Série Ensaios, no. 32 (April 12, 2018): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2358-3231.2018v0n32p35-43.
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Neste breve estudo, investigamos sobre a expressão do que é denominado realismo afetivo, no romance Predadores, do angolano Pepetela. Primeiramente, percebemos que ao expor as desigualdades da sociedade angolana, Predadores cria, no espaço da literatura, uma democracia literária sobre a qual teoriza Rancière, ao dar espaço as diversas histórias e a personagens de diferentes extratos sociais. Nesse cenário, entendemos que o “realismo afetivo”, teorizado por Schøllhammer (2012), se expressa numa forma de economia descritiva, ou de “redução radical do descritivo”, o que se adequa ao romance analisado. Consideramos que os efeitos sensitivos só são produzidos no romance por essa ser uma obra de verdadeira democracia literária, no sentido dado por Rancière. O encontro de um “efeito de igualdade” que se expressa como um “realismo sensitivo” acontece quando entendemos que estamos diante é um romance de caráter meta-reflexivo. Assim, o estudioso dinamarquês destaca que a reflexibilidade da arte e da literatura no século XX expressa a realidade da própria obra que volta para si mesma e a cisão que existe entre a realidade e sua representação. Não se trata mais de discutir o que é real ou realidade ou verdadeiro, mas do que pode ser experimentado como tal. É isto que o romance do escritor angolano possibilita percebê-lo como uma interface com a realidade.
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Botelho Peixoto, Alice. "Realismo afetivo em Predadores." Cadernos CESPUC de Pesquisa Série Ensaios, no. 32 (April 12, 2018): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2358-3231.n32p35-43.
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Neste breve estudo, investigamos sobre a expressão do que é denominado realismo afetivo, no romance Predadores, do angolano Pepetela. Primeiramente, percebemos que ao expor as desigualdades da sociedade angolana, Predadores cria, no espaço da literatura, uma democracia literária sobre a qual teoriza Rancière, ao dar espaço as diversas histórias e a personagens de diferentes extratos sociais. Nesse cenário, entendemos que o “realismo afetivo”, teorizado por Schøllhammer (2012), se expressa numa forma de economia descritiva, ou de “redução radical do descritivo”, o que se adequa ao romance analisado. Consideramos que os efeitos sensitivos só são produzidos no romance por essa ser uma obra de verdadeira democracia literária, no sentido dado por Rancière. O encontro de um “efeito de igualdade” que se expressa como um “realismo sensitivo” acontece quando entendemos que estamos diante é um romance de caráter meta-reflexivo. Assim, o estudioso dinamarquês destaca que a reflexibilidade da arte e da literatura no século XX expressa a realidade da própria obra que volta para si mesma e a cisão que existe entre a realidade e sua representação. Não se trata mais de discutir o que é real ou realidade ou verdadeiro, mas do que pode ser experimentado como tal. É isto que o romance do escritor angolano possibilita percebê-lo como uma interface com a realidade.
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Krawczyk, Weronika J. "Aid, Governance and Public Finance Fraud: Evidence from Angola." Politeja 17, no. 6(69) (October 1, 2020): 19–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.69.02.
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This article examines the process of public finance fraud leading to unjust enrichment of ruling elites in Angola, a resource-rich, yet ironically povertytrapped country, owing to decades of rule of José Eduardo dos Santos. It analyses the phenomenon of political corruption in the Angolan context, translating into mismanagement of public revenues coming from natural resources as a means of attaining private economic benefits and consolidating power. Moreover, by examining cross-border inter-company networks aimed at concealing public assets behind front companies, the author attempts to establish a connection between corruption and illicit financial flows. Ultimately, since political corruption is intrinsically linked to governance, the article looks at the impact of the latter on social development as well as on the effectiveness of development aid granted to Angola. It was written based on secondary resources including existing literature and material evidence. Its findings and conclusions correspond with the overall theory postulated by the academic community, maintaining that natural resources and aid have negative impact on governance, institutional accountability, and in consequence on human development, especially in countries characterised by despotic rule.
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Yaya, Sanni, and Bishwajit Ghose. "Alcohol Drinking by Husbands/Partners is Associated with Higher Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Angola." Safety 5, no. 1 (January 22, 2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/safety5010005.
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Intimate partner violence (IPV), as the most prevalent form of violence against women, is a commonly encountered phenomenon across sub-Saharan African countries, including Angola. As a fast-growing economy, Angola is experiencing a booming alcohol industry and persistent IPV and women’s rights issues, along with weak prohibition and enforcement against this practice. However, so far, there is no systematic research investigating the predictors of IPV in Angola and whether spousal alcohol drinking has any relationship with women’s experience of IPV. Therefore, in this study, we aimed to assess the predictors of IPV (defined as physical, emotional, and sexual violence) among Angolan women with a special focus on their partners’ alcohol drinking habit. Cross-sectional data on 7669 women aged 15–49 years from the Angola Demographic and Health Survey were used for this study. Data were analyzed using descriptive and logistic regression methods. Results indicated that physical IPV (32.3%, 95% Confidence Interval = 30.3 to 34.5) was most prevalent, followed by emotional (27.3%, 95% CI = 25.3 to 29.4) and sexual IPV (7.4%, 95% CI = 6.6 to 8.4). In the multivariate analysis, higher education and household wealth status showed protective effects against certain forms of IPV. Alcohol drinking by husbands/partners was associated with significantly higher odds of experiencing physical [OR = 2.950; 95% CI = 2.632, 3.306], emotional [OR = 2.470; 95% CI = 2.187,2.789], and sexual IPV [OR = 2.729; 95% CI = 2.220, 3.354] among women. Women who reported experiencing physical IPV had increased odds of drinking alcohol [OR = 1.474; 95% CI = 1.290, 1.684] compared with those who did not. These findings reflect the widespread prevalence of IPV in sub-Saharan African countries. Special focus should be given to married men with alcohol drinking habits to reduce women’s vulnerability to IPV and dependence on alcohol use.
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Ferreira, Manuel Ennes, and Ricardo Soares de Oliveira. "The political economy of banking in Angola." African Affairs 118, no. 470 (July 17, 2018): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady029.
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International Monetary Fund. "Angola: Recent Economic Developments." IMF Staff Country Reports 95, no. 258 (1995): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451800470.002.
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International Monetary Fund. "Angola: Recent Economic Developments." IMF Staff Country Reports 97, no. 112 (1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451800487.002.
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International Monetary Fund. "Angola: Recent Economic Developments." IMF Staff Country Reports 00, no. 111 (2000): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451800500.002.
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MOURA ROQUE, FATIMA. "Economic Transformation in Angola." South African Journal of Economics 62, no. 2 (June 1994): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1813-6982.1994.tb01085.x.
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Baumgartner, Boris. "Angola - an Oil Dependant Country in Sub-Saharan Africa." Studia Commercialia Bratislavensia 9, no. 35 (December 1, 2016): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stcb-2016-0023.
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Abstract The Sub-Saharan Africa belongs to the most underdeveloped regions in the world economy. This region consists of forty nine countries but it’s world GDP share is only a small percentage. There are some very resource rich countries in this region. One of them is Angola. This former Portuguese colony has one of the largest inventories of oil among all African countries. Angola recorded one of the highest growth of GDP between 2004-2008 from all countries in the world economy and nowadays is the third biggest economy in Sub-Saharan Africa after Nigeria and South Africa. The essential problem of Angola is the one-way oriented economy on oil and general on natural resources. Angola will be forced to change their one-way oriented economy to be more diversified and competitive in the future.
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Rodrigues, Cristina Udelsmann. "Angola's southern border: entrepreneurship opportunities and the state in Cunene." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 461–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000339.
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ABSTRACTSanta Clara, on Angola's southern border with Namibia, is now a very dynamic urban hub, both economically and socially. It stands out in the remote province of Cunene, recording greater growth in the last five years than the provincial capital, Ondjiva. Its recent transformation into a thriving trading centre was mostly due to massive migration and an intensification of trade between Angola and Namibia at the beginning of this century, although the region's history in the last hundred years is a very different one. While local traders and entrepreneurs have developed their own strategies within this context, national and local administrative structures of the recently pacified country are trying to regulate trading and settlement. These forces in action produce both more sustainable and organised urban growth and at the same time influence social and economic development in the region. The main boom seems to be over, due to relatively successful regulation, which makes the region less attractive to business activity. Traders and entrepreneurs operating locally now have to find new strategies and opportunities. This article, based on empirical research and combined surveys, conducts an analysis of these dynamics and contributes to an understanding of regulation impacts, the way in which local traders cope with them, and the strategies they have developed.
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De Wet, Francois, and Ian Liebenberg. "IDEOLOGIES (NEW), ECONOMICS, DEFENCE AND PEOPLE: FIVE DECADES IN THE STATE OF SOUTH AFRICA." Politeia 33, no. 1 (October 20, 2016): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1644.
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The economy of politics and the politics of economy converge in interesting ways, sometimes with long-term consequences for a state. In a crucial and dynamic interface economy, community, (non-)diplomacy, defence posture, balance sheets, the hapless ‘citizen’ and ‘leaders’ are all precariously intertwined. It is often argued that the South African economy declined under apartheid as a result of the Border War and international sanctions, with the result that theNational Party had little choice other than to engage its contenders in political talks to ensure transition to democracy as a counter to the eventual economic and political collapse of South Africa. Some were of the opinion that the military over-extension of South Africa, especially in Namibia and Angola, became a core reason for the non-sustainability of apartheid. While this argument may hold, it does not mean that transition at the end of the Border War brought guarantees for future economic growth and political stability.
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Udelsmann Rodrigues, Cristina, and Deborah Fahy Bryceson. "Precarity in Angolan diamond mining towns, 1920–2014: tracing agency of the state, mining companies and urban households." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2018): 113–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000507.
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AbstractAfter nearly 30 years of civil war, Angola gained peace in 2002. The country's diamond and oil wealth affords the national government the means to pursue economic reconstruction and urban development. However, in the diamond-producing region of Lunda Sul, where intense fighting between MPLA and UNITA forces was waged, the legacy of war lingers on in the form of livelihood uncertainty and uneven access to the benefits of the state's urban development programmes. There are three main interactive agents of urban change: the Angolan state, the mining corporations, and not least urban residents. The period has been one of shifting alignments of responsibility for urban housing, livelihoods and welfare provisioning. Beyond the pressures of post-war adjustment, the wider context of global capital investment and labour market restructuring has introduced a new surge of corporate mining investment and differentiated patterns of prosperity and precarity in Lunda Sul.
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Tomlinson, Mark, Vera Adams, Mickey Chopra, Pieter Jooste, Emmerentia Strydom, and Ali Dhansay. "Survey of iodine deficiency and intestinal parasitic infections in school-going children: Bie Province, Angola." Public Health Nutrition 13, no. 9 (March 26, 2010): 1314–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980010000510.
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AbstractObjectiveTo obtain baseline pre-intervention prevalence levels of iodine deficiency and parasitic and helminth infections in school-going children in Bie Province, Angola.DesignA cross-sectional study conducted in randomly selected schools. The target population was children aged 6–10 years.SettingBie Province, Angola.SubjectsA total of 1029 children sampled, with 791 stool samples and 826 urine samples collected from twenty-four schools.ResultsWidespread severe and moderate deficiencies in iodine. Children in five schools were severely iodine deficient. All sampled schoolchildren were iodine deficient to a greater or lesser extent. In all, 80 % of all children across the twenty-four schools were infected with one or a combination of intestinal helminths and intestinal protozoa.ConclusionsThese findings have serious implications for the cognitive development of Angolan children, as well as for Angola’s development in terms of productivity and economic potential. It is strongly recommended that the provincial and national Ministries of Health, in collaboration with international health agencies, immediately plan and implement a strategy to provide sufficient iodine through iodised oil capsules and iodised salt to the iodine-deficient population. National coalitions need to be strengthened among the government, partners and salt producers. It is also recommended that all the children in schools be de-wormed for multiple helminth species at least twice a year.
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Kyle, Steven. "The political economy of Angolan growth: Social & regional structure." Review of African Political Economy 32, no. 104-105 (June 2005): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240500329221.
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Martin, Phyllis M. "Family Strategies in Nineteenth-Century Cabinda." Journal of African History 28, no. 1 (March 1987): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002942x.
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In the nineteenth century, the entrenched power of three Cabindan families, Nsambo, Npuna and Nkata Kolombo, was challenged by the rise of the Franques. The dominant figure, Francisco Franque, amassed wealth through a close alliance with Brazilian slave traders and through freighting goods and passengers in ‘coasting’ vessels which were locally built. At the same time he invested in a large household and attracted to his village dependents who provided labour and armed support for the expansion of his territorial base. Beyond the village, Franque, like other ‘big men’ at Cabinda, depended on an alliance with kinsmen for the defence of family interests. In the last quarter of the century, the Franques were weakened by the end of the slave trade, by disputes over inheritance rights, following the death of Francisco Franque, by the challenge of Manuel José Puna and by the emigration of junior family members in search of employment in the colonial economy of Angola and neighbouring territories. After 1885, under Portuguese colonial rule, the household was no longer a principal unit of production and family cohesion was no longer relevant. European settlers and companies moved into prime land and the emigration of workers, including women, intensified in the face of deteriorating economic conditions. Some individuals continued to have access to privilege, as far as that was possible in Angolan colonial society, through education. At Cabinda, the Portuguese authorities gave at least nominal recognition to some senior family members, for example at official celebrations. The name of the old families lived on through prominent individuals although their collective power and influence had been drastically undermined.
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Jourdan, Paul. "The minerals industry of Angola." Minerals & Energy - Raw Materials Report 5, no. 1 (January 1986): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14041048609409289.
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Schubert, Jon. "The work-intensive fiction of frictionless trade in the Angolan port of Lobito." Focaal 2021, no. 89 (March 1, 2021): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2021.890106.
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Cargo shipping, as emblematic stand-in for globalization, peddles a seductive imagery of frictionless transnational trade and just-in-time logistics. Backed by the normative might of transnational institutions, instruments such as UNCTAD’s Automated System for Customs Data (ASYCUDA) are being rolled out across “developing countries,” promising the rationalization, acceleration, and “dematerialization” of customs processing, while countries themselves introduce efficiency reforms to smoothen the flow of goods. This article charts the intensive work required to produce this fantasy of frictionless trade around the Atlantic port of Lobito, Angola. In a context where imports have dropped by 50 percent to 60 percent since 2014 due to lower oil prices, this article traces how actors involved in making this import-dependent economy work deal with the seeming failure of promises of transnationally connected economic growth.