Relevant bibliographies by topics / Angola Civil War, 1975-2002

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Angola Civil War, 1975-2002'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"

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Quintã, Margarida. "A Resisting Modern Monument: Huambo Veterinary Academic Hospital." Modern Africa, Tropical Architecture, no. 48 (2013): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/48.a.7sghv2zu.

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The Huambo (former Nova Lisboa) Veterinary Academic Hospital, designed by Vasco Vieira da Costa in 1970, was never completed. With the independence of Angola in 1975, a civil war started and lasted 27 years, with its main battlefield in the country’s central region, where the opposition party was settled. The building has served as a military headquarters since the 80’s, becoming extremely damaged in the last three decades. Peace was restored in 2002 but 30 soldiers are still nowadays living in the ruins to defend the building from vandalism. The University is planning the renovation of the Ve
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Vos, Jelmer. "Coffee Frontier in Proto-Colonial and Colonial Angola." Commodity Frontiers, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/cf.2021a18078.

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Coffee plantations were unquestionably one of the defining features of Angola’s colonial landscape. From the 1870s to independence, coffee was the main export of this former Portuguese colony, barring a couple of intervals during which rubber and diamonds held first place. During this time, Angola ranked consistently among the world’s largest robusta producers, which it might still have been today had the country’s civil war (1975-2002) not made commercial farming all but impossible. In Angolan popular memory, coffee occupies an ambivalent position: for some people it brings up memories of col
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Miller, Jamie. "Yes, Minister: Reassessing South Africa's Intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975–1976." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (2013): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00368.

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In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagoni
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de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.

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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy
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Čavoški, Jovan. "“Yugoslavia's Help Was Extraordinary”: Political and Material Assistance from Belgrade to the MPLA in Its Rise to Power, 1961–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00857.

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Based on newly declassified documents from former Yugoslav archives, this article reconstructs the process of material and political assistance that was rendered to the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) by Yugoslavia throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s until the time of Angola's independence and the beginning of the Angolan civil war in 1975. The archival evidence demonstrates that Yugoslavia's assistance to the MPLA guerrillas was one of the crucial factors that enabled the organization not only to survive the vicissitudes of international politics, but also to preserv
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Mututa, Addamms. "The casebre on the sand: Reflections on Luanda's excepted citizenship through the cinematography of Maria João Ganga's Na Cidade Vazia (2004)." Journal of African Cinemas 11, no. 3 (2019): 277–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00021_1.

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Abstract This article discusses Maria João Ganga's representations of musseques and the casebre in Na Cidade Vazia (2004). It reads such images and characterization of neglected characters as visual expressions of the way in which Luanda's informal spaces have become the most visible expression of precarious, indeed, excepted citizenship. Set in 1991, the film depicts a period during which the government and the rebels entered a temporary truce, which rapidly disintegrated, gesturing towards a continuing sense of exclusion from postcolonial prosperity. However, the bloody civil war that ensued
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Dominik Kopiński. "A Successful Failed State after All? The Case of Angola." Politeja 15, no. 56 (2019): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.05.

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Among African countries Angola stands out as a particularly interesting case where robust economic growth has occurred despite the country having a relatively long list of characteristics of a failed state. This has prompted some scholars to call it “a successful failed state” or “weak but strong”. In 2002 Angola emerged from the devastating 25-year long civil war and since then has recorded a burgeoning growth, which only recently came to a halt due to the oil prices collapse. At the same time, Angola is famous for its corruption, lack of transparency and state capture by local elites. This a
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Jackson, Steven F. "China's Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–93." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 388–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034986.

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The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty. Mao ZedongIn the middle of October 1975, a dusty column of South African troops, equipped with armoured cars and helicopters, rumbled north into Angola, further internationalizing the already complex civil war there. The South African attack not only broadened the war, prompting an even greater Cuban intervention, it also posed a dilemma for China, which supported the same Angolan parties as did South Africa: should China follow its policy of tit-for-tat o
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Macqueen, Norrie. "An Ill Wind? Rethinking the Angolan Crisis and the Portuguese Revolution, 1974–1976." Itinerario 26, no. 2 (2002): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009128.

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Just before midnight on 10 November 1975 Portugal's high commissioner in Angola, along with the last remnants of the Portuguese army in Africa, embarked for Lisbon. Earlier in the day he had formally transferred sovereignty not to a successor government but to ‘the Angolan people’, a formulation which permitted Portugal to ‘decolonise’ without taking sides in the civil war which was at that time reaching its climax in Angola. Immediately the perfunctory ceremony in Luanda ended, the Portuguese officials left at speed for the harbour and the relative safety of their ships which departed immedia
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Catoto Capitango, João Adolfo, Mirtha Silvana Garat de Marin, Emmanuel Soriano Flores, Marco Antonio Rojo Gutiérrez, Mónica Gracia Villar, and Frigdiano Álvaro Durántez Prados. "Inequalities and Asymmetries in the Development of Angola’s Provinces: The Impact of Colonialism and Civil War." Social Sciences 11, no. 8 (2022): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11080334.

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Angola, as with many countries on the African continent, has great inequalities or asymmetries between its provinces. At the economic, financial, and technological level, there is a great disparity between them, where it is observed that the province of Luanda is the largest financial business center to the detriment of others, such as Moxico, Zaire, and Cabinda. In the latter, despite the advantages of high oil production, from a regional point of view, they remain almost stagnant in time, in a social dysfunction where the population lives on extractivism and artisanal fishing. This article a
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"

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Oliveira, Ariel Rolim 1986. "Angola em guerras : Jonas Savimbi e as linguagens da nação." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279137.

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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T05:15:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_ArielRolim_M.pdf: 2189699 bytes, checksum: 933089fd3c1ecc008020db1de7a1c9bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: O líder político Jonas Savimbi ocupou uma posição privilegiada de observação dos entrecruzamentos das linguagens segundo as quais se lutou a guerra em Angola. O nexo entre as esferas global e local do conflito, incluindo aí seus diferentes códigos de re
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Butler, Shannon Rae. "Into the Storm: American Covert Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, 1974-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195354.

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Angola’s civil war in the mid-1970s has an important role to play in the ongoing debate within the diplomatic history community over how best to explain American foreign policy. As such, this dissertation uses the Angolan crisis as a case study to investigate and unravel the reasons for the American covert intervention on behalf of two pro-Western liberation movements: the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto, and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. That Angola is a late 20th century example of foreign intervention is not di
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Rodella-Boitreaud, Aude-Sophie. "Three essays in the applied microeconomics of conflict : the impact of landmines and war violence on social capital, socio-economic reintegration, child health and household income in Angola." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010CLF10320.

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The research presented in this dissertation addresses the issue of the direct and indirect impact of war violence on the different components of households’ welfare and reintegration during and after the civil conflict that affected Angola from 1975 to 2002. Informed by the dynamics and specificities of the Angolan conflict, we generate exogeneous variation in the intensity of direct (conflict-related deaths) and indirect war violence (landmine contamination). Impacts are found to be contrasted and to extend beyond the immediate site of occurrence of those events. The findings presented contri
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Fobanjong, John M. "Interventionary alliances in civil conflicts." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184749.

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This study argues that foreign intervention is not a concept that could lend itself to any theoretical inquiry. It is a norm that is applicable mainly in juridical inquiries and in systems theory. It is a norm in systems theory in that the system is made up of two important elements: (1) the distribution of resources; and (2) the norms of conduct that accompany the resources. As a systemic norm, the norm of nonintervention seeks to guarantee stability and predictability in the international system. It is a juridical norm in that it calls either for the indictment or vindication for the violati
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Pearce, Justin. "Control, ideology and identity in civil war : the Angolan Central Highlands 1965-2002." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a1eaeab2-9116-45d8-8df3-47b967fd9f1f.

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This thesis examines the relationship between political movements and people during the civil war between Angola’s MPLA government and the UNITA rebels in the Central Highlands region. It shows how conflicting ideas about political legitimacy originating in anticolonial struggle informed leaders’ decisions and formed the basis of their efforts to politicise people. Much existing literature sees civil conflict in terms of rebellion against a state, motivated by grievance or by the desire for loot. I argue against such an approach in the Angolan case, since the MPLA and UNITA originated from dif
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Nzovo, Tiago Bassika. "Habitação social para além da sobrevivência: caso dos bairros Zango I e II em Luanda, Angola (2002- 2012)." Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina, 2012. http://tede.udesc.br/handle/handle/1358.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:55:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TiagoSocioambiental.pdf: 19920273 bytes, checksum: afc1034c1889b7a2d804e969af1d0c12 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-13<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>The research problem presented in this dissertation rises from the promise made by the government of Angola which is to build, in the period of 2008 to 2012, one million habitation units at national level. This is a national project, announced during the parliamentary elections of 2008, a scene of destruction 26 years of civil war
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Djimeu, Wouabe Eric. "Essays on Civil War, HIV/AIDS, and Human capital in Sub-Saharan African Countries." Phd thesis, Université d'Auvergne - Clermont-Ferrand I, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00599616.

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This thesis is based on three essays. The first chapter analyses the impact of 27 years of civil war in Angola on human capital, expenditures per adult equivalent and fertility. The prediction of the effects of civil war is done through a neoclassical unitary household model in the tradition of Rosenzweig. Using instrumental variable method, this thesis shows that civil war has a negative and disastrous impact in short-term on health of children, this effect is persistent. Civil war has no impact on expenditures per adult equivalent. It increases enrollment and decreases fertility in the short
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Koné, Amadou. "La guerre civile angolaise de 1991 à 2002." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040191.

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Cette thèse étudie la persistance du conflit angolais entre 1991 et 2002. Elle entend revenir sur les causes de la faillite des processus de paix de Bicesse et de Lusaka. La signature des accords de Bicesse entre le MPLA et l’UNITA, le 31 mai 1991, ne permit guère à l’Angola d’accéder à une paix durable. Après les élections des 29 et 30 septembre 1992, la guerre reprit sur l’ensemble du territoire. Le gouvernement MPLA et l’UNITA signèrent un nouvel accord de paix à Lusaka le 30 novembre 1994. Mais, celui-ci n’eut guère plus de réussite que le précédent malgré l’inauguration d’un Gouvernement
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Paiva, Miguel Frederico Cavazzini Botha de. "O acesso e a qualidade do ensino primário público em Angola (2002-2012) : estudo de caso das províncias de Benguela, Huambo, Bié e Moxico." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/11631.

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Doutoramento em Estudos de Desenvolvimento<br>O presente estudo de caso comparativo pretende analisar a evolução da cobertura escolar e acessibilidade física e socioeconómica ao ensino primário público nas províncias angolanas de Benguela, Huambo, Bié e Moxico, entre 2002 e 2012. O estudo visa ainda aferir a qualidade de um conjunto de elementos determinantes para o aproveitamento escolar e resultados das aprendizagens nessas províncias, outrora unidas pelo Caminho de Ferro de Benguela mas cuja destruição poderá ter causado disparidades geográficas. Considerando os efeitos da longa guerra civi
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Oliveira, de Araujo Kelly Cristina. "Politique et militarisme en Angola : les relations entre le Mouvement Populaire de Libération de l’Angola (MPLA) et l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) 1965-1985." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040209.

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L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence
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Books on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"

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Venter, Al J. War in Angola. Concord Publications Co., 1992.

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Campbell, Horace. War and peace in Angola. Institute of Development Studies, University of Zimbabwe, 1995.

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War in Angola: The final South African phase. Ashanti Pub., 1990.

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Jaime, Drumond. Angola: Depoimentos para a história recente. Edições D. Jaime/H. Baber, 1999.

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Campbell, Horace. Humanitarianism, war, and the recolonization of Angola. SAPES Books, 1997.

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Brittain, Victoria. Death of dignity: Angola's civil war. Africa World Press, 1998.

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The death of dignity: Angola's civil war. Pluto Press, 1998.

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Angola: Sonho e pesadelo. Colibri, 2014.

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Brennan, Tom. Uprooted Angolans: From crisis to catastrophe. U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1987.

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Holocausto em Angola: Memórias entre o cárcere e o cemitério. Nova Vega, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"

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Ferreira, Manuel Ennes. "Angola: Civil War and the Manufacturing Industry, 1975–1999." In Arming the South. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230501256_12.

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Shearman, Peter. "The Angolan Civil War, 1975-6." In The Soviet Union and Cuba. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003349419-5.

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Żądło, Łukasz. "Wpływ stosunków z państwami ościennymi oraz wybranymi organizacjami międzynarodowymi na kształt systemu politycznego Angoli w latach 1975–2002." In Jedność z różnorodności. Zbiór studiów nad różnymi aspektami dziejów Afryki. University of Warsaw Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.9788323556565.pp.235-262.

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The main goal of this paper is to present the relationships between Angola and neighbouring states and show how those relationships influenced the development of Angolan state structure. This will allow for presenting a set of political, social, and economic interdependencies between Angola and its neighbours. This, in turn, will serve to verify the hypothesis that Angola as a state has become a stabilizer of security in the region. An important aspect that also influenced the shape of the political system, and was therefore also taken into account, is Angola’s relations with international organizations such as the United Nations, Comecon, and the Organization of African Unity. The period that has been analyzed is 1975–2002, that is, from the regaining of independence to the end of the civil war in Angola. This period was chosen because of its crucial nature for the history of modern Angola: it was then that the foundations for the present Angolan state were shaped in practice, and the process itself also influenced all the states of the region. The political system of Angola formed under the influence of wars, including civil wars, which also determined the relationship that Angola has today with its neighbours, who took an active part in those wars. The paper also considers the relationship that Angola’s major political parties of the period had with neighbouring states and the political groupings that were active there, and the involvement of those states in the events of Angola’s civil war. Aspects of the Cold War are also covered, in particular the division of influence between the USSR, Cuba, China, and the USA. The methodology that was used in the creation of the paper is the analysis of historical written sources and newspaper and scientific articles.
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von Bernstorff, Jochen. "The Battle for the Recognition of Wars of National Liberation." In The Battle for International Law. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849636.003.0003.

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The chapter revisits the third world struggle for a full legal recognition of ‘wars of national liberation’ in the 1960s and 70s. Supported by famous United Nations (UN) resolutions, the growing number of ‘newly independent states’ had managed to confer increasing institutional legitimacy to the still-ongoing struggles for independence by incriminating colonialism and racism, as well as by actively promoting support for third-world self-determination. Armed revolts of independence movements against colonial or racist rule between 1945 and 1975, for example in Indonesia, Vietnam, Algeria, Kenya, Namibia, Angola, Guinea, and Western Sahara, figured as ‘wars of national liberation’ in various UN resolutions. Led from beginning to the victorious end by Georges Abi-Saab, the G77 battle for the full recognition of wars of national liberation framed these wars as ‘defensive’ military actions against continuing foreign ‘aggression’ through colonialism. During the 1960s and early 1970s, this move was strongly opposed by most Western authors, who argued that these conflicts were internal struggles and thus merely ‘civil wars’ or legitimate reactions to ‘terrorist’ activities. The chapter argues that even though the third world could ultimately secure a victory in this legal struggle, it could not prevent that Cold War interventionism of the superpowers and the former metropoles, as well as proxy-wars, nationalism and militarization further destabilized the societies in the ‘newly independent states’. decolonization, international legal transformations, Bandung, hegemony, boundary drawing, Sattelzeit, law of the sea, use of force, humanitarian law, human rights law
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