Academic literature on the topic 'Angola Civil War, 1975-2002'
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Journal articles on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"
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Quintã, Margarida. "A Resisting Modern Monument: Huambo Veterinary Academic Hospital." Modern Africa, Tropical Architecture, no. 48 (2013): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/48.a.7sghv2zu.
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The Huambo (former Nova Lisboa) Veterinary Academic Hospital, designed by Vasco Vieira da Costa in 1970, was never completed. With the independence of Angola in 1975, a civil war started and lasted 27 years, with its main battlefield in the country’s central region, where the opposition party was settled. The building has served as a military headquarters since the 80’s, becoming extremely damaged in the last three decades. Peace was restored in 2002 but 30 soldiers are still nowadays living in the ruins to defend the building from vandalism. The University is planning the renovation of the Veterinary Academic Hospital, although unawareness about the building’s heritage significance may result in the irreversible loss of an Angolan Modern monument.
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Vos, Jelmer. "Coffee Frontier in Proto-Colonial and Colonial Angola." Commodity Frontiers, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/cf.2021a18078.
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Coffee plantations were unquestionably one of the defining features of Angola’s colonial landscape. From the 1870s to independence, coffee was the main export of this former Portuguese colony, barring a couple of intervals during which rubber and diamonds held first place. During this time, Angola ranked consistently among the world’s largest robusta producers, which it might still have been today had the country’s civil war (1975-2002) not made commercial farming all but impossible. In Angolan popular memory, coffee occupies an ambivalent position: for some people it brings up memories of colonial forced labor, while others recollect stories of successful family farms. My research project, “Coffee and Colonialism in Angola, 1820-1960,” aims to reconstruct the multiple, intertwined realities behind these contrasting memories. Focusing on northern Angola, where smallholding and estate farming always coexisted, it investigates how African farmers, colonial settlers, foreign traders, and global consumers shaped one of the oldest commercial coffee frontiers in sub-Saharan Africa. In doing so, it reflects on the question to what extent “colonialism” is the proper lens through which to study the history of coffee cultivation in Angola.
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Miller, Jamie. "Yes, Minister: Reassessing South Africa's Intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975–1976." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2013): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00368.
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In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagonists, the article shows that the South African Defence Force and Defence Minister P. W. Botha pushed vigorously and successfully for deeper engagement to cope with security threats perceived through the prism of the emerging doctrine of “total onslaught.” South Africa's intervention in Angola was first and foremost the product of strategic calculations derived from a sense of threat perception expressed and experienced in Cold War terms, but applied and developed in a localized southern African context.
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de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.
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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy. Making sense of the Angolan case is a starting point for a broader comparative look at other cases of illiberal peacebuilding such as Rwanda, Lebanon and Sri Lanka.
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Čavoški, Jovan. "“Yugoslavia's Help Was Extraordinary”: Political and Material Assistance from Belgrade to the MPLA in Its Rise to Power, 1961–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00857.
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Based on newly declassified documents from former Yugoslav archives, this article reconstructs the process of material and political assistance that was rendered to the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) by Yugoslavia throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s until the time of Angola's independence and the beginning of the Angolan civil war in 1975. The archival evidence demonstrates that Yugoslavia's assistance to the MPLA guerrillas was one of the crucial factors that enabled the organization not only to survive the vicissitudes of international politics, but also to preserve and stabilize its strength for the final phase of the power struggle in Angola.
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Mututa, Addamms. "The casebre on the sand: Reflections on Luanda's excepted citizenship through the cinematography of Maria João Ganga's Na Cidade Vazia (2004)." Journal of African Cinemas 11, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 277–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00021_1.
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Abstract This article discusses Maria João Ganga's representations of musseques and the casebre in Na Cidade Vazia (2004). It reads such images and characterization of neglected characters as visual expressions of the way in which Luanda's informal spaces have become the most visible expression of precarious, indeed, excepted citizenship. Set in 1991, the film depicts a period during which the government and the rebels entered a temporary truce, which rapidly disintegrated, gesturing towards a continuing sense of exclusion from postcolonial prosperity. However, the bloody civil war that ensued between rival factions (1975‐2002) ‐ the governing Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), led by Jose Eduardo dos Santos, and União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), led by Jonas Savimbi ‐ remarkably shifted the way post-Portuguese citizenship in Angola could be discussed. It clearly necessitates a new way of thinking about inclusion with respect to the incipient repercussions of indeterminate governance. In the context of this historical process, this article uses exception as a lens to conceptualize postcolonial urban citizenship in Luanda's cinema. The article sets off with an overview of 1975 literary imaginations of Luanda when the Portuguese colonialists were leaving Angola, which resulted in a clamour for the so-called spoils of independence. It then critiques excepted citizenship using two approaches: analysing urban architecture as a visual code for precariousness and filmic characters as embodiments of excepted citizenship.
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Dominik Kopiński. "A Successful Failed State after All? The Case of Angola." Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.05.
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Among African countries Angola stands out as a particularly interesting case where robust economic growth has occurred despite the country having a relatively long list of characteristics of a failed state. This has prompted some scholars to call it “a successful failed state” or “weak but strong”. In 2002 Angola emerged from the devastating 25-year long civil war and since then has recorded a burgeoning growth, which only recently came to a halt due to the oil prices collapse. At the same time, Angola is famous for its corruption, lack of transparency and state capture by local elites. This article seeks to provide a critical discussion about the Angolan state, with a special reference to its capacity to provide public goods and finance them. It probes the notion that Angola can be labelled a successful failed state and argues that a perception of the relative success holds only in the time of favourable external conditions and only when major structural and institutional shortcomings of the Angolan economy are ignored.
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Jackson, Steven F. "China's Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–93." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 388–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034986.
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The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty. Mao ZedongIn the middle of October 1975, a dusty column of South African troops, equipped with armoured cars and helicopters, rumbled north into Angola, further internationalizing the already complex civil war there. The South African attack not only broadened the war, prompting an even greater Cuban intervention, it also posed a dilemma for China, which supported the same Angolan parties as did South Africa: should China follow its policy of tit-for-tat opposition to Soviet expansion world-wide, even if it meant allying with the racist government of South Africa? Or should it follow the opinions of its fellow Third World nations in Africa, even if it led to a Soviet bloc advance? The difficulty China's leaders faced in the autumn of 1975 was one which had hidden origins in the different ways in which China viewed conflicts around the world, a difficulty that had lain dormant for years but which erupted in 1975 into full view, and with disastrous consequences for Chinese foreign policy in Africa. It is, moreover, a discrepancy which continues to exist in China's views of the world today.How does China view conflicts and revolutions in the Third World? How do the Chinese organize their relations with Third World revolutionary organizations and their post-independence governments? This article examines the tensions and shifts of Chinese policy towards two essentially simultaneous revolutionary struggles and their post-independence governments: Angola and Mozambique.
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Macqueen, Norrie. "An Ill Wind? Rethinking the Angolan Crisis and the Portuguese Revolution, 1974–1976." Itinerario 26, no. 2 (July 2002): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009128.
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Just before midnight on 10 November 1975 Portugal's high commissioner in Angola, along with the last remnants of the Portuguese army in Africa, embarked for Lisbon. Earlier in the day he had formally transferred sovereignty not to a successor government but to ‘the Angolan people’, a formulation which permitted Portugal to ‘decolonise’ without taking sides in the civil war which was at that time reaching its climax in Angola. Immediately the perfunctory ceremony in Luanda ended, the Portuguese officials left at speed for the harbour and the relative safety of their ships which departed immediately. Thus ended Portugal's 500-year empire in Africa. It is tempting to see Portugal's indecorous withdrawal from Angola as an emblematic climax to an increasingly destructive relationship with the former jewel in its African crown. In this view, the chaotic circumstances of Angola's road to independence had brought Portugal's own fragile and unstable post-revolutionary state to the point of destruction. Yet a quite different view can be proposed. The political and diplomatic challenges thrown down by the Angolan crisis might be seen, on the contrary, to have had a ‘disciplining’ effect on a revolutionary process in Portugal which was threatening to spin out of control as a result of its own internal pressures. Arguably, rather than exacerbating these pressures, the demands of events in Angola had a unifying effect on an otherwise fragmenting state.
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Catoto Capitango, João Adolfo, Mirtha Silvana Garat de Marin, Emmanuel Soriano Flores, Marco Antonio Rojo Gutiérrez, Mónica Gracia Villar, and Frigdiano Álvaro Durántez Prados. "Inequalities and Asymmetries in the Development of Angola’s Provinces: The Impact of Colonialism and Civil War." Social Sciences 11, no. 8 (July 28, 2022): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11080334.
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Angola, as with many countries on the African continent, has great inequalities or asymmetries between its provinces. At the economic, financial, and technological level, there is a great disparity between them, where it is observed that the province of Luanda is the largest financial business center to the detriment of others, such as Moxico, Zaire, and Cabinda. In the latter, despite the advantages of high oil production, from a regional point of view, they remain almost stagnant in time, in a social dysfunction where the population lives on extractivism and artisanal fishing. This article analyzes the most important events in contemporary regional history, the Portuguese occupation that was the Portuguese colonial rule over Angola (1890–1930) and the civil war that was a struggle between Angolans for control of the country (1975–2002), in the consolidation of the asymmetries between provinces. For this work, a theoretical-reflective study was conducted based on the reading of books, articles, and previous investigations on the phenomenon studied. Considering the interpretation and analysis of the theoretical content obtained through the bibliographic research conducted, this theoretical construction approaches the qualitative approach. We conclude that the deep inequalities between regions and within them, between the provinces studied, originated historically in the form of exploitation of the regions and from the consequences of the war. The asymmetries, observed through the variables studied show that the provinces historically explored and considered object regions present a lower growth compared to those that were considered subject regions in which the applied geopolitical strategy, as they are centers of primary production flows, was different. We also observe that, due to the conflicts of the civil war in the less developed regions, the inequalities have deepened, contributing seriously to a higher level of poverty and a lower development of the provinces where these conflicts took place.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"
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Oliveira, Ariel Rolim 1986. "Angola em guerras : Jonas Savimbi e as linguagens da nação." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279137.
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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O líder político Jonas Savimbi ocupou uma posição privilegiada de observação dos entrecruzamentos das linguagens segundo as quais se lutou a guerra em Angola. O nexo entre as esferas global e local do conflito, incluindo aí seus diferentes códigos de reportagem, pode ser apreendido a partir da análise das lideranças - entendidas aqui, não como indivíduos, mas como catalisadores de "comunidades imaginadas". Atento ao plano das estratégias dos agentes que, mesmo se relacionando a referências discursivas inconciliáveis e irredutíveis umas às outras, na prática, conformaram uma rede de inimizades produtiva - e aí surge uma dimensão completamente desvinculada dos modelos e discursos. A questão que coloco aqui é em que medida a noção de "inimigo" como categoria de alteridade no plano das relações práticas, entrevista nos discursos de Savimbi, pode nos ajudar a compreender o cenário de disparidades e a multiplicidade de formas de conflito que o caso angolano comporta. Volto-me aos códigos mobilizados por cada um dos contendores na significação da luta como condição para que, fugindo dos preceitos dos modelos a que cada um se reporta nesse processo, possamos ver a guerra como uma arena de interações onde os atores se comunicam ou, ao menos, se reconhecem (no duplo sentido do termo) para melhor lutar. Sigo a hipótese de que a guerra tenha sido uma rede prática de trocas violentas (jamais simétricas) não só de projéteis, mas também de nomes e códigos entre os contendores que iriam moldar de forma decisiva o imaginário nacional angolano - um país cujas fronteiras mais ou menos arbitrárias haviam sido herança direta do colonialismo português. Nesse sentido, cada umas das partes em disputa necessitavam criar um discurso nacional unificador - concorrente ao rival. Os beligerantes mantinham uma esfera de aliança tácita, mas não expressa, em torno da construção e manutenção da plausibilidade nacional
Abstract: The political leader Jonas Savimbi has occupied a privileged observing position of the language crossings according to which the war in Angola was fought. The nexus between global and local dimensions of this conflict (the different codes of report there included), can be apprehended from the analysis of the leaders - understood, here, not as individuals, but as catalyzers of "imagined communities". I focus on the plan of the agents' strategies that, even if in relation to irreconcilable references of discourse to one another, in practice, comprehend a productive net of enmity. Therefore a dimension completely detached from models rises. The question I pose here is: in which measure the notion of "enemy" as a category of alterity on the plan of practical relations - glimpsed in the speeches of Savimbi - can help us to understand the set of disparities and multiplicity of ways of conflict that the Angolan case bears? I turn myself to the codes mobilized by each of the contenders to ascribe meaning to the fight as a condition - escaping the tenets of the models to which each one reports in this process - for us to see the war as an arena of interaction where de actors communicate or, at least, acknowledge (in the double meaning of the term) themselves to better fight. I follow the hypothesis that the war has been a practical net of violent (and never symmetrical) exchange not only of bullets, but also of names and codes between contenders who would engrave the imagery of Angola in a decisive way - a country which its more or less arbitrary borders had been a direct heritage from the Portuguese colonialism. In this sense, each part in the dispute needed to create a rival national unifying discourse. The belligerents kept a level of tacit alliance, though not expressed, around the construction e maintenance of national plausibility
Mestrado
Antropologia Social
Mestre em Antropologia Social
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Butler, Shannon Rae. "Into the Storm: American Covert Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, 1974-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195354.
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Angola’s civil war in the mid-1970s has an important role to play in the ongoing debate within the diplomatic history community over how best to explain American foreign policy. As such, this dissertation uses the Angolan crisis as a case study to investigate and unravel the reasons for the American covert intervention on behalf of two pro-Western liberation movements: the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto, and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. That Angola is a late 20th century example of foreign intervention is not disputed. However, the more significant and difficult questions surrounding this Cold War episode, which are still debated and which directly relate to the purpose of this study, are first, “Why did the United States involve itself in Angola when it had previously ignored Portugal’s African colonies, preferring to side with its NATO partner and to maintain its distance from Angola’s national liberation movements?” Was it really, as the Ford Administration asserted, a case of the United States belatedly responding to Soviet expansionism and Kremlin-supported aggression by Agostinho Neto’s leftist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Secondly, “Exactly when did the United States intervene, and was this intervention largely responsible for the ensuing escalation of violence and external involvement in Angola affairs?” In other words, as suggested by the House Select Committee on Intelligence, was the Soviet Union’s intervention in response to the American decision to allocate $300,000 to Holden Roberto’s National Front in January 1975? If so, then contrary to the Ford Administration’s official account of the crisis, the United States - and not the Soviet Union - was the initial provocateur in the conflict that left the resource-rich West African nation in a ruinous, perpetual state of warfare into the early 21st century.
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Rodella-Boitreaud, Aude-Sophie. "Three essays in the applied microeconomics of conflict : the impact of landmines and war violence on social capital, socio-economic reintegration, child health and household income in Angola." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010CLF10320.
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The research presented in this dissertation addresses the issue of the direct and indirect impact of war violence on the different components of households’ welfare and reintegration during and after the civil conflict that affected Angola from 1975 to 2002. Informed by the dynamics and specificities of the Angolan conflict, we generate exogeneous variation in the intensity of direct (conflict-related deaths) and indirect war violence (landmine contamination). Impacts are found to be contrasted and to extend beyond the immediate site of occurrence of those events. The findings presented contribute to improving the understanding of the impact of direct and indirect war violence impact on household as well as to the refining its implications for social and economic reconstruction. The results also highlight the role of resilience and coping mechanisms in fending off the impact of war violenceLes travaux de recherche présentés dans cette thèse s’attachent à examiner la question de l’impact direct et indirect des violences liées au conflit qui a dévasté l’Angola de 1975 à 2002 sur les ménages. Des variations exogènes de l’intensité des violences de guerre directe (décès directement liés au conflit) et indirecte (implantation de champs de mines) ont été générées après étude approfondie des dynamiques et spécificités du conflit angolais. Les résultats présentés permettent de conclure que l’impact des violences de guerre est contrasté (positif et négatif) et qu’il s’étend au-delà du lieu où ces violences ont été perpétrées. Ces résultats contribuent ainsi à l’amélioration de la compréhension de l’impact direct et indirect des violences de guerre sur les populations civiles à l’échelle des ménages ainsi qu’à une meilleure appréciation de leurs implications en termes de reconstruction sociale et économique. Les résultats soulignent également le rôle de la résilience et des mécanismes d’adaptation des ménages dans la réduction de l’impact de la violence de guerre
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Fobanjong, John M. "Interventionary alliances in civil conflicts." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184749.
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This study argues that foreign intervention is not a concept that could lend itself to any theoretical inquiry. It is a norm that is applicable mainly in juridical inquiries and in systems theory. It is a norm in systems theory in that the system is made up of two important elements: (1) the distribution of resources; and (2) the norms of conduct that accompany the resources. As a systemic norm, the norm of nonintervention seeks to guarantee stability and predictability in the international system. It is a juridical norm in that it calls either for the indictment or vindication for the violation of sovereign sanctity. It produces a dichotomous debate (such as legal/illegal; right/wrong; etc.) that has none of the operational ingredients of a theory. If foreign intervention is a norm and not a theoretical concept, it means therefore that social scientists have yet to come up with a theory for the study of the pervasive phenomenon of foreign involvement in civil conflicts. Conceptual tools such as 'power theory,' and the psychoanalysis of perceptions/misperceptions have been used by social scientists to study the Vietnam, Nicaragua and other wars simply for lack of more specific conceptual tools. While these concepts have been successful in describing and in explaining these conflicts, they still in a sense remain broad conceptual tools. Explaining the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan in terms of the power theory rationale of national security interest, or the U.S. involvement there in terms of the psychoanalysis of perceived Soviet expansionism only recreate a dichotomous, non-dialectic evaluation of "who's wrong/who's right" elements of the conflict. Crucial factors such as factionalization, escalation, and stalemate, remain unexplained and unaccounted for when these broad concepts are used to analyze such conflicts. It is for this reason that the present study tailors the concept of "Interventionary Alliance" in a manner that addresses both systemic as well as subsystemic properties, internal as well as external (f)actors; and provides explanations that account for the escalations and stalemates that are characteristic of the civil conflicts that proliferate our present international system.
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Pearce, Justin. "Control, ideology and identity in civil war : the Angolan Central Highlands 1965-2002." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a1eaeab2-9116-45d8-8df3-47b967fd9f1f.
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This thesis examines the relationship between political movements and people during the civil war between Angola’s MPLA government and the UNITA rebels in the Central Highlands region. It shows how conflicting ideas about political legitimacy originating in anticolonial struggle informed leaders’ decisions and formed the basis of their efforts to politicise people. Much existing literature sees civil conflict in terms of rebellion against a state, motivated by grievance or by the desire for loot. I argue against such an approach in the Angolan case, since the MPLA and UNITA originated from different strands of nationalism, and neither achieved complete control over Angola’s territory and people. Instead, I draw on constructivist approaches to statehood in analysing the war as a contest in which both sides invoked ideas of the state in asserting their legitimacy. The MPLA state controlled the cities while UNITA established rural bases and a bush capital, Jamba. Violence, often involving the capture of people, occurred at the margins of the areas of influence. Within each zone, each movement controlled public discourse to make its control hegemonic. Each presented itself as the authentic representative of the Angolan nation and condemned the other movement as the agent of foreign interests. These nationalist claims were given substance by processes of state building, more fully realised by the MPLA than by UNITA. Each movement’s claim to statehood served to legitimise its own violence while criminalising the violence of the other side. Public dissent was prohibited in either zone, but people’s responses to politicisation ranged from genuine support, to co-operating only as necessary to avoid punishment, depending largely on their degree of involvement in the state building process. War itself was central to constituting perceptions of common interest, and political actors’ capacity to manipulate perceptions depended largely on military control.
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Nzovo, Tiago Bassika. "Habitação social para além da sobrevivência: caso dos bairros Zango I e II em Luanda, Angola (2002- 2012)." Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina, 2012. http://tede.udesc.br/handle/handle/1358.
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Previous issue date: 2012-02-13Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The research problem presented in this dissertation rises from the promise made by the government of Angola which is to build, in the period of 2008 to 2012, one million habitation units at national level. This is a national project, announced during the parliamentary elections of 2008, a scene of destruction 26 years of civil war from 1976 to 2002. Such project has, among other objectives, to transform Angola into a prosperous country, where hunger and poverty has to be eradicated, by having an efficient administration and a strong, democratic and modern State, giving the Angolan people the highest standards of living and social welfare. The objective of this study was to describe the implementation of the Project Habitação um Desafio para Todos in the suburbs Zango I and II, located in Luanda, capital of Angola, from the perspective of individuals who were benefited by it. The methodology used in this research was based on a qualitative research which is supported by semistructured interviews, whose target audience were twenty-three people, including fourteen residents of the suburbs Zango I and II, and three residents of the old housing project in the Colonial District Congolese/Luanda. Five people of this project were also interviewed, including the general director of the NGO Action for Rural Development and Environment ANDRA. In addition, participative observations were made, as well as official documents were used from programs and projects of the Angolan government, including sources of national and international civil organizations. Among the main results, it is highlighted that the government decreased the target of one million homes to 350,091. The suburbs Zango I, II and III have recently ten thousand social habitation units and about 160,000 residents from the peripheral suburbs of the city, but there is still a lack of portable water and hospital, mainly. It was also observed that the part of the displaced population in the city centre is still accommodated in temporary shelters made of zinc sheets, in poor conditions, while they wait for the possession of their habitation units. Among the conclusions, it was observed that the way of planning and decisions extremely centralized in the top of the central government have contributed to the disorganization in the process of monitoring the quality of the work, as well as in the goal accomplishments, taking into account that if such scenery remains, the suburbs Zango I and II will be in the eminence of growing slums
O problema de pesquisa desta dissertação parte da promessa feita pelo governo de Angola em construir, no período dos anos 2008 a 2012, um milhão de habitações em nível nacional. Trata-se de um projeto de âmbito nacional, lançado no período da realização das eleições legislativas de 2008, em um cenário de destruição de 26 anos de guerra civil, de 1976 a 2002. Tal projeto visa, dentre outros objetivos, à transformação de Angola num país próspero, em que seja erradicada a fome e a miséria, com uma administração eficiente e um Estado forte, democrático e moderno, proporcionando ao povo angolano os mais altos padrões de vida e de bem estar social. O objetivo deste estudo foi descrever a implantação do projeto Habitação um desafio para todos , nos bairros Zango I e II, localizados na província de Luanda, capital da República de Angola, a partir da perspectiva dos sujeitos beneficiados pelo mesmo. A metodologia utilizada foi baseada na pesquisa qualitativa, com o apoio entrevistas semiestruturadas, cujo público alvo foi 23 atores, dos quais, quatorze moradores dos bairros Zango I e II, três moradores do antigo projeto habitacional colonial no bairro Congolenses/Luanda. Foram também entrevistados cinco responsáveis ligados ao projeto habitação um desafio para todos, e o Diretor Geral da ONG-Ação para o Desenvolvimento Rural e Ambiente ADRA. Por outro lado, ocorreram observações participativas, além de terem sido utilizados documentos oficiais de programas e projetos do governo angolano, bem como fontes de informação de organizações civis nacionais e internacionais. Entre os principais resultados, destaca-se que o governo diminuiu a meta de um milhão de habitações para 350.091. Os bairros Zangos I, II E III contam, atualmente, com dez mil habitações sociais e cerca de 160.000 moradores provenientes dos bairros periféricos da cidade, mas ainda há carência de água potável e hospitais principalmente. Verificou-se, também, que parte da população desalojada do centro da cidade ainda se encontra alojada em abrigos provisórios feitos de tendas e chapas de zinco, em condições carentes, enquanto aguardam pela posse da habitação. Entre as principais conclusões, constatou-se que, o planejamento e decisões extremamente centralizadas no topo do governo central têm contribuído nas falhas e desorganização no processo de fiscalização da qualidade das obras e no cumprimento das metas, acreditando que se tal cenário permanecer, Zangos estarão na eminência de favelização
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Djimeu, Wouabe Eric. "Essays on Civil War, HIV/AIDS, and Human capital in Sub-Saharan African Countries." Phd thesis, Université d'Auvergne - Clermont-Ferrand I, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00599616.
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This thesis is based on three essays. The first chapter analyses the impact of 27 years of civil war in Angola on human capital, expenditures per adult equivalent and fertility. The prediction of the effects of civil war is done through a neoclassical unitary household model in the tradition of Rosenzweig. Using instrumental variable method, this thesis shows that civil war has a negative and disastrous impact in short-term on health of children, this effect is persistent. Civil war has no impact on expenditures per adult equivalent. It increases enrollment and decreases fertility in the short term. The second chapter ofthis thesis analyzes the effectiveness of a social program in a conflict country such as Angola and explores whether this effectiveness depends on the intensity of the conflict. Our identification strategy is based on the political geography of the deployment of the program based on a model of spatial competition of Hotelling. This thesis shows that the Angola Social Fund had a positive impact on expenditures per adult equivalent and on one of the main anthropometric measurements namely the height for age z-score. The program's effectiveness in function to the intensity of the conflict is analyzed using the local instrumental variable estimator. The thesis shows that the program's effectiveness increases with the intensity of the conflict. The last chapter of this thesis analyzes in the case of Cameroon, the impact of teacher training on HIV/AIDS. The two criteria for selecting participating schools, leads us to choose as identification strategy the regression discontinuity design. This thesis shows that 15 to 17 year old girls in teacher training schools are between 7 and 10 percentage points less likely to have started childbearing. For 12 to 13 year old girls, the likelihood of self-reported abstinence and condom use is also significantly higher in treated schools.
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Koné, Amadou. "La guerre civile angolaise de 1991 à 2002." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040191.
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Cette thèse étudie la persistance du conflit angolais entre 1991 et 2002. Elle entend revenir sur les causes de la faillite des processus de paix de Bicesse et de Lusaka. La signature des accords de Bicesse entre le MPLA et l’UNITA, le 31 mai 1991, ne permit guère à l’Angola d’accéder à une paix durable. Après les élections des 29 et 30 septembre 1992, la guerre reprit sur l’ensemble du territoire. Le gouvernement MPLA et l’UNITA signèrent un nouvel accord de paix à Lusaka le 30 novembre 1994. Mais, celui-ci n’eut guère plus de réussite que le précédent malgré l’inauguration d’un Gouvernement d’unité et de réconciliation nationale en avril 1997. Les deux camps s'affrontèrent de nouveau en décembre 1998 et fut alimentée par les entrées d’armes au profit des deux camps, qui finançaient leur effort de guerre grâce au pétrole pour le MPLA et aux diamants pour l’UNITA. L’affaiblissement politique et militaire de l’UNITA permit au MPLA de défaire ce mouvement en tuant son chef le 22 février 2002This PhD dissertation examines the persistence of the Angolan conflict between 1991 and 2002. It goes back over the causes of the failure of the Bicesse and Lusaka peace processes. The signing of the Bicesse accords between MPLA and UNITA, on May 31st, 1991, did not permit Angola to reach a lasting peace. After the elections, which took place on September 29 and 30, 1992, the war started again on the whole territory. The MPLA government and UNITA signed a new peace accord in Lusaka on November 30,1994. Nevertheless, it had as little success as the former peace accord, despite the inauguration of a new government of unity and national reconciliation in April 1997. A new war began in December 1998 and was fueled by weapon supplies for the two groups, which financed their war effort thanks to oil resources for MPLA and diamonds for UNITA. UNITA's political and military weakening allowed MPLA to defeat this organization by killing its leader on February 22nd, 2002
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Paiva, Miguel Frederico Cavazzini Botha de. "O acesso e a qualidade do ensino primário público em Angola (2002-2012) : estudo de caso das províncias de Benguela, Huambo, Bié e Moxico." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/11631.
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Doutoramento em Estudos de DesenvolvimentoO presente estudo de caso comparativo pretende analisar a evolução da cobertura escolar e acessibilidade física e socioeconómica ao ensino primário público nas províncias angolanas de Benguela, Huambo, Bié e Moxico, entre 2002 e 2012. O estudo visa ainda aferir a qualidade de um conjunto de elementos determinantes para o aproveitamento escolar e resultados das aprendizagens nessas províncias, outrora unidas pelo Caminho de Ferro de Benguela mas cuja destruição poderá ter causado disparidades geográficas. Considerando os efeitos da longa guerra civil e as principais reformas políticas ocorridas nesse período, o estudo parte da hipótese de investigação de que, não obstante a rápida expansão do ensino primário, os problemas ao nível do acesso e qualidade tendem a acentuar-se ao longo do Corredor do Lobito, consoante aumenta o afastamento aos centros de decisão económica e política, localizados no litoral do país. Através da recolha e análise de um conjunto de dados quantitativos e qualitativos em cada uma das províncias, o estudo conclui que existem importantes assimetrias regionais e que, de um modo geral, a hipótese de investigação verifica-se ao nível dos principais indicadores de acesso. Em relação à qualidade do ensino primário, medida através dos resultados das aprendizagens, a validade da hipótese de investigação verifica-se apenas parcialmente (de Benguela ao Bié), uma vez que os resultados encontrados no Moxico são bastante satisfatórios e tornam-no um caso de sucesso relativamente às restantes províncias, graças a um conjunto de fatores relacionados com a construção escolar, a formação dos professores e o programa de merenda escolar.
This comparative case study aims to analyze the progress in school coverage and in both physical and socioeconomic accessibility to public primary education in the Angolan provinces of Benguela, Huambo, Bié and Moxico, between 2002 and 2012, as well as to assess the quality of a set of critical elements for academic performance and learning results The destruction of the Benguela Railway, that once connected these provinces, could have caused geographical disparities in access and quality of primary education. Considering the effects of the long civil war and major political reforms that have taken place in that period, the research hypothesis of this study was that, despite the impressive expansion of primary education, there are barriers in terms of access and quality. These tend to aggravate along the Lobito Corridor, as the distance to the gravity centers of economic and political decision located in the country's coast increases. Upon the collection and analysis of a set of quantitative and qualitative data in each of the provinces, the study concludes that there are significant regional disparities and that, in general, the research hypothesis is verified among the main indicators of access. Regarding the quality of primary education, measured by learning results, the hypothesis is only partially valid (from Benguela to Bié), as the results found in Moxico turn out to be quite satisfactory and make this province a success story in comparison to the remaining provinces, thanks to a set of factors related to school construction, teacher training and school meals.
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Oliveira, de Araujo Kelly Cristina. "Politique et militarisme en Angola : les relations entre le Mouvement Populaire de Libération de l’Angola (MPLA) et l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) 1965-1985." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040209.
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L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence militaire de l’Union Soviétique, qui s’exerça à un degré élevé en comparaison avec d’autres pays dans le contexte d’une bipolarité mondiale. Du point de vue idéologique, l’influence soviétique se manifesta dans des actions de l’Etat angolais en ce que cela touchait à la construction d’un sentiment et d’une identité nationale, ainsi que dans l’appartenance à une nation angolaise, objectivée dans le processus de constitution de l’Homme Nouveau, promu par le Parti-Etat. Du point de vue militaire, l’implication de Moscou dans la guerre en Angola nous a amené à conclure que dans ce territoire les Soviétiques donnèrent une plus grande importance à la consolidation de l’Etat en ce qui touchait la sécurité et le renforcement des appareils politiques, en fournissant matériel et le soutien consultatif pour les forces militaires de l’Angola, bien qu'il soit important de remarquer que les Soviétiques n'ont pas contrôlé la politique intérieure du paysAngola became independent from Portugal on 11 November 1975, in the midst of internal disputes that led to the outbreak of civil war caused by the fact that the MPLA unilaterally declared independence in Luanda. This moment has been determined largely by the support received from Cuba and the Eastern bloc, specifically the USSR during the 14 years of anti-colonial struggle. In the post-independence period, between 1975 and 1991, although Soviet military bases were not been installed in Angola, it should be noted the political-ideological influence and military presence of the Soviet Union, which exercised a high degree compared with other countries in the context of global bipolarity. From an ideological point of view, Soviet influence was manifested in the actions of the Angolan government in that it affected the building and a sense of national identity, as well as membership in an Angolan nation, objectified in the process of formation of the New Man, promoted by the Party-state. From a military point of view, the involvement of Moscow in the war in Angola has led us to conclude that in this territory the Soviets gave greater importance to the consolidation of the state in which affected the safety and building equipment policies, providing material and advisory support to the military forces of Angola, although it is important to note that the Soviets did not control the internal politics of the country
Books on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"
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Venter, Al J. War in Angola. New Territories, Hong Kong: Concord Publications Co., 1992.
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Campbell, Horace. War and peace in Angola. [Harare: Institute of Development Studies, University of Zimbabwe, 1995.
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Jaime, Drumond. Angola: Depoimentos para a história recente. Lisboa: Edições D. Jaime/H. Baber, 1999.
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Campbell, Horace. Humanitarianism, war, and the recolonization of Angola. Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe: SAPES Books, 1997.
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Brittain, Victoria. Death of dignity: Angola's civil war. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1998.
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Brennan, Tom. Uprooted Angolans: From crisis to catastrophe. Washington, D.C. (815 15th St., N.W., Suite 610, Washington, D.C., 20005): U.S. Committee for Refugees, 1987.
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Holocausto em Angola: Memórias entre o cárcere e o cemitério. Lisboa: Nova Vega, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Angola Civil War, 1975-2002"
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Ferreira, Manuel Ennes. "Angola: Civil War and the Manufacturing Industry, 1975–1999." In Arming the South, 251–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230501256_12.
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Shearman, Peter. "The Angolan Civil War, 1975-6." In The Soviet Union and Cuba, 33–44. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003349419-5.
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Żądło, Łukasz. "Wpływ stosunków z państwami ościennymi oraz wybranymi organizacjami międzynarodowymi na kształt systemu politycznego Angoli w latach 1975–2002." In Jedność z różnorodności. Zbiór studiów nad różnymi aspektami dziejów Afryki, 235–62. University of Warsaw Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.9788323556565.pp.235-262.
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The main goal of this paper is to present the relationships between Angola and neighbouring states and show how those relationships influenced the development of Angolan state structure. This will allow for presenting a set of political, social, and economic interdependencies between Angola and its neighbours. This, in turn, will serve to verify the hypothesis that Angola as a state has become a stabilizer of security in the region. An important aspect that also influenced the shape of the political system, and was therefore also taken into account, is Angola’s relations with international organizations such as the United Nations, Comecon, and the Organization of African Unity. The period that has been analyzed is 1975–2002, that is, from the regaining of independence to the end of the civil war in Angola. This period was chosen because of its crucial nature for the history of modern Angola: it was then that the foundations for the present Angolan state were shaped in practice, and the process itself also influenced all the states of the region. The political system of Angola formed under the influence of wars, including civil wars, which also determined the relationship that Angola has today with its neighbours, who took an active part in those wars. The paper also considers the relationship that Angola’s major political parties of the period had with neighbouring states and the political groupings that were active there, and the involvement of those states in the events of Angola’s civil war. Aspects of the Cold War are also covered, in particular the division of influence between the USSR, Cuba, China, and the USA. The methodology that was used in the creation of the paper is the analysis of historical written sources and newspaper and scientific articles.
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von Bernstorff, Jochen. "The Battle for the Recognition of Wars of National Liberation." In The Battle for International Law, 52–70. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849636.003.0003.
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The chapter revisits the third world struggle for a full legal recognition of ‘wars of national liberation’ in the 1960s and 70s. Supported by famous United Nations (UN) resolutions, the growing number of ‘newly independent states’ had managed to confer increasing institutional legitimacy to the still-ongoing struggles for independence by incriminating colonialism and racism, as well as by actively promoting support for third-world self-determination. Armed revolts of independence movements against colonial or racist rule between 1945 and 1975, for example in Indonesia, Vietnam, Algeria, Kenya, Namibia, Angola, Guinea, and Western Sahara, figured as ‘wars of national liberation’ in various UN resolutions. Led from beginning to the victorious end by Georges Abi-Saab, the G77 battle for the full recognition of wars of national liberation framed these wars as ‘defensive’ military actions against continuing foreign ‘aggression’ through colonialism. During the 1960s and early 1970s, this move was strongly opposed by most Western authors, who argued that these conflicts were internal struggles and thus merely ‘civil wars’ or legitimate reactions to ‘terrorist’ activities. The chapter argues that even though the third world could ultimately secure a victory in this legal struggle, it could not prevent that Cold War interventionism of the superpowers and the former metropoles, as well as proxy-wars, nationalism and militarization further destabilized the societies in the ‘newly independent states’. decolonization, international legal transformations, Bandung, hegemony, boundary drawing, Sattelzeit, law of the sea, use of force, humanitarian law, human rights law