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1

Yazykova, E. I. "Russia — Africa: old friends and perspective partners (on the example of Angola and Mozambique)." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 11 (November 15, 2023): 518–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2306-07.

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The article analyzes diplomatic, trade and economic relations, as well as military-technical cooperation between Russia and Angola, Russia and Mozambique caused by the growing role of African countries in world politics and economy. These African states traditionally hold a special place in the Russian, and previously Soviet, foreign policy. In the 21st century Africa is one of the most dynamically developing and promising regions in the world, which is reflected in the Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. This is evidenced by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s recent activit
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Jackson, Steven F. "China's Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–93." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 388–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034986.

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The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty. Mao ZedongIn the middle of October 1975, a dusty column of South African troops, equipped with armoured cars and helicopters, rumbled north into Angola, further internationalizing the already complex civil war there. The South African attack not only broadened the war, prompting an even greater Cuban intervention, it also posed a dilemma for China, which supported the same Angolan parties as did South Africa: should China follow its policy of tit-for-tat o
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Marcum, John A. "Angola: The Present Opportunity." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050078x.

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As remote and improbable a venue for a crisis in American foreign policy as Quemoy or the Gulf of Tonkin, Angola (1975) came to assume a Munich-like symbolism in the calculations of Americans who perceived a threat of Soviet expansionism into the third world during the latter years of the Brezhnev era. Smarting from a political/military shutout in Angola that came on the heels of a humiliating American exodus from Saigon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pointed to Angola as the “principal” cause of a deterioration in U.S.-Soviet relations. Subsequent policy confrontations over Ethiopia, Afg
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4

Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.

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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation mov
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Hoekstra, Quint. "The effect of foreign state support to UNITA during the Angolan War (1975–1991)." Small Wars & Insurgencies 29, no. 5-6 (2018): 981–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2018.1519312.

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Won, Tae Joon. "British ‘Guilt’ Concerning Anglo-New Zealand Relations and the Migration of Former IRA Detainees, 1970-1977." Institute of British and American Studies 58 (June 30, 2023): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.25093/ibas.2023.58.173.

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This article examines how Britain’s deteriorating relations with New Zealand in the early 1970s rendered the London government to accommodate the Wellington administration’s foreign policy decisions at the risk of exposing Britain’s contentious internal policy arrangements to the wider world. Britain’s decision in the late 1960s and early 1970s to withdraw her troops from Southeast Asia and to join the European Economic Community had a negative impact on her diplomatic relations with various Commonwealth partners, including her traditionally strong bond with New Zealand. This was evident in th
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Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 4 (2006): 98–146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.98.

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This article explores the role that Cuba played in Africa after its dispatch of 36,000 soldiers to Angola in late 1975 and the first few months of 1976. The article focuses on the two most important aspects of Cuba's policy in Africa after 1976: its intervention in Ethiopia in 1977–1978; and its continuing presence in Angola, a presence that continued until 1991. The article analyzes Cuba's motivations, the extent to which Fidel Castro's policy was a function of Soviet demands, and the effect of Cuba's policy in Africa on relations with the United States. The concluding section offers an asses
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Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 2 (2006): 3–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.2.3.

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Drawing on thousands of pages of documents from the closed Cuban archives, from U.S. archives, and from the former East German archives, as well as published materials, this article explores the role that Cuba played in Africa after its dramatic dispatch of 36,000 soldiers to Angola in late 1975 and the first few months of 1976. The article focuses on the two most important aspects of Cuba's policy in Africa after 1976: its intervention in Ethiopia in 1977–1978 and its continuing presence in Angola, a presence that continued until 1991. The article analyzes Cuba's motivations, the extent to wh
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9

Burlingham, Kate. "“Into the Thick of the Fray”." Social Sciences and Missions 28, no. 3-4 (2015): 261–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02803014.

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This article considers American foreign relations with Angola by exploring the application of so-called adaptive education. Beginning in 1919, black American missionaries at the Congregational Galangue mission station instituted systems of schooling originally developed among freedmen and women in the American South after the Civil War. These pedagogies were specifically designed to educate black Americans without upsetting dominant white structures. When transferred to Angola, these same teachings helped to empower Angolans economically and, ultimately, politically. And yet, they carried with
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10

Sobers, Candace. "Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism: Angola and the International System, 1974–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00854.

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This article explores the escalation of tensions surrounding Angola's independence from Portugal in 1975, when a protracted war of national liberation escalated sharply into an international crisis. Rather than see Angola as merely a proxy war, the article depicts the varied responses to Angolan anti-colonial nationalism as consequences of “internationalization,” or the deliberate and endogenous process of framing the struggle for Angolan independence in global terms. By establishing Angolan independence as part of a worldwide battle against imperialism, racism, and Western hegemony in the ear
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Osipov, Evgeny. "The USSR and the Angolan Crisis of 1975—1976. Based on Materials from the Archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs." ISTORIYA 15, no. 11 (145) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840033231-3.

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The article, based on documents from the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, most of which have not been previously introduced into scientific circulation, examines the evolution of Soviet policy in the Angolan crisis of 1975—1976. As the situation in Angola developed and the civil war began, Moscow went from moderate and largely indirect (through the Republic of the Congo) support for the people’s Marxist movement MPLA to more active and substantial support for the People’s Republic of Angola after its proclamation by MPLA leader Augustinho Neto on November 11, 1975. According
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Voevodskiy, Alexander. "he USSR and the Cold War Crises in Black Africa." ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025591-9.

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The article examines the peculiarities of Soviet policy in Africa and its evolution in the 1960s and 1970s by the example of three regional crises of the Cold War — the Congolese crisis of 1960—1965, the Angolan crisis of 1975 and the Ogaden War of 1977—1978. The USSR worked its way up from the defeat in the Congo, when the Soviet leadership had a vague idea of African realities, to participation in repelling foreign intervention in Angola in 1975 and providing massive military assistance to Ethiopia in 1977—1978. The scale of these operations, which were carried out at a considerable distance
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Vos, Jelmer. "Coffee Frontier in Proto-Colonial and Colonial Angola." Commodity Frontiers, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/cf.2021a18078.

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Coffee plantations were unquestionably one of the defining features of Angola’s colonial landscape. From the 1870s to independence, coffee was the main export of this former Portuguese colony, barring a couple of intervals during which rubber and diamonds held first place. During this time, Angola ranked consistently among the world’s largest robusta producers, which it might still have been today had the country’s civil war (1975-2002) not made commercial farming all but impossible. In Angolan popular memory, coffee occupies an ambivalent position: for some people it brings up memories of col
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Čavoški, Jovan. "“Yugoslavia's Help Was Extraordinary”: Political and Material Assistance from Belgrade to the MPLA in Its Rise to Power, 1961–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00857.

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Based on newly declassified documents from former Yugoslav archives, this article reconstructs the process of material and political assistance that was rendered to the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) by Yugoslavia throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s until the time of Angola's independence and the beginning of the Angolan civil war in 1975. The archival evidence demonstrates that Yugoslavia's assistance to the MPLA guerrillas was one of the crucial factors that enabled the organization not only to survive the vicissitudes of international politics, but also to preserv
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15

Miller, Jamie. "Yes, Minister: Reassessing South Africa's Intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975–1976." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (2013): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00368.

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In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagoni
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16

De Medeiros Carvalho, Pedro Miguel Amakasu Raposo. "Japan's Foreign Aid Policy to Angola and Mozambique." Politikon 38, no. 2 (2011): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2011.580131.

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17

Ho, Dieu Huyen. "Cooperation in the medical sector between Vietnam and Angola." Ministry of Science and Technology, Vietnam 64, no. 10 (2022): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31276/vjst.64(10).59-64.

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Vietnam and Angola have established official diplomatic relations since November 12, 1975. After 47 years of cooperation, Angola has become one of the important partners of Vietnam in the African region. Medical cooperation between the two countries has been established since the signing of the Agreement on Cooperation in the health sector in 1984. By analysing the relevant sources of documents, the research aims to evaluate the status of medical cooperation between the two countries in areas such as exchange of experts, medical equipment support, and cooperation in disease prevention and cont
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18

Macqueen, Norrie. "An Ill Wind? Rethinking the Angolan Crisis and the Portuguese Revolution, 1974–1976." Itinerario 26, no. 2 (2002): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009128.

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Just before midnight on 10 November 1975 Portugal's high commissioner in Angola, along with the last remnants of the Portuguese army in Africa, embarked for Lisbon. Earlier in the day he had formally transferred sovereignty not to a successor government but to ‘the Angolan people’, a formulation which permitted Portugal to ‘decolonise’ without taking sides in the civil war which was at that time reaching its climax in Angola. Immediately the perfunctory ceremony in Luanda ended, the Portuguese officials left at speed for the harbour and the relative safety of their ships which departed immedia
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19

Kloiber, Andrew. "Brewing Relations: Coffee, East Germany, and Laos." Gastronomica 17, no. 4 (2017): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.4.61.

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This investigation contributes to studies of post-1945 Europe and the Cold War by examining the culture, economics, and politics surrounding the consumption of a single commodity in East Germany, coffee. Coffee was associated with many cultural values and traditions that became tied to the GDR's official image of socialism. When the regime's ability to supply this good was jeopardized in 1975–77, the government sought out new sources of coffee in the developing, so-called Third World. East Germany entered into long-term trade and development projects with countries such as Angola, Ethiopia, La
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20

Newitt, Malyn. "The Late Colonial State in Portuguese Africa." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (1999): 110–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024608.

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Since their independence in 1975 the former Portuguese African colonies of Guiné, Angola and Mozambique have been notorious for their instability, while the microstate of Sāo Tome has sunk to become one of the poorest and most debt-burdened countries in the world. The easiest explanation for these disasters can be found in the circumstances of the Portuguese withdrawal from Africa and the maelstrom of the final phases of the Cold War in which these states became embroiled. But are these explanations adequate?
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21

Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.

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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outsid
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22

Kahn, Owen Ellison. "Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 3 (1987): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165843.

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This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this
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Castelo, Cláudia, and Daniel Melo. "Autobiography of Colonial Angola: Memoirs of a Civil Administrator's Wife (1945-1975)." Lusotopie 13, no. 1 (2006): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/176830806777584841.

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24

Pisarev, Alexey. "Symbol of the Case-Hardened: Camouflage Uniform of Soviet Military Adisors in Angola in 1975—1992." ISTORIYA 15, no. 7 (141) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840032117-7.

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The camouflage uniform in the Soviet army as the main type of everyday military uniform was introduced in the late 80s, and before that it was issued only to Special forces, Airborne and Marine Corps recon. The camouflage of the Soviet military was clearly associated with the concept of “elite”. Camouflage uniforms could not simply be bought at the military trade, camouflage was issued from warehouses and strictly taken into account. Foreign camouflage was completely unattainable for the Soviet military. Thus, the Angolan camouflage for the Soviet military was: 1) the subject of military fashi
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Kuznetsov, A. "Promoting Russian Economic Interests in Southern Africa." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-79-87.

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In this study Southern Africa refers to 10 countries: South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Angola and Mozambique. The author states that this region can take an important place in the general policy of the economic turn of the Russian Federation to the Global South. The Soviet Union developed close ties with some countries, supporting them in their struggle for independence, but after the collapse of the USSR, our country “left the region”. Analysis of main features of modern Russian foreign trade in goods and services, as well as foreign direct investm
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Nazario, Olga. "Brazil's Rapprochement with Cuba: The Process and the Prospect." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 3 (1986): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165708.

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The Policy of “Responsible Pragmatism,” initiated in 1974 by President Ernesto Geisel, ended Brazil's automatic alignment with the United States and sought out non-ideological ties with Third World and socialist countries instead. This change in policy led Brazil to recognize both the People's Republic of China (in 1974) and the Republic of Angola (in 1975) as well as to improve links with other socialist nations. Resumption of relations with Cuba, however, was rejected by the military regime on grounds that the socialist island did not offer either the energy resources or substantial markets
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MILLER, J. D. B. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy, January to June 1975." Australian Journal of Politics & History 21, no. 3 (2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1975.tb01148.x.

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28

HUDSON, W. J. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy, July to December 1975." Australian Journal of Politics & History 22, no. 1 (2008): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1976.tb01160.x.

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29

Rabush, Taisiуa, and Rustam Solovyev. "USSR in Civil Wars in the Countries of the Third World in the Second Half of the 1970s (On the Example of Angola and Afghanistan)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2023): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.4.13.

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Introduction. One of the features of the Cold War was the movement of the rivalry of the superpowers into local armed conflicts and civil wars that took place on the territory of other states, mainly the Third World. The article examines the process of the involvement of the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1970s in the civil wars in Angola and Afghanistan. The policy of the USSR in armed conflicts outside the zone of its military-political influence has often been the subject of scientific research, but it has rarely been subjected to comparative analysis, and the authors make such an a
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Moore, Gwen, and Stephanie Mack. "From Vietnam to Iraq: American Elites' Views on the Use of Military Force." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187450.

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AbstractIn this paper we present trends in US elites' opinions on the use of military force abroad in the period from the end of US military involvement in Vietnam in 1975 to 2004 during the 'war on terror.' With data from quadrennial surveys of US elites' foreign policy attitudes sponsored by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations since 1975, we ask whether elites have become more militaristic or whether such views have been a long term characteristic of US elites. We find support for the view of United States leaders as prone to the use of military might, even without the support of allies
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Alves, Gisela. "The impact of culture and relational quality in the cooperation between export companies and local distributors." International Journal of Business Ethics and Governance 1, no. 2 (2018): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.51325/ijbeg.v1i2.13.

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This study covers the main concepts of international marketing and relationship marketing to understand the role played by culture and the quality of cooperation relations between Portuguese exporting companies and their distributors in Angola. The aim of this research is to understand how the culture and the quality of the relations affect the established cooperation between companies, in the context of the internationalization of the business. It should be emphasized that relationships characterized by trust and commitment in international contexts have been sparsely studied, as well as the
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Romero Somme, G. "Expropriation and consequence: Peru-United States relations (1963–1975)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 4 (2022): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-34-52.

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This article studies the nature of Peru-United States relations during the period 1963–1975 through an analysis of the dispute over the potential expropriation of the US-owned International Petroleum Company. The United States government implemented a tough policy towards the first government of Fernando Belaúnde – who sough a “special” relation with the Unites States –characterized by the threat of economic sanctions if the Peruvian government did not solve the issue in favor of the company. The threat of the Hickenlooper Amendment, which sought to penalize countries that expropriated America
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Dr., Ejitu Nnechi Ota, and Chinyere S. Ecoma Dr. "NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT: THE LESSONS OF HISTORY AND OPTIONS FOR THE 21st CENTURY." International Journal of Applied and Advanced Scientific Research 1, no. 1 (2016): 9–18. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.154756.

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The logic of events and colonial legacy both largely foreordained Nigeria’s initial foreign policy options. Thus, until 1975, the country played a relatively hesitant and minimal role in international affairs, both within and outside the African continent. During the 1960s, the underlying foreign policy objectives sought not to elicit any changes in Nigeria's foreign policy. But the events of the 1970s, especially the role played by Nigeria in the liberation of Angola and Mozambique, led to a rethinking of Nigeria's leadership role in Africa. In other words, although foreign policy pursuits in
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Shepelev, Maksimilian. "ALBERTO FRANCO NOGUEIRA’S DIPLOMACY: GUARDING THE IMPERIAL HERITAGE." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Philosophy. Political science. Culturology 11, no. 77 (2025): 104–20. https://doi.org/10.29039/2413-1695-2025-11-1-104-120.

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The article deals with the peculiarities of foreign policy views and diplomatic style of the Portuguese Foreign Minister in 1961-1969. Alberto Franco Nogueira (1918-1993).Nogueira fully shared and defended in the international arena the ideal of a multiracial andpluricontinental Portugal as a sovereign state pursuing an independent path of development based on ‘lusotropicism’. He believed that the loss of overseas territories (at least the main ones — Angola and Mozambique) would be fatal for Portugal’s destiny, as it would jeopardise its independence, reduce Portugal ’s national power in rela
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Mushelenga, Peya. "Namibia’s Foreign Policy and Its Impact on Peace and Security in the Southern Africa Region: A Framework of Liberalism as a Theory of International Relations Studies." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 4 (2020): 569–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420963323.

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This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Develo
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Main, John. "Foreign aid, war, and economic development: South Vietnam, 1955–1975." International Affairs 63, no. 2 (1987): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025499.

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Ishfaq, Uroosa, Kashif Ashfaq, and Muneeba Shahid. "Pakistan's Foreign Policy in the Context of Z.A Bhutto: Towards Nonalignment." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review V, no. I (2022): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2022(v-i).02.

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US withdrawal of military support during 1965, 1971, and 1975 led to a widespread perception in Pakistan that the US was an unreliable ally and had betrayed Pakistan. Initially, their relations were cordial but later on, this alliance became weaker especially during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government. Bhutto after taking charge of the government reshaped Pakistan's internal and external politics. He adopted new dimensions regarding Pakistan's Foreign policy goals. He tried to free Pakistan from US influence and dependence and desired Pakistan to acquire nuclear capabilities. The paper aims to th
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Stafford, David A. T., Christopher Andrew, and Oleg Gordievsky. "Comrade Kryuchkov's Instructions: Top Secret Files of KGB Foreign Operations, 1975-1985." International Journal 49, no. 4 (1994): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202986.

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Markuš, Petar. "Neki aspekti političkih i ekonomskih odnosa Jugoslavije i Etiopije od 1975. do 1990." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 54, no. 2 (2022): 191–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.54.15.

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The Non-Aligned Movement formed the backbone of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy during the Cold War. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia sought to maintain, as much as possible, a balance within the Movement, which encompassed countries with differing political affiliations and systems, some of which had close relations with the opposing blocs led by the USA or USSR. After the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, which overthrew Emperor Haile Sellasie, the country was led by the Derg, a junta officially known as the Provisional Military Administrative Council, which was in 1977
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Jarząbek, Wanda. "The Impact of the German Question on Polish Attitudes toward CSCE, 1964–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (2016): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00655.

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In Polish political thought and foreign policy during the four-plus decades of Communist rule in Poland, the German question played a central role. Many aspects of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) were connected with the German question, but it would be a simplification to construe the Polish regime's interest in the conference only in the context of the German problem. Polish leaders saw CSCE also as a chance for introducing changes in East-West relations and for extending Poland's leeway for maneuver in international relations. This article shows how Polish Communi
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Demidov, Aleksei Mihailovich. "Characteristics of the African Policy of Contemporary Cuba." Мировая политика, no. 2 (February 2025): 62–74. https://doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2025.2.74880.

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The subject of the research is Cuba's foreign policy. The focus of the study is on Havana's foreign policy activities in Africa during the period from 2010 to 2025. The author examines the history of Cuba's activities in Africa, the contemporary relations between Cuba and its key partners in the region—South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Algeria—are analyzed. The particular features of Cuba's foreign policy towards Africa and the significance of its relations with the continent for Havana are identified. Special attention is paid to several aspects important for maintaining the intens
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42

Omo-ogbebor, Dennis Osasuyi. "Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 4 (2017): 4015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i4.4656.

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The foreign policy of a state actor towards inter-governmental organizations has become a predominant feature in the contemporary world order, and Nigeria is an active member of the international community. Its foreign policy towards ECOWAS since its formation in 1975 is examined based on its contributions to the regional organization. The objectives of this article are; to explain the historical background of Nigerian foreign policy after gaining independence from Great Britain in 1960; to analyze Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS at the early stage of the organization and, fina
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43

Bala, U. "An Overview of Nigeria's Foreign Policy During the 2nd Republic with Particular Reference to ECOWAS Membership." Madorawa Journal of Arts and Social Sciences (MAJASS), ISSN: 2736-1675 5, no. 1 (2022): 74–82. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7058115.

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The foreign policy of a country towards inter-governmental organizations has become a Predominant characteristic in the contemporary world order, and Nigeria is an active member of the international community. Its foreign policy towards Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and its formation in 1975 is examined based on Nigeria’s contributions to the regional organization. The objectives of this article are; to explain the historical background of Nigerian foreign policy during the 2nd Republic; to analyze Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS in the 2nd Republic E
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44

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing
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Nguyen, Thi Phuc. "Economic Relationship Between Vietnam with the Ussr Period 1975 - 1985." International Journal of Social Science And Human Research 06, no. 03 (2023): 1621–24. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7743984.

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The Socialist Republic of Vietnam Party's foreign policy at this time is based on the premise of maintaining and enhancing economic ties with the Soviet Union while also taking into account solidarity and complete cooperation. Vietnam has considerably benefited from economic ties with the Soviet Union in its efforts to recover from the war's scars and to develop both economically and spiritually. The "golden age" between Vietnam and the Soviet Union's economic ties can be stated to have been from 1975 to 1985.
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SANTOS, NORMA BREDA DOS, and EDUARDO UZIEL. "Forty Years of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379 (XXX) on Zionism and Racism: the Brazilian Vote as an instance of United States - Brazil Relations." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, no. 2 (2015): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500205.

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Abstract In 1975, Brazil voted in favor of the United Nations General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX), equating Zionism with a form of racism. Focusing on the decision-making process of president Ernesto Geisel's (1974-1979) foreign policy, "responsible pragmatism", this article discusses how the ultimate decision to vote in favor of resolution was taken taking into account mainly US-Brazil relationship.
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Lino, Flavio Henrique. "A nova aliança de Abraão: elementos estratégicos do apoio dos Estados Unidos a Israel na revista ‘Foreign Affairs’ (1945-1975)." Fronteiras & Debates 6, no. 1 (2020): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18468/fronteiras.2019v6n1.p85-107.

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<p> O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar a construção e a manutenção do apoio dos Estados Unidos a Israel, a partir dos argumentos que privilegiaram o valor estratégico e militar dessa aliança. Com esse propósito, foi escolhida a revista “Foreign Affairs”, publicada pelo Council on Foreign Relations, organização privada baseada em Nova York que reúne importantes membros do establishment da política externa americana e uma das mais influentes em sua área de atuação. Procurei identificar, entre 1945 e 1975, os elementos do debate entre os defensores e os detratores da aliança que pudesse
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48

Jackson, Galen. "The Showdown That Wasn't: U.S.-Israeli Relations and American Domestic Politics, 1973–75." International Security 39, no. 4 (2015): 130–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00201.

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How influential are domestic politics on U.S. foreign affairs? With regard to Middle East policy, how important a role do ethnic lobbies, Congress, and public opinion play in influencing U.S. strategy? Answering these questions requires the use of archival records and other primary documents, which provide an undistorted view of U.S. policymakers' motivations. The Ford administration's 1975 reassessment of its approach to Arab-Israeli statecraft offers an excellent case for the examination of these issues in light of this type of historical evidence. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of Stat
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MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.

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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.
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Manyuchi, Albert Edgar. "Foreign Direct Investment and the Transfer of Technologies to Angola's Energy Sector." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 1 (2016): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100104.

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The relationship between foreign direct investment (FDI) and the transfer of technology is undergoing a great deal of academic scrutiny and policy analysis. A growing body of literature shows that FDI can be a channel by which to transfer and/or acquire technology; however, there is a paucity of empirical studies on this as it relates to African economies. This article seeks to fill some of that gap by focusing on how FDI inflows are contributing to the transfer of technologies specifically into Angola's energy sector. The analysis is based on qualitative research conducted in Angola in 2014 a
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