Academic literature on the topic 'Angola (State)'

The majority of the literature within the study of Political Sciences suggests and tries to paint a picture of how to manage societies and prevent conflict, and in doing so how State structures (institutions) can better manage and mediate social relations in curbing conflict. International Law - and the later establishment of International Human Rights Law (IHRL) - builds on the foundations of Political Sciences by creating a framework for which States must not only adhere to minimum standards of behaviour on how they interact with other States but also and, more importantly - how they treat their citizens. Despite such a seemingly simple relationship (systems and rules) and the normative standards at the international level for the protection of human rights, this thesis argues that overly-centralised states have a hand in contributing towards the emergence of conflict. The design of the State, through its institutions, is paramount in safeguarding individual rights and in doing so, preventing the occurrence and or resurgence of violence. Furthermore, the thesis contends that while there are both global and regional mechanisms for the protection of human rights which promote values of peace, inclusiveness and democratic governance, States are still the main actors in international politics. As such it is their responsibility to structure institutions which would reflect such values based on their local contexts and realities. Angola, the case study for this inquiry, confirms that the very nature of its institutions has created conditions under which individual rights and liberties are undermined, enhanced by its overly-centralised State with a strong command culture. Since independence, Angola has experienced a situation of social and political instability through (1) an attempted coup almost immediately after independence, and (2) a civil war which would continue for nearly thirty years. Due to these factors, Angola has never had the opportunity to develop democratic institutions which would work towards safeguarding individual rights while promoting democratic governance. Such undemocratic trend has been a feature of Angola’s post-war political landscape. Paraphrasing Davis (1962) - dissatisfaction breeds dissent, and dissent leads to revolt. In an article entitled ‘Watch out Angola – repression only generates more dissent’ Marissa Moorman (2015) argued that the Angolan government has for the better part of a decade since the end of the Civil War mostly ‘resorted to force to stay in power’. In such regard, a recurring theme of this inquiry is that dissatisfaction breeds dissent and dissent breeds revolt. This dissatisfaction has then been seen in the form of the denial of rights, high levels of unemployment, corruption, and the centralisation of State power within the executive and the undermining of State institutions such as Parliament and the judiciary has created high levels of discontent, and though conflict is a natural part of human nature it can nevertheless be controlled, managed and prevented through institutional re-engineering. The reform of Angola’s State institutions is thus vital towards preventing a recurrence of violence. The research for this thesis found that though the end of the civil war resulted in ‘peace’ and the adoption of a new constitution which specifies a wide range of rights, the overly-centralised State, high levels of corruption and institutional inefficiency has created bottlenecks towards the realisation of individual rights and freedoms. Several issues were identified which led to the civil war, in addition, and within the post-war context such issues are those which have yet to be addressed both socially and within the Constitution. In addressing such hindrances, the author of the thesis identified that reforming the State and its institutions are vital not only for the prevention of violence but for the establishment of democratic governance. In doing so, the author found that there is an urgent need to decentralise State power by limiting executive power while at the same time further emphasising the role of provinces. Such emphasis is then also based on a more prominent role of the Angolan Parliament which should not only regain its full legislative and oversight functions of government (executive) but should assume a bicameral structure. The conclusion is that for the achievement of such objectives, the onus not only falls on government but also civil society to begin designing a State which is inclusive and safeguards individual participation within the process of governance.<br>Thesis (DPhil) - University of Pretoria, 2021.<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>DPhil<br>Unrestricted

In the post-independence period, Angola's political economy has been shaped by the petroleum industry. After gaining independence in 1975, Angola turned authoritarian and subsequently, Sonangol, a state-owned oil company, was created. Once established, authoritarianism in Angola persisted for a long period, with oil playing a major role. This study investigates how the state's ownership of Sonangol has reinforced authoritarianism in Angola. Theoretically, it builds on the ideas of the resource curse hypothesis, which refers to the adverse effects of abundant non-renewable resources on a country's socio-economic and political outcomes. In addition to these findings of an adverse impact of non-renewable resources, this study argues that the type of resource ownership matters. Specifically, state ownership adversely affects political regimes. The rentier state model and the centralized political economy model of the resource curse are applied to investigate how the interaction between state ownership and petroleum revenue has reinforced authoritarian persistence in Angola. Building on Ross' quantitative cross-national findings of this interaction, this study uses process tracing research method to provide an in-depth investigation of Angola. There are two central findings. First, state ownership (with control) in the oil sector enabled the Angolan state to capture petroleum rents directly. This direct access to rents granted the state autonomy from having to formulate its goals under the scrutiny of its citizens, and thus undermined the statesociety bargaining dynamic. Second, the incumbent's discretionary power over the distribution of petroleum rents as patronage increased the value of staying in power and provided sufficient incentives for authoritarian practices to persist.

This work analyses the main lines of the attempts of the post-colonial state to ensure the implementation of a project of social change to respond to the expectations Angolans had of independence. Focusing on the functions and limits of the state and law, it aims to inquire about the barriers to social change generated by state intervention and the role of law in the shaping of social relations. After references to the colonial society and the social groups and responses it generated, the conditions in which Angola attained independence are summarised. Chapter 3 describes the project of change as in 1975 (the so-called socialist option) and the different changes in the constitutional framework up to 1989 as a result of political struggles, emphasising the progressive centralisation of decision-making within the state and related loss of participation of grassroots organisation. Part II deals with the central command economy. It describes the project of change in the period 1976-1988, as well as the different national and international factors leading to the failure of part of the avowed goals it aimed. Chapter 4 analyses the legal regimes of public enterprise and the planning system, from the standpoint of resource allocation and shortage, approaches of state bureaucracies to the system, problems of co-ordination and information, and struggles for the control of allocative apparatuses. Chapter 5 approaches the central command economy from the standpoint of control of wages and prices, statisation of trade and welfare provisions. It demonstrates that in the area of distribution the central command economy was not capable of satisfying the needs for consumer goods and lost the control of this economic area for the informal economy. Chapter 6 refers to specific problems of change in peasant societies and the policies of the post-colonial state to deal with them. Chapter 7 describes different aspects of post-colonial legislation dealing with international economic relations, emphasising the progressive fragmentation of state property rights under international contracting as one of the conditions for the failure of the attempts to implement a central command economy. The third part deals with the main lines of the 1988-1992 economic and political reforms, analysing their background and outcomes, within the (analytical) boundaries of the short time-span of these changes so far. The conclusions focus on the economic and social, national and international, boundaries of projects of radical change implemented from above in an underdeveloped country, on the role of the peripheral 'soft state' and on the functions performed by postcolonial economic law in promoting change and enabling social groups access to resources.

During the 1980s and 1990s, the US prison system was expanding at an unprecedented rate. This research charts how prisoners at the nation’s largest maximum-security prison, the Louisiana State Penitentiary, commonly referred to as Angola, founded the Angola Special Civics Project to collectively organize for prison reform. Using a combination of oral history and archival research, this thesis argues that the Angola Special Civics Project emerged during an era of political opportunity created by the coupling of political openings and contractions. Unlike outside advocates who focused their reform efforts on internal conditions, the Angola Special Civics Project centering of prisoners’ experiential knowledge led them to organize for an end to life sentencing through a combination of research, political education, electoral organizing, and coalition building. This thesis further asserts that their organizing should be conceptualized as a form of prison abolitionist reforms.

Orientador: Dagoberto José Fonseca<br>Banca: Bas'ilele Malomalo<br>Banca: Christian Fernando dos Santos Moura<br>Banca: Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos<br>Banca: Sabrina Rodrigues Garcia Balsalobre<br>Resumo: Com o advento da Paz, em 2002, o poder e a influência do Partido Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) ganharam novos e diferentes contornos em todo o país, de modo a se constituir como a maior força catalisadora dos anseios do povo angolano, consolidando sua força e projeto hegemônico na sociedade. Desde então, o país tem reforçado, a partir de uma política de Estado, os laços de longa data com um grupo de potências de média dimensão, entre as quais o Brasil merece, certamente, uma atenção especial. Tal fato demonstra que a atuação do MPLA também é constituída na elaboração de uma agenda política internacional que tem parceiros na Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), no âmbito regional (SADC), e conta com o apoio também dos BRICs, especialmente da China, do Brasil, e da África do Sul. Nosso objetivo é fazer uma análise de Angola do pós-guerra (2002 a 2012), centrados na agenda de desenvolvimento para Angola elaborada pelo MPLA, mas especialmente analisar e interpretar como esse processo impactou na construção do novo Estado-nação surgido após várias décadas de conflitos.<br>Abstract: Following the advent of peace, in 2002, the power and influence of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) have won new and different shapes in the whole country, constituting itself as the single catalyzing force of Angola's Peoples wishes, thus consolidating its force and hegemonic project within the society. Since then, the Country has strengthened, from a Estate Policy perspective, the long lasting ties with a group of mid-sized nations, among which Brazil, certainly, deserves special attention. Such fact shows that MPLA's proceeding is also constituted in the elaboration of an international political agenda with partners at the Community of Portuguese Language Speaking Countries (CPLP), within the regional sphere at the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) and counting with the support of the BRICS, notably China, Brazil and South Africa. Our goal is to perform an analysis of post-war Angola (2002 - 2012), centered in the development agenda elaborated by the MPLA, but more importantly analyze and interpret how this process impacted the construction of the new Nation-State that emerged after several years of conflict.<br>Doutor

Orientador: Jose Claudinei Lombardi<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T23:13:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BritoNeto_Manuel_D.pdf: 951579 bytes, checksum: 5f0f00b205f677b4a01f1b28968e4b2d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005<br>Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo central de análise ¿a História da Educação de Angola: do colonialismo ao MPLA¿. Nele se analisam o momento mais alto do processo de educação colonial, suas contradições principais, crise e derrocada, no período abrangendo os anos entre 1956 e 1974. A educação colonial, compreendida como um sistema, produziu a ideologia da dependência, da subordinação e transformou Angola em território de exportação de matérias-primas e mão-de-obra barata para a indústria dos países industrializados da Europa e seus aliados. A trajetória da implementação de uma educação contra-hegemônica pelo Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola ¿MPLA¿ é aqui também analisada como o surgimento de uma educação, cujos objetivos se voltavam para as amplas massas populares de angolanos, até então submetidos à escravatura colonial portuguesa. A nova educação, surgida nos anos 50 do século XX, foi decorrente do surgimento e desenvolvimento de várias formas de associação civil dos naturais de Angola, que assumiram relevante papel como atores nos processos de mobilização e da mudança social que se verificou nos anos de 1974 e 1975. Ressalta-se que esses movimentos foram reconhecidos como espaço de criatividade e inovação social, e caracterizados como agentes de pressão político-social, protestos, contestações e resistência, nesse período que marcou uma nova etapa na implementação da proposta educacional do MPLA. No início deste novo milênio, o MPLA, reiniciou a implantação do processo de reconstrução e de ampliação da esfera da educação pública. Ainda hoje é notória a resistência a essas mudanças<br>Abstract: This work has as central aim purpose the analysis of "The History of the Angola¿s education from colonialism to MPLA. It makes the analysis of the huge moment's process of colonial educations, their main contradictions, crisis and overthrow, in the period comprised betwen 1956 and 1974 years. The colonial education conceived as a system produced an ideological dependence, subjection and changes Angola in a exporter territory of raw material and cheaper manual labor to Europe's industrial countries and his allies. The course to fix a kind of counter hegemonical education by the People's Movement for the liberation of Angola (MPLA) has been analised, also, as a result of a education that the aim purposes widespread on the vast popular mass people's Angola country. The new education aroused by the 50' years of the 20th century elapsed as issue and development in many features of civil association Angola's folks, whose take over relevant role as protagonists inside the mobilization process and social chagements that takes place betwen the 1974 to 1975 years. Those movements had been recognized as a place of creativity and social newness and featured as a agent of political stress, disapproval, protestation and resistence. In this millennium marked by a new stage in the process to introduce his educational purposes the MPLA restarted the process of reconstruction and enlargement of the sphere from the public education. Today is notorius the resistence against it's changes<br>Doutorado<br>Historia, Filosofia e Educação<br>Doutor em Educação

How political authority and legitimacy are sustained in societies marked by socio-economic inequality and political exclusion is a long-standing preoccupation in the social sciences. Since the end of its civil war in 2002, Angola has often been cited as a paradigmatic case of such ‘illiberal peacebuilding’; of successful post-war transition to economic recovery and formal, political liberalisation, closely managed and tightly controlled by a ‘neoauthoritarian’, dominant-party regime. Based on 12 months of fieldwork in Luanda, this thesis offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances the ‘Africa rising’ narrative pervading mainstream media reports of post-war Angola, and complicates the clientelist account of Angolan politics that predominates academic literature. It does so by privileging an ethnographic approach rooted in urban life, encompassing social strata commonly studied separately. This seeks to delocalize the anthropological gaze and capture the radical social and spatial mobility of everyday life in Luanda. By working through the emic notion of the ‘system’, this thesis pays attention to both material practices and symbolic repertoires mobilised in the co-production of the political. For Angolans the ‘system’ is simultaneously a moral ordering device, a critique, and a mode d’emploi for their current political and socio-economic environment. It is characterised by multiple internal tensions: between the stasis and speed of urban life; blockages and mobility; the past and the future; ‘memory work’ and selective amnesia; and between fear and hope; and the affects and aspirations produced by ‘power’. Through detailed analysis of the practices through which people ‘work the system’, and of the political imaginaries and discursive repertoires that ‘make the system work’, the thesis looks at the myriad processes through which relationships between ‘power’ and ‘the people’ are constantly remade, renegotiated, and dialogically constructed. The analytical value of this notion of the ‘system’ is that it avoids reproducing a simplistic distinction between ‘state’ and ‘society’. By revealing the multiple linkages between these two spheres, we can think beyond ‘resistance’ and ‘complicity’, drawing out a more subtle account of hegemony, beyond the ‘cultivation of consent’ by the dominant. Examining the ‘functioning’ of ‘the system’ through the eyes of its ‘users’, the thesis therefore builds upon, and extends anthropology’s critique of dominance as something ‘produced’ by a group of select individuals, and investigates instead what it means and how it feels to live in and be part of such a polity. Its chapters explore the interweaving strands that make up this complex, mutually dependent relationship: history and the disjunctures between official and affective memories, ideas of racial and class identities, the idioms of kinship, and the practices and symbolisms of money-making. However, instead of reifying notions of ‘memory’, ‘tradition’, ‘identity’ or ‘corruption’ as analytical concepts, the thesis shows how social actors mobilise and modify these idioms in everyday interactions with ‘power’. Both in practice and in imagination, this ‘New Angola’ is constituted as essentially urban, upwardly mobile and aspirational, with rural areas left ‘behind’. Thus Luanda epitomises both a lived reality and a political project that stands for the entire country, as well as ‘laboratory of the global’, offering new insights into the politics of the everyday in dominant-party regimes in the 21st century.

Este trabalho apresenta uma análise da TPA - TV Pública de Angola fazendo-se um paralelo com outros modelos de TV pública no Brasil, na Alemanha, nos Estados Unidos e na Inglaterra. Para atingir o objetivo da pesquisa, a presente dissertação começa com uma pesquisa sobre a história de Angola, desde antes da colonização portuguesa até os dias de hoje. Em seguida relatamos a evolução dos meios de comunicação naquele país africano, dos jornais à Internet, com maior ênfase na TPA. Os capítulos seguintes relatam características de programação, capacitação profissional e relações com a sociedade da TV pública angolana. A conclusão estabelece um paralelo entre a TV de Angola e outros modelos de TV pública.<br>This dissertation analyses the TPA TV Pública de Angola Public Television of Angola, building a parallel with different standards of public TV in Brasil, Germany, United States of America and England. To arrive at the main object of the research, the text starts with a research abour Angolass history, since before Portuguese domination until nowadays. Just after that, we present a evolution of Angolas mass communication midia, from newspapers to Internet, given more emphasis on TPA. The following chapters explain about program board, crews professional capacitation and relationship with Angolass society. The conclusion make a parallel betwen the TPA and different standards of public TV around the world.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is a case study of the Zango social housing project in Luanda, the capital of the southern African state of Angola. Through an examination of the Zango project, which was born on the cusp of peace after nearly 30 years of civil war in 2002, I provide insight into the nature, workings and possible outcomes of post-war state-led development in Angola under non-democratic conditions. I do so by analyzing how the Angolan state ‘sees’ and does development, as well as how this development works. Empirically, this thesis argues that post-war state-led development is controlled by the Angolan presidency and financed and managed through extra-governmental arrangements. This both enables as well as limits state-led development as it allows for the maintenance of a gap between a ‘parallel’ and the formal state of Angola. In this process, local governments and citizens are largely side-lined as development actors. Yet, through an analysis of local governance and housing allocation arrangements in Zango, I show that the formal Angolan state is no empty shell and that its officials and those they engage with may operate in ways that take ownership of development directed from above. Theoretically, this thesis then argues for a research approach to the African state and state-led development that is empirically grounded.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n gevallestudie van die Zango sosiale behuisingsprojek in Luanda, die hoofstad van die Suider-Afrikaanse staat van Angola. Ek poog om insig te gee in die aard, aktiwiteite en moontlike resultate van na-oologse staatsgeïnisieerde ontwikkeling in Angola onder nie-demokratiese toestande deur ‘n ontleding van die behuisingsprojek wat in 2002, met die aanbreek van vrede na die 30 jaar burgeroorlog, aangevang het. Dit word gedoen deur ‘n analise van hoe die Angolese staat ontwikkeling ‘sien’ en onderneem, sowel as hoe ontwikkeling ontplooi. Hierdie tesis redeneer dat empiries staatsgeleide ontwikkeling na die oorlog beheer word deur die Angolese Presidensie en gefinansieer en bestuur word deur buite-staatsinstellings. Dit fasiliteer sowel as beperk ontwikkeling omdat dit ‘n gaping tussen ‘n ‘parallele’ en die formele Angolese staat handhaaf. Hierdie proses sluit beide plaaslike regering en burgers grootliks as ontwikkelingsakteurs uit. Deur middel van ‘n ontleding van die plaaslike bestuur en die toekenning van wooneenhede in Zango, toon ek aan dat die formele staat tog nie ‘n lëe dop is nie en dat amptenare en ander betrokkenes eienaarskap van ontwikkeling gerig van bo kan neem. Dus, teoreties, word aanspraak gemaak vir ‘n benadering tot die staat en staatsgeïnisieerde ontwikkeling in Afrika wat empiries gefundeer is.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-08-02T14:32:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 António Maria Bumba.pdf: 1300826 bytes, checksum: e9d2af54311ed41792232f4a889eed86 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-02T14:32:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 António Maria Bumba.pdf: 1300826 bytes, checksum: e9d2af54311ed41792232f4a889eed86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-27<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES<br>This dissertation aims to investigate, analyze and unveil political, ideological, social and educational assumptions that support the curriculum policy of the educational system in Angola. There is a growing and promising advance in the study of educational policies. However, the study of curricular policies, an essential object of educational policy, which governs and regulates the curricular minimums of education, establishing the rules of the game in the curricular system, remains scarce, practically nonexistent. Considering the state of the object, the problem and the objectives of the research, an exploratory approach methodological, of qualitative approach methodology was adopted. In combination with this approach, a bibliographical and documentary research was carried out, making use of and analysis of bibliographies and official documents produced by the special institutions of the Angolan State and others. As we felt the need to deepen the information about the object, we used the interview, as a subsidiary technique of data collection, with the technicians and managers of the Ministry of Education of Angola. Thus, it was possible to construct a productive dialogue with theoretical references used. In view of the (ongoing) state restructuring process, the change of political and economic system, that is, the transition from the Angolan State from the socialist to capitalist, single party (MPLA) system to a multiparty democracy, and a Socialist economy for the market economy - changes that inexorably require the reconfiguration of educational policies -, the new context leads us to reflect on a fundamental question, guiding the research: what assumptions guide and justify the general education curriculum policy in Angola? The results of the research show, therefore, that the assumptions that guide curriculum policy aim above all at the alignment of education and the educational curriculum with the market demand and the development of the capitalist system<br>Esta dissertação de Mestrado, tem como objetivo geral investigar, analisar e desvelar pressupostos políticos, ideológicos, sociais e educacionais que sustentam a política de currículo do sistema educacional de Angola. Há, hoje no país, um avanço, e cada vez mais promissor, no estudo de políticas educacionais. Todavia, o estudo de políticas curriculares, objeto essencial da política educativa, que governa e regulamenta os mínimos curriculares da educação, estabelecendo as regras do jogo no sistema curricular, permanece em escassa exploração, praticamente inexistente. Dado o estado do objeto, o problema e os objetivos da pesquisa, adotou-se uma metodologia de abordagem exploratória, de cunho metodológico qualitativo. Em combinação com estas abordagens, para dar conta do proposto, empregou-se uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, fazendo uso e análise de bibliografias e de documentos oficiais, produzidos pelas instituições especiais do Estado Angolano e outras. Sentida a necessidade de aprofundar as informações sobre o objeto, recorremos à entrevista, como técnica subsidiária de coleta de dados, junto aos técnicos e gestores do Ministério da Educação de Angola. Assim, foi possível construir um dialoga produtivo com referenciais teóricos utilizados. Tendo em vista o processo (em curso) de reestruturação do Estado, a mudança do sistema político e econômico, isto é, a transição do Estado Angolano do sistema socialista para capitalista, do partido único (MPLA) para uma democracia pluripartidária, e de uma economia socialista para economia de mercado – mudanças que exigem, inexoravelmente, a reconfiguração de políticas educacionais –, o novo contexto remete-nos a refletir sobre uma questão fundamental, norteadora da pesquisa: quais pressupostos norteiam e justificam a política curricular da Educação Geral em Angola? Os resultados da pesquisa evidenciam, portanto, que os pressupostos que norteiam a política de currículo visam, acima de tudo, à conformação da educação e o currículo à demanda do mercado e do desenvolvimento do sistema capitalista