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Butler, Shannon Rae. "Into the Storm: American Covert Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, 1974-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195354.
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Angola’s civil war in the mid-1970s has an important role to play in the ongoing debate within the diplomatic history community over how best to explain American foreign policy. As such, this dissertation uses the Angolan crisis as a case study to investigate and unravel the reasons for the American covert intervention on behalf of two pro-Western liberation movements: the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto, and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. That Angola is a late 20th century example of foreign intervention is not disputed. However, the more significant and difficult questions surrounding this Cold War episode, which are still debated and which directly relate to the purpose of this study, are first, “Why did the United States involve itself in Angola when it had previously ignored Portugal’s African colonies, preferring to side with its NATO partner and to maintain its distance from Angola’s national liberation movements?” Was it really, as the Ford Administration asserted, a case of the United States belatedly responding to Soviet expansionism and Kremlin-supported aggression by Agostinho Neto’s leftist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Secondly, “Exactly when did the United States intervene, and was this intervention largely responsible for the ensuing escalation of violence and external involvement in Angola affairs?” In other words, as suggested by the House Select Committee on Intelligence, was the Soviet Union’s intervention in response to the American decision to allocate $300,000 to Holden Roberto’s National Front in January 1975? If so, then contrary to the Ford Administration’s official account of the crisis, the United States - and not the Soviet Union - was the initial provocateur in the conflict that left the resource-rich West African nation in a ruinous, perpetual state of warfare into the early 21st century.
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Stojetz, Wolfgang [Verfasser], Nikolaus [Gutachter] Wolf, and Tilman [Gutachter] Brück. "War and behavior : evidence from Angolan Civil War veterans / Wolfgang Stojetz ; Gutachter: Nikolaus Wolf, Tilman Brück." Berlin : Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1130698521/34.
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Pearce, Justin. "Control, ideology and identity in civil war : the Angolan Central Highlands 1965-2002." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a1eaeab2-9116-45d8-8df3-47b967fd9f1f.
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This thesis examines the relationship between political movements and people during the civil war between Angola’s MPLA government and the UNITA rebels in the Central Highlands region. It shows how conflicting ideas about political legitimacy originating in anticolonial struggle informed leaders’ decisions and formed the basis of their efforts to politicise people. Much existing literature sees civil conflict in terms of rebellion against a state, motivated by grievance or by the desire for loot. I argue against such an approach in the Angolan case, since the MPLA and UNITA originated from different strands of nationalism, and neither achieved complete control over Angola’s territory and people. Instead, I draw on constructivist approaches to statehood in analysing the war as a contest in which both sides invoked ideas of the state in asserting their legitimacy. The MPLA state controlled the cities while UNITA established rural bases and a bush capital, Jamba. Violence, often involving the capture of people, occurred at the margins of the areas of influence. Within each zone, each movement controlled public discourse to make its control hegemonic. Each presented itself as the authentic representative of the Angolan nation and condemned the other movement as the agent of foreign interests. These nationalist claims were given substance by processes of state building, more fully realised by the MPLA than by UNITA. Each movement’s claim to statehood served to legitimise its own violence while criminalising the violence of the other side. Public dissent was prohibited in either zone, but people’s responses to politicisation ranged from genuine support, to co-operating only as necessary to avoid punishment, depending largely on their degree of involvement in the state building process. War itself was central to constituting perceptions of common interest, and political actors’ capacity to manipulate perceptions depended largely on military control.
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John, Nerys. "South African intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975-1976 : motivations and implications." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7928.
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Bibliography: leaves 137-146.Between 1975-1976 South Africa intervened in the Angolan civil war. The invasion of a black African country was then an unprecedented event in South Africa's history. This dissertation explores the motivations behind, and implications of, South Africa's involvement in Angola. It firstly scrutinises the rationalisations given by the government of the day, specifically the four key objectives that the Defence Force claimed it had been pursuing. These were: the protection of South Africa's investment in the Cunene hydroelectric scheme; the 'hot pursuit' of Namibian guerrillas; the response to appeals from two of the liberation movements in Angola; and finally, the need to counter communist, specifically Cuban, intervention in Angola.
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Joao, da Costa Cabral Andresen Guimaraes Fernando. "The origins of the Angolan civil war : international politics and domestic political conflict 1961-1976." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2414/.
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This thesis views the Angolan civil war as a conflict that resulted from both internal and external political factors. The war, fought in the period 1975-1976 between the MPLA and the FNLA-UNITA coalition to succeed Portuguese colonialism in Angola, involved the intervention of external powers on behalf of both sides. This study examines, in part, the relationships that were established between these international powers and the Angolan movements. Due to the way in which these external relationships modified the nature of the internal political dispute, they became an intricate part of the origins of the conflict itself. The internationalization of the Angolan civil war was predicated, however, on an internal political conflict that emerged from a dynamic interaction of the effects of both Portuguese colonialism and divergent currents of Angolan anti-colonialism. While the particularities of Portuguese colonialism and the Salazarist regime played their part in establishing some of the conditions within which Angolan anti-colonialism emerged, the latter was also a product of specific political choices on the part of the movements involved. In this interaction there can also be found the roots of the conflict between the Angolan movements. This internal conflict was further exacerbated when the parties to it hoped to bolster their respective positions by establishing relationships with external powers. The establishment of these relationships was in part achieved by appealing to external rivalries, in particular to that of the competition between the superpowers, but also to regional rivalries, such as that between Congo and Zaire and wider continental divisions. The interaction between the internal conflict and these external rivalries is shown to have contributed significantly to the origins of the civil war. This thesis maintains its focus tightly on the specific question of the origins of the Angolan civil war. Those developments that led to the war, rather than the conflict itself are its main concern.
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Teles, Teresa Cristina. "Nzambi ikale ni enhe! Histórias de vida de imigrantes angolanos em São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-19022014-121540/.
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Os fluxos migratórios, num contexto de globalização, é um fenômeno da contemporaneidade e entendê-lo, a partir da memória e da história de vida dos sujeitos que viveram e vivem esse processo, é permitir a escrita de uma história que ainda não está registrada. O presente trabalho é o resultado da pesquisa sobre o deslocamento de imigrantes angolanos para a cidade de São Paulo, ocorrido nas primeiras décadas do século XXI. Por meio da História Oral, registramos histórias de vida desses sujeitos para compreender como experimentaram a vivência de sair de seu país, a chegada ao Brasil, os dilemas de pertencimento na sociedade de destino, a reconfiguração e ressignificação dos espaços e das relações cotidianas nesse novo contexto.The migration, in the context of globalization, is a phenomenon of contemporaneity and understand it from the memory and history of life of individuals, who have lived and live this process is to allow writing a story that is not yet registered. This work is the result of research on the displacement of Angolan immigrants to the city of São Paulo, which occurred in the first decades of the twenty-first century. Through oral history, we recorded the life histories of these subjects to understand how they experience the leaving their country, the arrival in Brazil, the dilemmas of belonging in the society of destination, reconfiguration and redefinition of spaces and everyday relations in this new context.
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Cuxima-Zwa, Chikukuango Antonio. "Angolan body painting performances : articulations of diasporic dislocation, postcolonialism and interculturalism in Britain." Thesis, Brunel University, 2013. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/7589.
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This ‘practice-informed’ doctorate research is the beginning of a creative investigation, integration and unification of theory and practice as a method of analysis of ideas about my performances, and the context it emerged from: my experiences of the postcolonial and intercultural relationship between Angola and Britain. It focuses on the trajectories of the self that are ‘re-invented’ as a process of evolution and as a result of migration and dislocation in the British diaspora. It looks deeply at the complex interplay of my practice of body painting, as a symbolic ritual and dance in relation to notions of “origin” and “identity” and other sources of influences. The roots of Angolan cultural traditions and the veneration of the Angolan ancestral spirit when I perform play an important part in my work and this research strives to simplify my ideas of body and spirit, material and aesthetic. However, this research analyses, investigates and interrogates Angolan contemporary arts and artists and the progress of their practice in the Britain postcolonial and intercultural setting. At the core of this research is a comparative interrogation of contemporary art practices, artists and their influences on my work in order to contextualise my own practice and its implications and generative potential. I describe the main artists that influenced my practice (Pablo Picasso, ean- ichael as uiat and ela ansome ni ulapo-Kuti compare my or ith the or s of other non- estern artists oco usco, uillermo me - e a and ani-Kayode) who work with reference to ancient traditions as a fictional and racial identity. Furthermore, it is suggested by Gen Doy that artists working with ancient traditions and producing these types of works in the west are stereotyped and their works are considered backward and unsophisticated; their or s suffered and continue to suffer “discrimination on the grounds of race…” Doy, 2000: 15 n other words, this takes place when these artists attempt to present their works in mainstream western galleries, shows and festivals. I argue that much ancient Angolan tradition has lost its voices through the process of modernisation, civilisation, colonialism and capitalism. The key issue I am addressing is that my performances and the or s of these artists use the body to explore notions of ‘primitivism’ and ‘ethnicity’ and ritual to address personal and cultural concerns. In this light, through the dialectics of practice and theory, this thesis is searching for more attention to be paid to or s derived from concepts of ‘primitivism’ and ‘tribalism’ that are considered inferior ithin the estern parameters of modern art. At the very core of this thesis, propose that the practice of body painting and ‘primitivism’ and ‘tribalism’ are under recognised in the west because of western ideas of racial superiority, civilisation and colonialism (Darwinism).
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Danielsson, Emelie. "Crossing borders, creating boundaries : Identity making of the Angolan diaspora residing in the border town of Rundu, northern Namibia." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för naturgeografi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-139932.
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This Bachelor’s thesis explores the relationship between borders, boundaries and migration, and their effect on identity making from a diasporic perspective. The study focuses on notions of national, regional, cultural, tribal and ethnic identity, and set in relation to the influence borders and boundarieshave on these processes. It investigates this topical realm within the specific conditions of the Angolan-Namibian border, following the developments from the era of colonization, independence struggle and decolonization and the transformation of Angola and Namibia into self-asserting and sovereign states, in which it focuses on the identity making of the Angolan diaspora residing in the border town of Rundu, northern Namibia. In doing so, it sets out to investigate the connection between macro variables and processes such as colonialism, the Cold War in Africa, and independence movements, to micro processes focusing on the living conditions and experiences of border residents. The study aims at a holistic approach drawing from theoretical developments within border and boundary studies stemming from disciplines such as political geography and anthropology, along with migration studies and social psychology. The results suggest that differing dominant conditions of the Angolan and Namibian states in terms of historical and political development, living conditions and the manifestation of the border and political assertion of the nation-states, has indeed helped to inform and construct different social categories and identities. In terms of the Angolan diaspora, the results indicate that migrants acquiring Namibian citizenships and thereby rights, did redefine their national identity to a greater extent than those denied documentation as their agency has become curtailed, leaving this group in an identity-limbo. The main contribution of this study is an investigation of what the border-migration-identity nexus means in terms of the Angolan diaspora and the Kavango region.
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Lockyer, Adam. "Foreign Intervention and Warfare in Civil Wars: The effect of exogenous resources on the course and nature of the Angolan and Afghan conflicts." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4987.
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Doctor of Philosophy (Economics)This dissertation asks how foreign assistance to one or both sides in a civil war affects the dynamics of the conflict. This overarching question is subsequently divided into two further questions: 1) how does foreign intervention affect the capabilities of the recipient, and 2) how does this affect the nature of the warfare. The puzzle for the first is that the impact of foreign intervention on combat effectiveness frequently varies significantly between recipients. This variation is explained by recipients’ different abilities to convert the inputs of foreign intervention into the outputs of fighting capability. The nature of the warfare in civil war will change in line with the balance of military capabilities between the belligerents. The balance of capabilities will be responsible for the form of warfare at a particular place and time whether it be conventional, irregular or guerrilla/counter-guerrilla. The argument is then illustrated with two extensive case studies, of civil wars in Angola and Afghanistan, where temporal and spatial variation in the type of warfare is shown to correlate with the type, degree, and direction of foreign intervention.
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Andersson, Jafet. "Land Cover Change in the Okavango River Basin : Historical changes during the Angolan civil war, contributing causes and effects on water quality." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Water and Environmental Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7152.
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The Okavango river flows from southern Angola, through the Kavango region of Namibia and into the Okavango Delta in Botswana. The recent peace in Angola hopefully marks the end of the intense suffering that the peoples of the river basin have endured, and the beginning of sustainable decision-making in the area. Informed decision-making however requires knowledge; and there is a need for, and a lack of knowledge regarding basin-wide land cover (LC) changes, and their causes, during the Angolan civil war in the basin. Furthermore, there is a need for, and a lack of knowledge on how expanding large-scale agriculture and urban growth along the Angola-Namibia border affects the water quality of the river.
The aim of this study was therefore to develop a remote sensing method applicable to the basin (with scant ground-truth data availability) to carry out a systematic historic study of LC changes during the Angolan civil war, to apply the method to the basin, to relate these changes to major societal trends in the region, and to analyse potential impacts of expanding large-scale agriculture and urban growth on the water quality of the river along the Angola-Namibia border.
A range of remote sensing methods to study historic LC changes in the basin were tried and evaluated against reference data collected during a field visit in Namibia in October 2005. Eventually, two methods were selected and applied to pre-processed Landsat MSS and ETM+ satellite image mosaics of 1973 and 2001 respectively: 1. a combined unsupervised classification and pattern-recognition change detection method providing quantified and geographically distributed binary LC class change trajectory information and, 2. an NDVI (Normalised Difference Vegetation Index) change detection method providing quantified and geographically distributed continuous information on degrees of change in vegetation vigour. In addition, available documents and people initiated in the basin conditions were consulted in the pursuit of discerning major societal trends that the basin had undergone during the Angolan civil war. Finally, concentrations of nutrients (total phosphorous & total nitrogen), bacteria (faecal coliforms & faecal streptococci), conductivity, total dissolved solids, dissolved oxygen, pH, temperature and Secchi depth were sampled at 11 locations upstream and downstream of large-scale agricultural facilities and an urban area during the aforementioned field visit.
The nature, extent and geographical distribution of LC changes in the study area during the Angolan civil war were determined. The study area (150 922 km2) was the Angolan and Namibian parts of the basin. The results indicate that the vegetation vigour is dynamic and has decreased overall in the area, perhaps connected with precipitation differences between the years. However while the vigour decreased in the northwest, it increased in the northeast, and on more local scales the pattern was often more complex. With respect to migration out of Angola into Namibia, the LC changes followed expectations of more intense use in Namibia close to the border (0-5 km), but not at some distance (10-20 km), particularly east of Rundu. With respect to urbanisation, expectations of increased human impact locally were observed in e.g. Rundu, Menongue and Cuito Cuanavale. Road deterioration was also observed with Angolan urbanisation but some infrastructures appeared less damaged by the war. Some villages (e.g. Savitangaiala de Môma) seem to have been abandoned during the war so that the vegetation could regenerate, which was expected. But other villages (e.g. Techipeio) have not undergone the same vegetation regeneration suggesting they were not abandoned. The areal extent of large-scale agriculture increased 59% (26 km2) during the war, perhaps as a consequence of population growth. But the expansion was not nearly at par with the population growth of the Kavango region (320%), suggesting that a smaller proportion of the population relied on the large-scale agriculture for their subsistence in 2001 compared with 1973.
No significant impacts were found from the large-scale agriculture and urbanisation on the water quality during the dry season of 2005. Total phosphorous concentrations (with range: 0.067-0.095 mg l-1) did vary significantly between locations (p=0.013) but locations upstream and downstream of large-scale agricultural facilities were not significantly different (p=0.5444). Neither did faecal coliforms (range: 23-63 counts per 100ml) nor faecal streptococci (range: 8-33 counts per 100ml) vary significantly between locations (p=0.332 and p=0.354 respectively). Thus the impact of Rundu and the extensive livestock farming along the border were not significant at this time. The Cuito river on the other hand significantly decreased both the conductivity (range: 27.2-49.7 μS cm-1, p<0.0001) and the total dissolved solid concentration (range: 12.7-23.4 mg l-1, p<0.0001) of the mainstream of the Okavango during the dry season.
Land cover changes during the Angolan civil war, contributing causes and effects on water quality were studied in this research effort. Many of the obtained results can be used directly or with further application as a knowledge base for sustainable decision-making and management in the basin. Wisely used by institutions charged with that objective, the information can contribute to sustainable development and the ending of suffering and poverty for the benefit of the peoples of the Okavango and beyond.
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Fobanjong, John M. "Interventionary alliances in civil conflicts." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184749.
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This study argues that foreign intervention is not a concept that could lend itself to any theoretical inquiry. It is a norm that is applicable mainly in juridical inquiries and in systems theory. It is a norm in systems theory in that the system is made up of two important elements: (1) the distribution of resources; and (2) the norms of conduct that accompany the resources. As a systemic norm, the norm of nonintervention seeks to guarantee stability and predictability in the international system. It is a juridical norm in that it calls either for the indictment or vindication for the violation of sovereign sanctity. It produces a dichotomous debate (such as legal/illegal; right/wrong; etc.) that has none of the operational ingredients of a theory. If foreign intervention is a norm and not a theoretical concept, it means therefore that social scientists have yet to come up with a theory for the study of the pervasive phenomenon of foreign involvement in civil conflicts. Conceptual tools such as 'power theory,' and the psychoanalysis of perceptions/misperceptions have been used by social scientists to study the Vietnam, Nicaragua and other wars simply for lack of more specific conceptual tools. While these concepts have been successful in describing and in explaining these conflicts, they still in a sense remain broad conceptual tools. Explaining the Soviet involvement in Afghanistan in terms of the power theory rationale of national security interest, or the U.S. involvement there in terms of the psychoanalysis of perceived Soviet expansionism only recreate a dichotomous, non-dialectic evaluation of "who's wrong/who's right" elements of the conflict. Crucial factors such as factionalization, escalation, and stalemate, remain unexplained and unaccounted for when these broad concepts are used to analyze such conflicts. It is for this reason that the present study tailors the concept of "Interventionary Alliance" in a manner that addresses both systemic as well as subsystemic properties, internal as well as external (f)actors; and provides explanations that account for the escalations and stalemates that are characteristic of the civil conflicts that proliferate our present international system.
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Oliveira, Ariel Rolim. "Dissensões do universal: itinerários da imaginação nacional em Angola." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8134/tde-23062017-112703/.
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Esta tese volta-se para o exame de como a guerra civil angolana (1975-2002), já implicada durante a guerra de libertação contra o colonialismo português, imprimiu os termos a partir dos quais a construção de um estado nacional unívoco pôde ser concebido. Em diálogo com trabalhos que abordam a questão das formações nacionais como agenciamento entre diferenças, colocam-se como foco de análise as diversas narrativas sobre o conflito. A oposição entre MPLA e UNITA em Angola produziu duas formas opostas de universalização e de agenciamento de diferenças, formas estas, no entanto, igualmente direcionadas à representação de uma identidade nacional coesa. Diferentes categorias de diferenciação como etnia, oposição campo-cidade, raça e reivindicações ideológicas foram mobilizadas por cada lado de formas distintas em diferentes momentos do conflito, tanto na forma de autorrepresentações quanto na forma de contraposições via acusações. Categorias de diferenciação foram sendo produzidas no transcurso do conflito à medida que as estratégias dos atores iam informando suas agendas políticas. Nesse processo, os oponentes moldaram suas irreconciliações um em relação ao outro. Essa rede de narrativas conflitantes é mapeada de modo a compreender, ao mesmo tempo, sua transformação no que diz respeito ao modo de configurar as diferenças e sua contribuição para a formação da imaginação nacional angolana. A análise atenta para as inflexões operadas nos regimes discursivos em torno das principais questões que compuseram os diferentes momentos do conflito.This dissertation analyzes how the Angolan civil war (1975-2002), already implied during the liberation war against Portuguese colonialism, set the terms based on which the construction of a univocal nation state could be conceived. In dialogue with the literature that approaches the issue of national formation as the handling of differences, this work assesses the different narratives on the conflict. The opposition between the MPLA and UNITA in Angola produced two different, opposed forms of universalizing and handling differences, which were nonetheless equally directed towards the representation of a cohesive national identity. At different moments during the conflict, each side resorted to different categories of differentiation such as ethnicity, the rural-urban divide, race, and ideological claims, in the form of both self-representation and contraposition through accusation. Categories of differentiation were produced throughout the conflict as the actors strategies informed their political agendas. In this process, the rivals molded their irreconciliations in relation to one another. This network of conflicting narratives is mapped out in order to understand both its transformation regarding how differences were configured and its contribution to the formation of an Angolan national imagination. The analysis focuses on the turning points of the discursive regimes concerning the main issues that made up the different moments of the conflict.
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Djimeu, Wouabe Eric. "Essays on Civil War, HIV/AIDS, and Human capital in Sub-Saharan African Countries." Phd thesis, Université d'Auvergne - Clermont-Ferrand I, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00599616.
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This thesis is based on three essays. The first chapter analyses the impact of 27 years of civil war in Angola on human capital, expenditures per adult equivalent and fertility. The prediction of the effects of civil war is done through a neoclassical unitary household model in the tradition of Rosenzweig. Using instrumental variable method, this thesis shows that civil war has a negative and disastrous impact in short-term on health of children, this effect is persistent. Civil war has no impact on expenditures per adult equivalent. It increases enrollment and decreases fertility in the short term. The second chapter ofthis thesis analyzes the effectiveness of a social program in a conflict country such as Angola and explores whether this effectiveness depends on the intensity of the conflict. Our identification strategy is based on the political geography of the deployment of the program based on a model of spatial competition of Hotelling. This thesis shows that the Angola Social Fund had a positive impact on expenditures per adult equivalent and on one of the main anthropometric measurements namely the height for age z-score. The program's effectiveness in function to the intensity of the conflict is analyzed using the local instrumental variable estimator. The thesis shows that the program's effectiveness increases with the intensity of the conflict. The last chapter of this thesis analyzes in the case of Cameroon, the impact of teacher training on HIV/AIDS. The two criteria for selecting participating schools, leads us to choose as identification strategy the regression discontinuity design. This thesis shows that 15 to 17 year old girls in teacher training schools are between 7 and 10 percentage points less likely to have started childbearing. For 12 to 13 year old girls, the likelihood of self-reported abstinence and condom use is also significantly higher in treated schools.
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Tomás, José Baptista Franque. "Cooperação político-militar angolano-cubana." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12714.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisA presente investigação tem por objectivo conhecer a história militar angolana no período da descolonização e posterior guerra civil angolana, tendo em conta a importância da cooperação e assistência militar de Cuba a Angola (ao MPLA) nestes dois períodos da Guerra Fria. Desta forma procuramos analisar a missão internacionalista de Cuba em Angola, a maior missão militar e civil cubana da sua história, no contexto das rivalidades Leste-Oeste no continente africano e o modo como estas se repercutiu nos equilíbrios regionais em África e contribuiu para o fim do regime do apartheid na África do Sul. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a missão internacionalista em Angola foi uma decisão cubana (e não da URSS) no quadro da afirmação dos laços de solidariedade Sul-Sul no contexto do movimento dos países Não Alinhados do Terceiro Mundo.
This dissertation places Cuban internationalism, specifically its military and civil mission in Angola, as an entry point to explore the Angolan military history in the period of decolonization and later Angolan civil war, taking into account the importance of Cuba’s cooperation and military assistance to Angola (MPLA) in these two periods of the Cold War. Taking in account the internationalist mission of Cuba in Angola, the largest Cuban military and civilian mission in its history in the context of East-West rivalry in Africa, this study examines the mission´s regional consequences in Africa such as the end of the apartheid regime in South Africa. The research results show that the internationalist mission in Angola was a Cuban decision (not the USSR) under the idea of enhancing South-South solidarity between the states of the Third War not aligned with either bloc, the so-called Non-Aligned Movement.
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Jones, Benjamin Thomas. "The Past is Ever-Present: Civil War as a Dynamic Process." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1374173688.
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Cramer, Christopher. "A luta continua? : A contribution to the political economy of war in Angola and Mozambique." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338140.
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Filho, João Manuel Correia. "O perfil ideológico dos Movimentos de libertação Nacional como fator determinante no desencadear da guerra civil em Angola." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/22075.
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Esta dissertação trata o tema “o perfil ideológico dos Movimentos de Libertação Nacional como fator determinante no desencadear da guerra civil em Angola”. Propõe-se estudar as influências ideológicas na luta de Libertação de Angola a partir do período da formação dos movimentos de libertação e as divergências entre eles até à independência. O objetivo é avaliar se o perfil ideológico dos Movimentos de Libertação Nacional foi o fator determinante no desencadear da guerra civil em Angola. A investigação enquadra-se num paradigma interpretativo com abordagem qualitativa baseada na exploração bibliográfica, análise documental dos três movimentos (FNLA, MPLA e UNITA). As principais razões que estiveram na génese do antagonismo existente entre os três Movimentos de Libertação de Angola foram divergências no perfil ideológico dos Movimentos no contexto da bipolarização do mundo, sem esquecer naturalmente as profundas diferenças históricas e culturais dos grandes grupos etnolinguísticos dominantes, o que levou o desencadear da guerra civil em Angola; Abstract:
This dissertation reflects the theme on "the ideological profile of the National Liberation Movements as a determining factor in the unleashing of the civil war in Angola". It is proposed to study the ideological influences in the Liberation struggle of Angola from the period of the formation of the liberation movements and the differences between the movements until independence. The objective is to evaluate if the ideological profile of the Movements of National Liberation was the main determinant factor in the unleashing of the civil war in Angola. The research fits into an interpretative paradigm with a qualitative approach based on bibliographic exploration, documentary analysis of the three movements (FNLA, MPLA and UNITA). The main reasons behind the antagonism between the three Angolan Liberation Movements were the divergences in the ideological profile of Movements in the context of the bipolarization of the world, without detracting from the profound historical and cultural differences of the great dominant ethno linguistic groups that led to the unleashing of the civil war in Angola.
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Rodella-Boitreaud, Aude-Sophie. "Three essays in the applied microeconomics of conflict : the impact of landmines and war violence on social capital, socio-economic reintegration, child health and household income in Angola." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010CLF10320.
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The research presented in this dissertation addresses the issue of the direct and indirect impact of war violence on the different components of households’ welfare and reintegration during and after the civil conflict that affected Angola from 1975 to 2002. Informed by the dynamics and specificities of the Angolan conflict, we generate exogeneous variation in the intensity of direct (conflict-related deaths) and indirect war violence (landmine contamination). Impacts are found to be contrasted and to extend beyond the immediate site of occurrence of those events. The findings presented contribute to improving the understanding of the impact of direct and indirect war violence impact on household as well as to the refining its implications for social and economic reconstruction. The results also highlight the role of resilience and coping mechanisms in fending off the impact of war violenceLes travaux de recherche présentés dans cette thèse s’attachent à examiner la question de l’impact direct et indirect des violences liées au conflit qui a dévasté l’Angola de 1975 à 2002 sur les ménages. Des variations exogènes de l’intensité des violences de guerre directe (décès directement liés au conflit) et indirecte (implantation de champs de mines) ont été générées après étude approfondie des dynamiques et spécificités du conflit angolais. Les résultats présentés permettent de conclure que l’impact des violences de guerre est contrasté (positif et négatif) et qu’il s’étend au-delà du lieu où ces violences ont été perpétrées. Ces résultats contribuent ainsi à l’amélioration de la compréhension de l’impact direct et indirect des violences de guerre sur les populations civiles à l’échelle des ménages ainsi qu’à une meilleure appréciation de leurs implications en termes de reconstruction sociale et économique. Les résultats soulignent également le rôle de la résilience et des mécanismes d’adaptation des ménages dans la réduction de l’impact de la violence de guerre
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Greentree, Todd. "The origins of the Reagan Doctrine Wars in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:54550ee8-e24b-4274-83d8-e9643c1f1aba.
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This diplomatic and military history offers a new interpretation of the origins of the three fighting fronts during the final phase of the Cold War in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan. Vaguely remembered today as proxy wars on the periphery, in fact, these were protracted revolutionary civil wars and regional contests for the balance of power in which millions died, while at the same time they were central to global superpower confrontation. Analysis focuses on the strategy and policy of the United States. The chronology from 1975 to 1982 covers the Ford administration's covert action intervention in the Angolan Civil War, which came to grief at the hands of Cuban troops; Jimmy Carter's effort to conduct foreign policy based on principles, which ran foul of power considerations in Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Afghanistan; and Ronald Reagan's embrace of these wars early in his first term as part of the revival of U.S. strength in its competition with the Soviet Union. The principal argument is that, while generally undervalued as controversial small wars of dubious significance, these wars were in fact integral to U.S. experience of limited war during the Cold War following victory in World War II. In strategic terms, the main conclusion is that the U.S. restricted itself to conducting economy of force contingency operations in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan as a result of its costly struggles in Korea and Vietnam. Despite declaring these peripheral wars to be central to the Cold War, avoiding the costs of involving U.S forces directly in Third World conflicts and minimizing the risks of escalation with the Soviet Union were overriding political and military imperatives.
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Barbosa, Tânia Isabel Lopes. "A ajuda internacional e as guerras civis: uma relação perversa?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/646.
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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação InternacionalNo século XXI, continuam a predominar nos países pobres guerras civis travadas por razões como a ambição da secessão do Estado e luta pela inclusão, alimentadas por diversos factores (recursos naturais, clivagens étnicas, diáspora), e com graves consequências para essas sociedades. É nesse contexto que actua a ajuda internacional com o compromisso de salvar vidas e de minimizar o sofrimento humano. Esta dissertação reflecte sobre a possível influência da APD no agravamento e no prolongamento dos conflitos. Por um lado, a ajuda internacional está associada a interesses políticos, económicos e geoestratégicos que poderão determinar o comportamento dos doadores. Por outro, existem aspectos técnicos da distribuição da ajuda pelos actores humanitários que influenciam a dinâmica da paz e da guerra. Essa hipótese é testada à luz dos casos das guerras civis no Sri Lanka e em Angola. Apesar de ser indiscutível que, em ambos os casos, a ajuda internacional tenha desempenhado um papel fundamental na distribuição de bens básicos, ela terá sido marcada por alguns trâmites menos positivos na sua actuação e interferido em questões de carácter político, indo além dos seus objectivos básicos de distribuição de ajuda de forma neutra, imparcial e universal. A problemática da ajuda em contextos de guerra civil será sempre marcada por problemas e pela diversidade de posições sobre os seus princípios, os seus objectivos e os seus instrumentos. Esta dissertação visou apenas lançar algumas pistas para reflexão futura com o objectivo fundamental de melhorar o impacto da ajuda
At the beginning of the 21st century we are still faced with a bi-polarized world between poor and rich countries. The former are marked by civil war where conflict exists between local governments and groups of insurgents who are fighting for self-governance or inclusion. Civil war is sustained by several factors (natural resources, ethnic tension, diaspora) and causes serious damage to those societies. International aid generally intervenes in this context, the basic objective being to save lives and minimize human suffering. This dissertation reflects upon the impact Official Development Assistance has on prolonging such conflicts. On the one hand, international aid is linked to political, economic and geostrategic interests that might determine donors' behaviour and decisions. On the other hand, there are technical issues related to the role of humanitarian actors and development agencies which might negatively impact upon the dynamics of peace and war. The hypothesis of the negative influence of aid is analysed in the case studies of both the Sri Lankan and Angolan civil wars. Although it is undeniable that international aid has played a crucial role in both countries, it may have been characterized by some less positive aspects. International aid in these countries may have interfered in political issues, going beyond the basic aim of aid distribution in a neutral, impartial and universal way. The predicament of aid in the context of civil war is dominated by a range of problems and by the diversity of positions and approaches concerning principles, aims and instruments. This dissertation aims to explore ideas for future reflection with the primary objective of improving the success of aid
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Fatyi, Khanyisa. "A critical evaluation of the 'greed versus grievance' theory in the analysis of civil wars - - the case of Angola." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3768.
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Oliveira, Ariel Rolim 1986. "Angola em guerras : Jonas Savimbi e as linguagens da nação." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279137.
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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O líder político Jonas Savimbi ocupou uma posição privilegiada de observação dos entrecruzamentos das linguagens segundo as quais se lutou a guerra em Angola. O nexo entre as esferas global e local do conflito, incluindo aí seus diferentes códigos de reportagem, pode ser apreendido a partir da análise das lideranças - entendidas aqui, não como indivíduos, mas como catalisadores de "comunidades imaginadas". Atento ao plano das estratégias dos agentes que, mesmo se relacionando a referências discursivas inconciliáveis e irredutíveis umas às outras, na prática, conformaram uma rede de inimizades produtiva - e aí surge uma dimensão completamente desvinculada dos modelos e discursos. A questão que coloco aqui é em que medida a noção de "inimigo" como categoria de alteridade no plano das relações práticas, entrevista nos discursos de Savimbi, pode nos ajudar a compreender o cenário de disparidades e a multiplicidade de formas de conflito que o caso angolano comporta. Volto-me aos códigos mobilizados por cada um dos contendores na significação da luta como condição para que, fugindo dos preceitos dos modelos a que cada um se reporta nesse processo, possamos ver a guerra como uma arena de interações onde os atores se comunicam ou, ao menos, se reconhecem (no duplo sentido do termo) para melhor lutar. Sigo a hipótese de que a guerra tenha sido uma rede prática de trocas violentas (jamais simétricas) não só de projéteis, mas também de nomes e códigos entre os contendores que iriam moldar de forma decisiva o imaginário nacional angolano - um país cujas fronteiras mais ou menos arbitrárias haviam sido herança direta do colonialismo português. Nesse sentido, cada umas das partes em disputa necessitavam criar um discurso nacional unificador - concorrente ao rival. Os beligerantes mantinham uma esfera de aliança tácita, mas não expressa, em torno da construção e manutenção da plausibilidade nacional
Abstract: The political leader Jonas Savimbi has occupied a privileged observing position of the language crossings according to which the war in Angola was fought. The nexus between global and local dimensions of this conflict (the different codes of report there included), can be apprehended from the analysis of the leaders - understood, here, not as individuals, but as catalyzers of "imagined communities". I focus on the plan of the agents' strategies that, even if in relation to irreconcilable references of discourse to one another, in practice, comprehend a productive net of enmity. Therefore a dimension completely detached from models rises. The question I pose here is: in which measure the notion of "enemy" as a category of alterity on the plan of practical relations - glimpsed in the speeches of Savimbi - can help us to understand the set of disparities and multiplicity of ways of conflict that the Angolan case bears? I turn myself to the codes mobilized by each of the contenders to ascribe meaning to the fight as a condition - escaping the tenets of the models to which each one reports in this process - for us to see the war as an arena of interaction where de actors communicate or, at least, acknowledge (in the double meaning of the term) themselves to better fight. I follow the hypothesis that the war has been a practical net of violent (and never symmetrical) exchange not only of bullets, but also of names and codes between contenders who would engrave the imagery of Angola in a decisive way - a country which its more or less arbitrary borders had been a direct heritage from the Portuguese colonialism. In this sense, each part in the dispute needed to create a rival national unifying discourse. The belligerents kept a level of tacit alliance, though not expressed, around the construction e maintenance of national plausibility
Mestrado
Antropologia Social
Mestre em Antropologia Social
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Paiva, Miguel Frederico Cavazzini Botha de. "O acesso e a qualidade do ensino primário público em Angola (2002-2012) : estudo de caso das províncias de Benguela, Huambo, Bié e Moxico." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/11631.
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Doutoramento em Estudos de DesenvolvimentoO presente estudo de caso comparativo pretende analisar a evolução da cobertura escolar e acessibilidade física e socioeconómica ao ensino primário público nas províncias angolanas de Benguela, Huambo, Bié e Moxico, entre 2002 e 2012. O estudo visa ainda aferir a qualidade de um conjunto de elementos determinantes para o aproveitamento escolar e resultados das aprendizagens nessas províncias, outrora unidas pelo Caminho de Ferro de Benguela mas cuja destruição poderá ter causado disparidades geográficas. Considerando os efeitos da longa guerra civil e as principais reformas políticas ocorridas nesse período, o estudo parte da hipótese de investigação de que, não obstante a rápida expansão do ensino primário, os problemas ao nível do acesso e qualidade tendem a acentuar-se ao longo do Corredor do Lobito, consoante aumenta o afastamento aos centros de decisão económica e política, localizados no litoral do país. Através da recolha e análise de um conjunto de dados quantitativos e qualitativos em cada uma das províncias, o estudo conclui que existem importantes assimetrias regionais e que, de um modo geral, a hipótese de investigação verifica-se ao nível dos principais indicadores de acesso. Em relação à qualidade do ensino primário, medida através dos resultados das aprendizagens, a validade da hipótese de investigação verifica-se apenas parcialmente (de Benguela ao Bié), uma vez que os resultados encontrados no Moxico são bastante satisfatórios e tornam-no um caso de sucesso relativamente às restantes províncias, graças a um conjunto de fatores relacionados com a construção escolar, a formação dos professores e o programa de merenda escolar.
This comparative case study aims to analyze the progress in school coverage and in both physical and socioeconomic accessibility to public primary education in the Angolan provinces of Benguela, Huambo, Bié and Moxico, between 2002 and 2012, as well as to assess the quality of a set of critical elements for academic performance and learning results The destruction of the Benguela Railway, that once connected these provinces, could have caused geographical disparities in access and quality of primary education. Considering the effects of the long civil war and major political reforms that have taken place in that period, the research hypothesis of this study was that, despite the impressive expansion of primary education, there are barriers in terms of access and quality. These tend to aggravate along the Lobito Corridor, as the distance to the gravity centers of economic and political decision located in the country's coast increases. Upon the collection and analysis of a set of quantitative and qualitative data in each of the provinces, the study concludes that there are significant regional disparities and that, in general, the research hypothesis is verified among the main indicators of access. Regarding the quality of primary education, measured by learning results, the hypothesis is only partially valid (from Benguela to Bié), as the results found in Moxico turn out to be quite satisfactory and make this province a success story in comparison to the remaining provinces, thanks to a set of factors related to school construction, teacher training and school meals.
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Nzovo, Tiago Bassika. "Habitação social para além da sobrevivência: caso dos bairros Zango I e II em Luanda, Angola (2002- 2012)." Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina, 2012. http://tede.udesc.br/handle/handle/1358.
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The research problem presented in this dissertation rises from the promise made by the government of Angola which is to build, in the period of 2008 to 2012, one million habitation units at national level. This is a national project, announced during the parliamentary elections of 2008, a scene of destruction 26 years of civil war from 1976 to 2002. Such project has, among other objectives, to transform Angola into a prosperous country, where hunger and poverty has to be eradicated, by having an efficient administration and a strong, democratic and modern State, giving the Angolan people the highest standards of living and social welfare. The objective of this study was to describe the implementation of the Project Habitação um Desafio para Todos in the suburbs Zango I and II, located in Luanda, capital of Angola, from the perspective of individuals who were benefited by it. The methodology used in this research was based on a qualitative research which is supported by semistructured interviews, whose target audience were twenty-three people, including fourteen residents of the suburbs Zango I and II, and three residents of the old housing project in the Colonial District Congolese/Luanda. Five people of this project were also interviewed, including the general director of the NGO Action for Rural Development and Environment ANDRA. In addition, participative observations were made, as well as official documents were used from programs and projects of the Angolan government, including sources of national and international civil organizations. Among the main results, it is highlighted that the government decreased the target of one million homes to 350,091. The suburbs Zango I, II and III have recently ten thousand social habitation units and about 160,000 residents from the peripheral suburbs of the city, but there is still a lack of portable water and hospital, mainly. It was also observed that the part of the displaced population in the city centre is still accommodated in temporary shelters made of zinc sheets, in poor conditions, while they wait for the possession of their habitation units. Among the conclusions, it was observed that the way of planning and decisions extremely centralized in the top of the central government have contributed to the disorganization in the process of monitoring the quality of the work, as well as in the goal accomplishments, taking into account that if such scenery remains, the suburbs Zango I and II will be in the eminence of growing slums
O problema de pesquisa desta dissertação parte da promessa feita pelo governo de Angola em construir, no período dos anos 2008 a 2012, um milhão de habitações em nível nacional. Trata-se de um projeto de âmbito nacional, lançado no período da realização das eleições legislativas de 2008, em um cenário de destruição de 26 anos de guerra civil, de 1976 a 2002. Tal projeto visa, dentre outros objetivos, à transformação de Angola num país próspero, em que seja erradicada a fome e a miséria, com uma administração eficiente e um Estado forte, democrático e moderno, proporcionando ao povo angolano os mais altos padrões de vida e de bem estar social. O objetivo deste estudo foi descrever a implantação do projeto Habitação um desafio para todos , nos bairros Zango I e II, localizados na província de Luanda, capital da República de Angola, a partir da perspectiva dos sujeitos beneficiados pelo mesmo. A metodologia utilizada foi baseada na pesquisa qualitativa, com o apoio entrevistas semiestruturadas, cujo público alvo foi 23 atores, dos quais, quatorze moradores dos bairros Zango I e II, três moradores do antigo projeto habitacional colonial no bairro Congolenses/Luanda. Foram também entrevistados cinco responsáveis ligados ao projeto habitação um desafio para todos, e o Diretor Geral da ONG-Ação para o Desenvolvimento Rural e Ambiente ADRA. Por outro lado, ocorreram observações participativas, além de terem sido utilizados documentos oficiais de programas e projetos do governo angolano, bem como fontes de informação de organizações civis nacionais e internacionais. Entre os principais resultados, destaca-se que o governo diminuiu a meta de um milhão de habitações para 350.091. Os bairros Zangos I, II E III contam, atualmente, com dez mil habitações sociais e cerca de 160.000 moradores provenientes dos bairros periféricos da cidade, mas ainda há carência de água potável e hospitais principalmente. Verificou-se, também, que parte da população desalojada do centro da cidade ainda se encontra alojada em abrigos provisórios feitos de tendas e chapas de zinco, em condições carentes, enquanto aguardam pela posse da habitação. Entre as principais conclusões, constatou-se que, o planejamento e decisões extremamente centralizadas no topo do governo central têm contribuído nas falhas e desorganização no processo de fiscalização da qualidade das obras e no cumprimento das metas, acreditando que se tal cenário permanecer, Zangos estarão na eminência de favelização
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Oliveira, de Araujo Kelly Cristina. "Politique et militarisme en Angola : les relations entre le Mouvement Populaire de Libération de l’Angola (MPLA) et l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) 1965-1985." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040209.
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L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence militaire de l’Union Soviétique, qui s’exerça à un degré élevé en comparaison avec d’autres pays dans le contexte d’une bipolarité mondiale. Du point de vue idéologique, l’influence soviétique se manifesta dans des actions de l’Etat angolais en ce que cela touchait à la construction d’un sentiment et d’une identité nationale, ainsi que dans l’appartenance à une nation angolaise, objectivée dans le processus de constitution de l’Homme Nouveau, promu par le Parti-Etat. Du point de vue militaire, l’implication de Moscou dans la guerre en Angola nous a amené à conclure que dans ce territoire les Soviétiques donnèrent une plus grande importance à la consolidation de l’Etat en ce qui touchait la sécurité et le renforcement des appareils politiques, en fournissant matériel et le soutien consultatif pour les forces militaires de l’Angola, bien qu'il soit important de remarquer que les Soviétiques n'ont pas contrôlé la politique intérieure du paysAngola became independent from Portugal on 11 November 1975, in the midst of internal disputes that led to the outbreak of civil war caused by the fact that the MPLA unilaterally declared independence in Luanda. This moment has been determined largely by the support received from Cuba and the Eastern bloc, specifically the USSR during the 14 years of anti-colonial struggle. In the post-independence period, between 1975 and 1991, although Soviet military bases were not been installed in Angola, it should be noted the political-ideological influence and military presence of the Soviet Union, which exercised a high degree compared with other countries in the context of global bipolarity. From an ideological point of view, Soviet influence was manifested in the actions of the Angolan government in that it affected the building and a sense of national identity, as well as membership in an Angolan nation, objectified in the process of formation of the New Man, promoted by the Party-state. From a military point of view, the involvement of Moscow in the war in Angola has led us to conclude that in this territory the Soviets gave greater importance to the consolidation of the state in which affected the safety and building equipment policies, providing material and advisory support to the military forces of Angola, although it is important to note that the Soviets did not control the internal politics of the country
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Koné, Amadou. "La guerre civile angolaise de 1991 à 2002." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040191.
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Cette thèse étudie la persistance du conflit angolais entre 1991 et 2002. Elle entend revenir sur les causes de la faillite des processus de paix de Bicesse et de Lusaka. La signature des accords de Bicesse entre le MPLA et l’UNITA, le 31 mai 1991, ne permit guère à l’Angola d’accéder à une paix durable. Après les élections des 29 et 30 septembre 1992, la guerre reprit sur l’ensemble du territoire. Le gouvernement MPLA et l’UNITA signèrent un nouvel accord de paix à Lusaka le 30 novembre 1994. Mais, celui-ci n’eut guère plus de réussite que le précédent malgré l’inauguration d’un Gouvernement d’unité et de réconciliation nationale en avril 1997. Les deux camps s'affrontèrent de nouveau en décembre 1998 et fut alimentée par les entrées d’armes au profit des deux camps, qui finançaient leur effort de guerre grâce au pétrole pour le MPLA et aux diamants pour l’UNITA. L’affaiblissement politique et militaire de l’UNITA permit au MPLA de défaire ce mouvement en tuant son chef le 22 février 2002This PhD dissertation examines the persistence of the Angolan conflict between 1991 and 2002. It goes back over the causes of the failure of the Bicesse and Lusaka peace processes. The signing of the Bicesse accords between MPLA and UNITA, on May 31st, 1991, did not permit Angola to reach a lasting peace. After the elections, which took place on September 29 and 30, 1992, the war started again on the whole territory. The MPLA government and UNITA signed a new peace accord in Lusaka on November 30,1994. Nevertheless, it had as little success as the former peace accord, despite the inauguration of a new government of unity and national reconciliation in April 1997. A new war began in December 1998 and was fueled by weapon supplies for the two groups, which financed their war effort thanks to oil resources for MPLA and diamonds for UNITA. UNITA's political and military weakening allowed MPLA to defeat this organization by killing its leader on February 22nd, 2002
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Ramic, Nedim. "Att förstå konflikter : En jämförelse av Angolas och Bosnien-Hercegovinas fredsprocesser." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-53144.
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This study has the ambition to examine and compare Angolas failed peace process with Bosnia-Herzegovina’s successful peace process through Kumar Rupesinghes theory in conflict transformation. By comparing the two peace processes through Rupesinghes theory we can get an answer why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia-Herzegovina’s lasted. This study has two purposes. Based on a comparison of Angolas and Bosnia-Herzegovina’s peace processes, how well is it possible to explain the outcome of the two countries peace process? How useful is Rupesinghes theory? The study showed that Bosnia-Herzegovina employed factors from Rupesinghes theory, in a much higher sense than Angola. They were especially more successful in employing the economic factors from Rupesinghes theory. This therefore can be a reason why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia’s lasted. In testing the theory’s usefulness the study showed that the theory is useful in many factors and can be used to give a qualified answer to why a peace lasts or fails. But the theory also has its flaws, some of the steps in the theory need a better explanation and some of the steps are more important depending on which country the theory is applied upon. Key words: Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kumar Rupesinghe, conflict transformation, civil-war, peace, peace processes, Bicesse, Dayton
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Graham, Danielle. "Memories of the Border War: An Interpretive Analysis of White South African Defence Force Veteran Perspectives, 1966-1989." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/15409.
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Through their stories, South African Defence Force (SADF) veterans of the Border War participate in the historical revival of South Africa’s involvement in the Angolan conflict, 1966-1989. Their engagement in the Border War discourse sets these veterans apart for an analysis of their motivations to participate and how their views compare and contrast with one another. SADF veterans are reconstructing their past within their present context in the new South Africa. Their struggle to rectify public knowledge and perceptions of the past through the provision of their personal memories is a growing trend within South Africa, one that has become a conversation between the various competing narratives.
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Godinho, Nadja Soraya Augusto de Sousa. "Ministras no pós-guerra em Angola: um estudo sobre representação política das mulheres." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18314.
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A região da África subsaariana registou um crescimento substancial da representação
das mulheres nas legislaturas e executivos, associado aos processos de liberalização política
iniciados na década de 1980 e às dinâmicas pós-conflito. Estes facilitaram oportunidades pelas
quais as mulheres se organizaram em colectividades, advogaram pela causa de género e
conquistaram progressos na afirmação e vinculação de direitos das mulheres nos processos de
paz e nas novas Constituições pós-guerra. Os processos de paz em Angola foram excludentes.
Mas, o país legislou e implementou quotas de 30% para representação parlamentar das
mulheres. Porém, uma cultura prevalecente androcêntrica, um regime autoritário, a hegemonia
política e a manutenção da mesma elite política e partido político no poder, e a inexistência de
movimentos de mulheres autónomos conciliaram-se para que o estado angolano não realizasse
reformas de género profundas. Porém, um grupo de mulheres de classe superior beneficiou da
proximidade à elite do MPLA e granjeou posições de liderança política no poder executivo.
Estas mulheres representam descritivamente as angolanas. Através do estudo descritivo de caso
único complementado pela análise exploratória de dados desagregados por sexo, sobre a
composição do governo de Angola no período de 2002 a 2017, conclui-se pelo crescimento do
número de ministras ao longo do tempo, e é mostrado que o recrutamento depende das variáveis
pertença partidária e experiência académica e profissional.Sub-Saharan Africa has seen a substantial increase in the representation of women in the legislatures and cabinets, related to the political liberation processes initiated in the 1980s, and to post-conflict dynamics. These processes allowed women to organize and advocate for the cause of gender making progress in affirming and linking women's rights to peace processes and to the new post-war Constitutions. The peace processes in Angola were exclusive. However, the country has legislated and implemented quotas of 30% for women's parliamentary representation. Still, the prevailing androcentric culture, an authoritarian regime, the political hegemony of the MPLA party, the maintenance of the same political elite in power and the absence of autonomous women’s movements implied that the Angolan state would not carry out deep gender reforms. Yet, a group of upper-class women benefited from proximity to the MPLA elite and earned positions of political leadership in the executive branch. These women descriptively represent Angolan women. Through the descriptive analysis of a single-case complemented by the exploratory analysis of gender-disaggregated data about the composition of the Angolan government between 2002 and 2017, it is shown that the number of women ministers has grown over time, and that recruitment depends largely on belonging to the party and on the academic and professional experience.
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Alexandre, Faustino. "Aspekty Miedzynarodowe Wojny Domowej w Angoli." Doctoral thesis, 2014. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/734.
Full textAbstract:
Rozprawa doktorska mgr Faustino Alexandre pod tytułem „Aspekty międzynarodowe wojny domowej w Angoli”jest rezultatem badań prowadzonych w Angoli, z wykorzystaniem literatury naukowej polskiej i anglojęzycznej. Autor weryfikuję tezę: wojna domowa w Angoli była konsekwencją Zimnej Wojny prowadzonej przez USA i ZSRR z udziałem ich satelitów, wykorzystujących konflikt plemienny w kraju afrykańskim, jako zastępczej płaszczyzny rywalizacji dwóch przeciwstawnych sobie bloków polityczno-ideologicznych. Na wstępie autor przedstawia w ujęciu naukowym problematykę wojny domowej w świetle prawa międzynarodowego. W pozostałych czterech rozdziałach, kolejno omawia aspekty przebiegu wydarzeń Angoli w latach 1975-2002. Szczególnie wyakcentowane są geneza i ewolucja wojny domowej w Angoli oraz jej umiędzynarodowienie; meandry procesu pokojowego i poszczególnych faz wojny; ingerencję państw obcych; role międzynarodowych organizacji w przywracaniu pokoju w Angoli; oraz patriotyczny refleks walczących ze sobą angolańskich, narodowych elit militarnych i politycznych, które bez udziału obcych znalazły metodę na pokojowe współistnienie, i od kilkunastu lat w Angoli panuję pokój. Rozprawa zawiera bibliografię liczącą 270 pozycji oraz aneksy zawierające: chronologie wojny i pokoju w Angoli, dokumenty porozumień w Bicesse, Estorylu i Lusace oraz bogate w treści faktograficzne, zobrazowania graficzne wojny domowej w Angoli.
Dissertation of master Faustino Alexandre „Aspects of international civil war in Angola” is a result of research led in Angola, with use of Polish and English scientific literature. The author verifies thesis: civil war in Angola as a consequence of the Cold War led by USA and USSR with the participation of their satellites which used tribal conflict in African country, as a alternative competition level of two politically-ideologically contrary blocks. At the beginning author presents scientific problem of civil war in the light of international law. Respectively in next four chapters, author discusses the aspects of proceeding in Angola in years 1975-2002. Especially accented are genesis and evolution of the Angolan Civil War and its internationalization; meanders of peaceful procedure and individual war phases; interference of foreign countries; role of international organizations in restoring peace in Angola; and patriotic reflex of fighting with each other Angolan, national political and military elites which without participation of foreign countries found method for peaceful coexistence and from several years Angola is at peace. Dissertation consists the bibliography counting 270 position and annexes consisting: chronology of war and peace in Angola, documents of agreements in Bicesse, Estoryl and Lusaca and abundant in factual content, graphic imaging of Angolan Civil War.
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Bode, Daisy-Ivy. "Civil War resolution : the private military industry, asymmetric warfare, and ripeness." Thèse, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18119.
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Carvalho, David Filipe Fernandes. "Agriculture and development in Angola: An assessment of agricultural policy since the end of the civil war." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/24841.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation has the goal to answer the following research question: “What were the outcomes of the Angolan agricultural policies since the end of the civil war?”. This theme has a significant importance because it will help to understand how Angolan agricultural activity developed after the war, in an oil dependency context. Data for this dissertation was collected by government plans that include policies and goals for agriculture and reports concerning agricultural performance as well as some information related to agricultural credit and GDP structure published by the Angolan National Bank. It will be possible to notice that the theoretical path to design agricultural policies in Angola was made in a correct way. Nonetheless, results give the sensation that theory was not enough. Agricultural activity in Angola showed difficulty to develop and the main causes include lack of trained human resources, technology, research and credit stimulus to farmers. In a country with significant agriculture potential, it seems to be essential to analyse a better way to put policies in practice.Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de responder à seguinte questão de investigação: “Quais foram os resultados das políticas agrícolas angolanas desde o fim da guerra civil?”. Este tema tem uma importância significativa na medida em que ajudará a perceber como é que a atividade agrícola angolana se desenvolveu depois da guerra, num contexto de dependência petrolífera. Os dados para esta dissertação foram obtidos através de planos governamentais que incluem políticas e objetivos para a agricultura e relatórios sobre a performance agrícola bem como alguma informação relativa ao crédito agrícola e estrutura do PIB publicada pelo Banco Nacional de Angola. Será possível perceber que o caminho teórico usado para desenhar as políticas agrícolas em Angola foi feito corretamente. Contudo, os resultados dão a sensação de que a teoria não foi suficiente. A atividade agrícola em Angola demonstrou dificuldade em desenvolver e as principais causas incluem falta de recursos humanos especializados, tecnologia, investigação e estímulos de crédito aos agricultores. Num país com significante potencial agrícola, parece ser essencial analisar uma melhor forma to colocar as políticas em prática.
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Pauksta, Diana Leigh. ""Fathers of the axe" explaining rebel violence against civilians in the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars /." 2008. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/pauksta%5Fdiana%5Fl%5F200805%5Fma.
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Baptista, Luís Filipe França Valentim. "Filhos da Rainha Ginga? Sociogénese da Nação e do Estado Angolano." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/14968.
Full textAbstract:
A seguinte investigação centra-se sobre a sociogénese da nação e do Estado angolano no contexto de estado pós-colonial e de dependência externa. O presente trabalho tem como fito elaborar um conjunto de análises e interpretações de factos históricos e da realidade política angolana para compreender os sistemas de reproduções que estão na base da construção da herança colonial, e ao mesmo tempo explicar como este processo está a ser dirigido pelas elites angolanas na continuação da formação da identidade nacional.
Para isso, foi importante o papel das elites nacionalistas de pendor mais internacionalista que, pelo seu legado cultural, apostaram mais na reprodução das estruturas do que em enveredarem para um pan-africanismo que caracterizou algumas tendências noutros estados pós-coloniais de África. O reforço da herança colonial está circunscrito na forma como a própria descolonização foi feita, no contexto de Guerra Fria e nos confrontos civis que se seguiram à independência. Logo, o papel dos nacionalistas foi de importância capital na constituição da nação e do Estado, a qual o processo ainda não apresenta sinais de um projecto acabado. Isto porque a dinâmica política ainda é muito dirigida pelo Estado e pela elite dirigente, perpetuando a forma de Estado centralizado de tipo colonial. As consequências desta forte centralização são a ausência de uma sociedade civil e a repressão de qualquer autonomia social ou liberdade individual. Tudo isto está a ser feito em nome da construção da identidade angolana e do pretenso Estado – Nação, que visa a uma cultura nacional.
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Martins, Vasco. "The plateau of trials: modern ethnicity in Angola." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/11208.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a study about the modern ethnicity of the Ovimbundu of the central highlands of Angola. It shows how Ovimbundu conceptions of ethnicity became altered and enhanced by processes of modernisation, usually introduced by foreign agents, and how this modernisation came to play a critical role after independence.
Following a contrast in existing literature between either the attribution of vital importance to ethnicity in human agency or the downplay of it in favour of other elements, this work may be positioned in the middle, that is, it finds common ground with both arguments. I follow a constructivist approach, patent throughout the thesis and much used by many academic studies, which enables the analysis of Ovimbundu modern ethnicity by crossing the several influences the people of the central highlands were exposed to with their own agency and capacity to imagine and follow new ideas, mostly associated with modernisation. A paradigm begins emerging, one that recurs to the experiences apprehended during colonialism, influenced by processes of evangelisation and colonisation, which allow a clearer and more complete comprehension of aspects pertaining to the organisation of the political movements, the civil-war and issues related with post-war reconciliation, integration and state-formation. It becomes clear that the construction and imagination of political identities was much dependent upon processes of ethnic modernisation, which are still influential in people’s lives in contemporary Angola.Esta dissertação trata a etnicidade moderna dos Ovimbundu do planalto central de Angola, revelando o modo como as conceções de etnicidade dessa população foram alteradas por processos de modernização, frequentemente introduzidos por elementos externos ao grupo, e como esta modernização étnica veio a desempenhar um papel crítico, depois da independência do país. Este trabalho, seguindo um contraste na literatura existente entre a atribuição de uma importância bastante significativa à etnicidade na agência humana ou a minimização do seu impacto face a outros elementos explicativos, posiciona-se entre as duas abordagens, isto é, encontra um argumento comum entre as duas vertentes literárias. É adotada uma abordagem construtivista, patente em toda a tese e comumente utilizada em estudos académicos, que permite uma análise da etnicidade moderna dos Ovimbundu, cruzando as várias influências a que a população do planalto central esteve exposta com a sua própria agência e capacidade de imaginar e seguir novas ideias associadas à modernização. Começa então a surgir um paradigma, fruto das experiências apreendidas durante o colonialismo, influenciadas por processos de evangelização e colonização, que permitem uma compreensão mais clara e completa de aspetos relacionados com a organização dos movimentos políticos, a própria guerra civil e outros referentes a reconciliação no pós-guerra, integração e formação do estado. Ganha forma a ideia de que, ao longo da exposição dos argumentos, a construção e imaginação de identidades políticas dependem muito dos vários processos de modernização étnica, que são ainda influentes na vida das pessoas na Angola contemporânea.
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Malua, Abraham Hatuikulipi. "From civil war to development : a study of the contribution of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Angola (IELA) towards reconciliation, peace, reconstruction and development among the Ovawambo community in Southern Angola." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/7290.
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This thesis is a theological and practical challenge to the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Angola (IELA) on the issue of social development after the civil war, especially in the Cunene Province among the Ovawambo community. The thesis briefly examines the history of the Angolan civil war, and of the IELA. It notes the key development concerns facing the Ovawambo community. The focus of the thesis is centres on three themes namely: reconciliation and peace; reconstruction; and sustainable development strategies. The thesis argues that it is the responsibility of the IELA in the first place through its ministry of reconciliation to contribute to rebuilding the nation that has been destroyed by the civil war. In the second place it argues that since much of the social frame works have been changed due to civil war, a reconstruction approach is needed. In the last place, it argues that IELA should contribute fully to providing fruitful strategies for the sustainable development for the better life of the future generation.Thesis (M.Th.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2003.
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Lobato, Gisele Christini de Sousa. "O Brasil e a independência de Angola (1975): política externa oficial e diplomacia militar paralela." Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/11175.
Full textAbstract:
Esta dissertação aborda o envolvimento brasileiro na fase final do processo de descolonização angolano, concentrando-se principalmente no período entre a instalação da Representação Especial do Brasil perante o Governo de Transição de Angola, em março de 1975, e a declaração de independência do país africano, em 11 de novembro do mesmo ano. A análise é baseada tanto na revisão da literatura acadêmica como no trabalho com fontes primárias, incluindo a consulta à documentação oficial disponível, a análise de relatos pessoais publicados por personagens daqueles episódios e entrevistas com testemunhas. O objetivo desta pesquisa é averiguar se o conceito de “diplomacia militar paralela”, adotado por Moniz Bandeira para se referir às intervenções mais ou menos encobertas usadas pelo Brasil nos anos 1970 para garantir a tomada do poder por militares de direita na América Latina, também pode ser aplicado para a atuação brasileira em Angola nos meses que antecederam sua independência em relação a Portugal. Este trabalho não analisa, portanto, apenas o processo que levou ao reconhecimento, pela ditadura brasileira, da independência declarada pelo Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA). Também são reunidos os vestígios da participação de agentes de segurança dessa mesma ditadura nas fileiras da Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola (FNLA). Este trabalho apresenta indícios da presença de policiais de um grupo de elite do Rio de Janeiro nas tropas de Holden Roberto no segundo semestre de 1975, atuando como especialistas em explosivosThis thesis approaches the Brazilian involvement in the final process of decolonization of Angola, concentrating mainly on the period between the installation of the Special Representation of Brazil before the Angolan Transitional Government in March 1975 and the declaration of independence of this African country, on 11 November of the same year. The analysis is based on the review of academic literature and on work with primary sources, including the consultation of official documentation, the analysis of written memoirs and personal interviews of the involved characters. The goal of the research is to verify if the “parallel military diplomacy” – concept adopted by Moniz Bandeira to refer to more or less undercover operations carried out by Brazil in the 70’s in order to guarantee the power overtake of the rightist militaries in Latin America – can be applied also for the Brazilian action in Angola months before its independence on Portugal. Therefore, this work not only analyzes the process that led to the recognition, by the Brazilian dictatorship, of the independence declared by the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). There are also traces of the participation of security agents of the same dictatorship inside the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA). This work presents the traces of the elite Rio de Janeiro police units in the troops of Holden Roberto in the second semester of 1975, acting as explosives specialists.
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Sacatu, José Sisto Manuel. "Institucionalização de sistemas partidários em regimes multipartidários pós-guerra: o caso de Angola." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/24918.
Full textAbstract:
Uma literatura crescente sobre sistemas partidários e partidos políticos tem se
dedicado ao desenvolvimento destes em contextos pós-guerra civil, incidindo menos
sobre a influência que conflitos armados intraestatais e processos de pacificação têm no
desenvolvimento de sistemas partidários. Esta investigação tem como objetivo principal
analisar a influência da guerra civil e respetiva pacificação na formação e
desenvolvimento de sistemas partidários em regimes multipartidários pós-guerra.
A partir de um estudo de caso único, esta investigação procurou entender de que
forma a guerra civil e o modo como terminou influenciou a institucionalização do sistema
partidário em Angola, com o argumento de que os legados da guerra e da paz têm um
impacto crítico na formação e desenvolvimento de instituições políticas em contextos
pós-guerra no sentido de constituírem um mecanismo ambiental. Para tal, fez-se uma
análise quantitativa para medir o grau de institucionalização do sistema partidário neste
país africano, desde o fim da guerra civil, e de seguida uma análise qualitativa para
compreender a forma como aqueles legados influenciaram esse mesmo grau de
institucionalização.
A análise permitiu observar que que o sistema partidário angolano desde o fim da
guerra civil em 2002 se caracteriza pelo seu grau hiperinstitucionalizado. O Esta
hiperinstitucionalização é influenciada pelo passado de guerra civil e pela vitória militar
do governo que conduziu ao seu desfecho. As eleições analisadas, apesar de serem
consideradas internacionalmente livres e justas, e aceites os resultados eleitorais pela
oposição, tiveram severas críticas a nível interno. Permite também concluir, por um lado,
que o conflito armado teve um impacto maior sobre os padrões estáveis de competição
eleitoral no sistema angolano – com o seu efeito congelador – criando um sistema de
partido dominante e, por outro lado, centrando a disputa politico-eleitoral em torno dos
ex-beligerantes (MPLA e UNITA), diminuindo, assim, o impacto de outros partidos
políticos formados antes e depois do fim da guerra. No caso angolano, os organismos
político-partidários, particularmente os ex-beligerantes, continuaram organizações
estáveis apesar dos efeitos do conflito civil no reposicionamento dos mesmos face ao
novo contexto. O conflito propiciou no pós-guerra uma disputa política eleitoral centrada
nos ex-beligerantes. O MPLA e a UNITA ocuparam o espaço político nacional. Este
cenário faz com que apenas eles possam obter mais votos ao longo do tempo, ou seja, o
MPLA concentra a maior fatia de votos perdendo alguns porcentos ao seu adversário ex-
oponente no conflito.A growing literature on party systems and political parties has been devoted to their development in post-civil war contexts, focusing less on the influence that intra-state armed conflict and peacemaking processes have on the development of party systems. The main objective of this research is to analyze the influence of civil war and its pacification on the formation and development of party systems in post-civil war multi- party regimes. Based on a single case study, this research sought to understand how the civil war and its aftermath influenced the institutionalization of the party system in Angola, arguing that the legacies of war and peace have a critical impact on the formation and development of political institutions in post-war contexts as an environmental mechanism. For this, a quantitative analysis was done to measure the degree of institutionalization of the party system in this African country since the end of the civil war, and then a qualitative analysis to understand how those legacies influenced that same degree of institutionalization. The analysis allowed for the observation that the Angolan party system since the end of the civil war in 2002 is characterized by its hyper-institutionalized degree. This hyper-institutionalization is influenced by the past civil war and the military victory of the government that led to its end. The elections analyzed, despite being internationally considered free and fair and the election results accepted by the opposition, had severe criticism domestically. It also allows for the conclusion, on the one hand, that the armed conflict had a major impact on the stable patterns of electoral competition in the Angolan system - with its freezing effect - creating a dominant party system, and on the other hand, centering the political-electoral dispute around the former belligerents (MPLA and UNITA), thus diminishing the impact of other political parties formed before and after the end of the war. In the Angolan case, political party organizations, particularly the former belligerents, remained stable despite the effects of the civil conflict on their repositioning in the new context. The conflict led to a post-war electoral political dispute centered on the former belligerents. The MPLA and UNITA occupied the national political space. This scenario meant that only they could obtain more votes over time, that is, the MPLA concentrated the largest share of votes while losing a few percent to its former opponent in the conflict.
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Paredes, Margarida Isabel Botelho Falcão. "Mulheres na luta armada em Angola: memória, cultura e emancipação." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/8662.
Full textAbstract:
A história contemporânea de Angola é inseparável das guerras e conflitos que duraram de 1961 a 2002, incluindo as Lutas de Libertação nacional e a Guerra Civil após a independência. Um dos aspetos mais marcantes destas guerras foi a participação das mulheres como combatentes, cujo papel é o tema desta dissertação. Devido à ausência de pesquisas sobre estas mulheres, a tese centra-se no resgate de memórias das ex--combatentes e sobre a sua narrativização no presente a partir de entrevistas focadas na vida militar. A tese aborda também a (re)construção das identidades destas mulheres no contexto dum sistema social de dominação masculina. Como hipótese central do trabalho argumentamos que a participação das mulheres na luta armada reforça a luta pela emancipação feminina e igualdade de género, ao assumirem papéis que lhes estavam interditos anteriormente. Resistência, agência e a representação social das “masculinidades femininas” (Halberstam 1998) permitem às mulheres negociar a ordem de género dominante e assumir identidades marcadas pela ambiguidade de género, reinventando-se, assim, como sujeitos. A tese contribui também para a constituição de um arquivo de memórias no feminino sobre crimes coloniais, resistência anticolonial, Luta de Libertação nacional e Guerra Civil, bem como sobre conflitos internos, como o 27 de Maio de 1977. As dificuldades e frustrações das ex-combatentes, na situação pós-colonial, em relação à falta de reconhecimento dos seus passados, também são abordadas.The history of contemporary Angola is inseparable from the wars and conflicts that lasted from 1961 to 2002, including the national liberation struggle and the post-independence civil war. One of the most striking aspects of those wars was the participation of women as fighters, whose role is the theme of this dissertation. Due to the absence of research on these women, the thesis focuses on retrieving the ex-fighters’ memories and on their narrativization in the present, through interviews focused on military life. The thesis also addresses the women’s (re)construction of identity in a male-dominated social system. The main hypothesis is that women’s participation in the armed struggle strengthened their fight for emancipation and equality by resorting to roles that were previously forbidden to them. Resistance, agency, and the representation of “female masculinities” (Halberstam 1998) allowed women to negotiate the dominant gender order and to perform identities that were marked by gender ambiguity, thus reinventing themselves as subjects. The thesis also contributes to an archive of female memories of colonial crimes, anticolonial resistance, national liberation struggles, and the civil war, as well as of internal conflicts such as the 27th May, 1977 events. Their present difficulties and frustrations in the post-colonial situation, regarding the lack of recognition of their past role, are also addressed.
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Nanga, Joaquim Avelino Cafunda. "Igreja Católica em Angola entre a guerra e a paz : um olhar a partir da experiência verbita : 1975-2002." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/27479.
Full textAbstract:
Angola viveu entre 1975 e 2002, uma prolongada guerra civil. A guerra civil só
terminou com a assinatura do memorando de entendimento do Lwena no dia 4 de Abril
de 2002.
Durante todo o período da guerra civil, a Igreja Católica desempenhou um papel
decisivo, através dos compromissos humanitários e sociais, nas áreas da ajuda alimentar
às populações, da saúde, da educação, das denúncias das atrocidades cometidas e pelas
propostas sucessivas de negociações e cessar-fogo, em ordem à pacificação do país, ao
respeito pela liberdade e direitos humanos, à justiça social. A Igreja Católica deu ainda a
sua colaboração para a paz, infundindo a fé e esperança nas populações martirizadas e
espezinhadas pelos militares de ambos os lados da trincheira (MPLA e UNITA).
Percebendo tudo isto, avancei para este trabalho falando da Experiência dos
missionários do Verbo Divino em Angola, onde pude perceber o contributo dos verbitas
durante a guerra civil angolana a partir das quatro dimensões características da referida
Congregação de um modo concreto da Justiça e Paz e Integridade da criação,Angola lived between 1975 and 2002, a prolonged civil war. The civil war ended only with the signing of the Lwena memorandum of understanding on 4th April 2002. Throughout the period of the civil war, the Catholic Church played a decisive role, through humanitarian and social commitments, in the areas of food aid to the population, health, education, denunciation of atrocities committed and successive negotiations and cease of war in order to pacify the country, respect for freedom and human rights, and social justice. The Catholic Church also collaborated for peace, instilling faith and hope in the martyred and trampled populations of the military on both sides of the trench (MPLA and UNITA). Understanding all these nuances, intend to, through this reseach work, thow light particularly on the experiences of the Divine Word Missionaries in Angola, with particula enfasis on their contributions as well as interventory measures taken during this period of war. This i intend to do from the persective of the four characteristic dimensions of the Congregation especialy that of Justice and Peace, Integrity of Creation.
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Carvalho, Tiago Emanuel da Cunha. "O Conflito entre MPLA e UNITA/FNLA como Materialização do Confronto URSS/EUA: no contexto da Guerra Fria." Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.6/5906.
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O período da Guerra Fria marcou um novo panorama político internacional, alicerçado num modelo bipolar do Sistema Internacional, caracterizado pela rivalidade existente entre as duas superpotências, EUA e URSS, que acabaram por se envolver num conflito assente em meios não tradicionais, obrigando a uma reconsideração da própria doutrina das Relações Internacionais.
Fortemente marcada pelo domínio do Realismo, como corrente epistemológica mais estabelecida na explicação da ordem internacional, esta Guerra, na impossibilidade de um confronto direto entre as potências beligerantes, socorreu-se a Proxy Wars.
Aproveitando o surgimento do sentimento nacionalista e da condenação internacional ao colonialismo, a Guerra Civil angolana, acabou por ser uma Proxy War, onde cada uma das potências, apoiou um dos movimentos nacionalistas, com o objetivo de aumentar a sua área de influência e espalhar a sua ideologia, resultando num conflito que iria durar mais de duas décadas.
Com base nesta realidade, este trabalho de investigação e essencialmente demonstrativo, começa por caracterizar as características do Sistema Internacional durante esta Guerra, passando posteriormente a uma caracterização histórica e política interna de Angola, acabando com uma narração da Guerra Civil angolana e o apoio efetivo que as potências hegemónicas forneceram à Guerra Civil angolana, identificando-se esta como Proxy War.The Cold War was not a mere period of international history; it constitute a paradigm of international order, grounded in the bipolar division of the international system, characterized by the rivalry between two superpowers, the US and the Soviet Union. These would eventually be involved in a non-conventional war which in turn has led many to reconsider International Relations theory as whole. Highly dominated by the realist explanatory model, which took hold of the field for a long time, this war would come to be seen as a case of a so-called ‘Proxy War’, a new concept which challenged the traditional understanding of war that since long dominated IR. In the midst of a growing and generalized nationalist wave, which entwined with the international consensus against colonialism, Angola’s civil war, can today be read as a ‘Proxy War’, a war in which each superpower was called in to support one side against the other with aim of increasing its sphere of influence and spread its ideology. This might explain why Angola’s civil war did not stop after the country gained independence, lasting over two decades. This research begins by characterizing the international system during this war, and then goes on to offer a historical and political picture of Angola, ending up with a narrative of Angola’s civil war and the effective support that hegemonic powers have invested in that war, turning it into a paradigmatic case of a Proxy War.