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Journal articles on the topic 'Angolan civil war'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 24 January 2023

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1

Moehn, Frederick. "New dialogues, old routes: emergent collaborations between Brazilian and Angolan music makers." Popular Music 30, no. 2 (May 2011): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143011000018.

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AbstractThis article considers emergent musical dialogues and official cultural collaborations between Brazil and Angola in light of recent literature theorizing the Lusophone Atlantic. As Angola restructures following a long civil war and Brazil takes a leading role among the rapidly developing BRIC nations, new questions arise pertaining to the African heritage in Brazilian music, and to Brazil's role in Angolan cultural initiatives and musical markets. Through examination of Brazilian discourse about such exchanges, combined with a comparative analysis of three versions of Angolan musician Teta Lando’s 1974 song, ‘Angolano segue em frente’ (Landos original, a recent Brazilian rerecording, and a Brazilian remix), I reveal a South-South dialogue that builds on historical connections yet also establishes new resonances in musical evocations of Atlantic affinities and flows.

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Waldorff, Pétur. "Renegotiated (Post)Colonial Relations within the New Portuguese Migration to Angola." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 3 (December 2017): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200303.

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This article examines the new wave of Portuguese migration to Luanda in the first decade after Angola's civil war, a time characterised by extensive economic growth and shifting economic prospects in Angola. It frames Portuguese–Angolan relations in contemporary Angola, relations that are sometimes portrayed as amicable and influenced by a common brotherhood, as multifaceted. This article distinguishes different social, cultural, and historic interpretations of this migration and investigates how such interpretations influence people's relations, identities, feelings, and personal understandings of the social, political, and historic contexts that people confront on a daily basis in contemporary Luanda, a capital city where “colonial encounters in postcolonial contexts” have increasingly become everyday occurrences. It argues that at the intersections of Angolan and Portuguese contact in Angola, new configurations of power are being produced and reproduced against the backdrop of its colonial history and Lusotropicalist myths, where colonial and postcolonial inequalities, as well as economic opportunities, are brought to the fore in both Angolan and Portuguese imaginaries.

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3

Vasile, Iolanda. "“Essa Dama Bate Bué” e o cânone literário angolano." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.4.16.

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Essa Dama Bate Bué and the Angolan Literary Canon. A relevant topic for the history of literature, the literary canon has been widely questioned and the Angolan literary canon is no exception, being constantly susceptible to changes. The current paper aims at challenging the Angolan literary canon and defending the necessity of including the novel Essa Dama Bate Bué by Yara Monteiro. Published in 2018, it represents an example of silenced literature about women and guerrilla movements during the war for national independence, the subsequent civil war, and the post-conflict period. The book problematizes the presence of women in national wars, the countless roles they played, but also their integration in the post-colonial society, giving insights into a topic largely ignored in Angolan literature. Keywords: Angola, Angolan women, canon, Yara Monteiro, guerrilla movements

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Vos, Jelmer. "Work in Times of Slavery, Colonialism, and Civil War: Labor Relations in Angola from 1800 to 2000." History in Africa 41 (April 28, 2014): 363–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.8.

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AbstractIn Angola, a trend towards labor commodification, set in motion under the impact of the nineteenth-century produce trade and colonial rule, has been reversed in the decades since independence. Angolans have always worked mainly in the reciprocal sphere, but with the growing commercialization of the economy after the abolition of the slave trade, self-employment has also become a constant in Angolan labor history. By 2000, the rural population was thrown back to subsistence farming, while the larger part of the urban population has tried to survive by self-employment in the informal economy. Wage labor, widespread under colonialism, has become less common.

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5

Čavoški, Jovan. "“Yugoslavia's Help Was Extraordinary”: Political and Material Assistance from Belgrade to the MPLA in Its Rise to Power, 1961–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00857.

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Based on newly declassified documents from former Yugoslav archives, this article reconstructs the process of material and political assistance that was rendered to the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) by Yugoslavia throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s until the time of Angola's independence and the beginning of the Angolan civil war in 1975. The archival evidence demonstrates that Yugoslavia's assistance to the MPLA guerrillas was one of the crucial factors that enabled the organization not only to survive the vicissitudes of international politics, but also to preserve and stabilize its strength for the final phase of the power struggle in Angola.

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6

Huang, Reyko. "Rebel Diplomacy in Civil War." International Security 40, no. 4 (April 2016): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00237.

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In the midst of civil war, rebel groups often expend significant resources opening offices in foreign capitals, meeting with heads of state, expanding their overseas networks, appealing to international organizations, and contacting foreign media. Existing scholarship has generally neglected international diplomacy as an aspect of violent rebellion, focusing instead on rebel efforts at domestic organization. A systematic documentation of rebel diplomacy in post–1950 civil wars using new quantitative and qualitative data shows that rebel diplomacy is commonplace and that many groups demonstrate as much concern for overseas political campaigns as they do for domestic and local mobilization. Diplomacy, furthermore, is not a weapon of the militarily weak, but a tactical choice for rebel groups seeking political capital within an international system that places formidable barriers to entry on nonstate entities. An original analysis of the diplomacy of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in the Angolan civil war using archival sources further demonstrates why rebels may become active diplomats in one phase of a conflict but eschew diplomacy in another. More broadly, the international relations of rebel groups promise to be an important new research agenda in understanding violent politics.

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7

Martins, Vasco. "Political identities, legitimacy and the Angolan civil war." Journal of Southern African Studies 46, no. 5 (July 20, 2020): 1075–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2020.1792172.

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8

Miller, Jamie. "Yes, Minister: Reassessing South Africa's Intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975–1976." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2013): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00368.

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In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagonists, the article shows that the South African Defence Force and Defence Minister P. W. Botha pushed vigorously and successfully for deeper engagement to cope with security threats perceived through the prism of the emerging doctrine of “total onslaught.” South Africa's intervention in Angola was first and foremost the product of strategic calculations derived from a sense of threat perception expressed and experienced in Cold War terms, but applied and developed in a localized southern African context.

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9

Macqueen, Norrie. "An Ill Wind? Rethinking the Angolan Crisis and the Portuguese Revolution, 1974–1976." Itinerario 26, no. 2 (July 2002): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009128.

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Just before midnight on 10 November 1975 Portugal's high commissioner in Angola, along with the last remnants of the Portuguese army in Africa, embarked for Lisbon. Earlier in the day he had formally transferred sovereignty not to a successor government but to ‘the Angolan people’, a formulation which permitted Portugal to ‘decolonise’ without taking sides in the civil war which was at that time reaching its climax in Angola. Immediately the perfunctory ceremony in Luanda ended, the Portuguese officials left at speed for the harbour and the relative safety of their ships which departed immediately. Thus ended Portugal's 500-year empire in Africa. It is tempting to see Portugal's indecorous withdrawal from Angola as an emblematic climax to an increasingly destructive relationship with the former jewel in its African crown. In this view, the chaotic circumstances of Angola's road to independence had brought Portugal's own fragile and unstable post-revolutionary state to the point of destruction. Yet a quite different view can be proposed. The political and diplomatic challenges thrown down by the Angolan crisis might be seen, on the contrary, to have had a ‘disciplining’ effect on a revolutionary process in Portugal which was threatening to spin out of control as a result of its own internal pressures. Arguably, rather than exacerbating these pressures, the demands of events in Angola had a unifying effect on an otherwise fragmenting state.

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Pérez Niño, Helena, and Philippe Le Billon. "Foreign Aid, Resource Rents, and State Fragility in Mozambique and Angola." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no. 1 (October 9, 2014): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214544458.

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Sharing similar colonial and postindependence civil war experiences, Mozambique’s and Angola’s development paths are often contrasted, with foreign aid–dependent Mozambique hailed a success compared to oil-rentier Angola. This article questions the so-called Mozambican miracle and revisits Angola’s trajectory over the past two decades. Paying attention to ruling parties and postwar political economy transitions, we discuss differences and similarities in postconflict reconstruction paths, policy, and institutional fragility. We suggest that large aid flows to Mozambique have contributed to a relaxation of its government’s urgency in creating the financial structure capable of capturing rents from natural resources in contrast to Angola, where the relative absence of official development aid has led Angolan elites to seek tenure prolongation partly through high rent capture and incipient socialization of massive oil rents. We conclude by discussing the likely consequences of these factors in terms of the relative “fragility” and “robustness” of both states, and by discussing the implications for foreign assistance.

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11

Pearce, J. "Control, politics and identity in the Angolan Civil War." African Affairs 111, no. 444 (June 7, 2012): 442–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ads028.

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12

Hoekstra, Quint. "Conflict diamonds and the Angolan Civil War (1992–2002)." Third World Quarterly 40, no. 7 (May 14, 2019): 1322–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2019.1612740.

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13

de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.

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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy. Making sense of the Angolan case is a starting point for a broader comparative look at other cases of illiberal peacebuilding such as Rwanda, Lebanon and Sri Lanka.

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14

Dominik Kopiński. "A Successful Failed State after All? The Case of Angola." Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.05.

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Among African countries Angola stands out as a particularly interesting case where robust economic growth has occurred despite the country having a relatively long list of characteristics of a failed state. This has prompted some scholars to call it “a successful failed state” or “weak but strong”. In 2002 Angola emerged from the devastating 25-year long civil war and since then has recorded a burgeoning growth, which only recently came to a halt due to the oil prices collapse. At the same time, Angola is famous for its corruption, lack of transparency and state capture by local elites. This article seeks to provide a critical discussion about the Angolan state, with a special reference to its capacity to provide public goods and finance them. It probes the notion that Angola can be labelled a successful failed state and argues that a perception of the relative success holds only in the time of favourable external conditions and only when major structural and institutional shortcomings of the Angolan economy are ignored.

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15

LOCKYER, ADAM. "Foreign intervention and warfare in civil wars." Review of International Studies 37, no. 5 (January 5, 2011): 2337–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001488.

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AbstractThis article explains how foreign assistance to one or both sides in a civil war influences the dynamics of the conflict. It submits that external assistance has the potential of affecting the military capabilities available to the belligerents. It then argues that the balance of those capabilities impacts significantly on whether the warfare in a civil war assumes a conventional, guerrilla or irregular form. These theoretical assertions are tested against the case of the Angolan Civil War. It is shown that during that war, variations in the form of warfare correlated closely to the type, degree, and direction of foreign intervention given to each of the belligerents.

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Paim, Elison Antonio, and Solange Maria Luis. "Tempos, espaços e memórias de guerra: diálogos com professores na província da Huíla em Angola." Cadernos CIMEAC 11, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18554/cimeac.v11i1.5262.

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A proposta de artigo resulta de pesquisa de pós-doutorado realizada no Instituto Superior de Ciências da Educação - ISCED de Lubango em Angola. Teoricamente dialogamos com autores da epistemologia decolonial, interculturalidade, história oral, memória, patrimônio cultural e história local. Ao elaborar e desenvolver o projeto Decolonizando tempos, espaços e memórias: experiências educativas na Província de Huíla – Angola, buscamos compreender como são realizadas as aulas e atividades educativas em escolas na Província de Huíla, no tocante as questões da memória e experiências educativas a partir do estudo de documentos e das rememorações dos professores da Educação Básica. Nossos questionamentos originais foram referentes a como as questões da memória, patrimônio cultural, e história e cultura das comunidades de Huíla estão presentes nas salas de aulas. O estudo foi realizado a partir de dados coletados em escolas, narrativas de professores, no Instituto Superior de Ciências da Educação-ISCED em Lubango e na Biblioteca Pública de Lubango. Procuramos investigar os diferentes saberes, fazeres e experiências vividas amalgamadas na produção do conhecimento escolar identificando como as memórias, os patrimônios e culturas locais são agenciados nas práticas docentes em escolas na província de Huíla em Angola. Neste artigo abordamos a colonização portuguesa em Angola, a independência angolana, as memórias dos educadores sobre suas experiências educativas durante as duas guerras vividas pelo povo angolano: primeiro para conquistar a sua independência do poderio colonial português e segundo a guerra civil, que seguiu a independência.Palavras-chave: Memórias. Experiências. Decolonialidade. Angola. Abstract: The article proposal results of postdoctoral research carried out at the Instituto Superior de Ciências da Educação - ISCED of Lubango in Angola. We dialogue with the theoretical framework of authors of decolonial epistemology, interculturality, oral history, memory, cultural heritage and local history. When preparing and developing the project Decolonizing times, spaces and memories: educational experiences in the province of Huíla - Angola, we sought to understand how teachers carried classes and educational activities in schools in this province regarding the issues of memory and educational experiences. Our research relied on the study of documents and the remembrances of Basic Education teachers. Our original questions were related to how the issues of memory, cultural heritage and history and culture of the communities of Huíla are present in the classrooms. The study was carried out using data collected from schools, teachers' narratives, from Lubango’s Instituto Superior de Ciências da Educação-ISCED and Public Library. We sought to investigate the different knowledges, practices and experiences amalgamated in the production of school knowledge while identifying how teachers manage memories, heritage and local cultures in their teaching practices in this province. In this article, we discuss the Portuguese colonization of Angola and its independence. We also present the memories of Angolan educators about their educational activities during the two Angolan wars. The first was the war for independence the second was the civil war that followed.Keywords: Memories. Experiences. Decoloniality. Angola.

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17

Vos, Jelmer. "Coffee Frontier in Proto-Colonial and Colonial Angola." Commodity Frontiers, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/cf.2021a18078.

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Coffee plantations were unquestionably one of the defining features of Angola’s colonial landscape. From the 1870s to independence, coffee was the main export of this former Portuguese colony, barring a couple of intervals during which rubber and diamonds held first place. During this time, Angola ranked consistently among the world’s largest robusta producers, which it might still have been today had the country’s civil war (1975-2002) not made commercial farming all but impossible. In Angolan popular memory, coffee occupies an ambivalent position: for some people it brings up memories of colonial forced labor, while others recollect stories of successful family farms. My research project, “Coffee and Colonialism in Angola, 1820-1960,” aims to reconstruct the multiple, intertwined realities behind these contrasting memories. Focusing on northern Angola, where smallholding and estate farming always coexisted, it investigates how African farmers, colonial settlers, foreign traders, and global consumers shaped one of the oldest commercial coffee frontiers in sub-Saharan Africa. In doing so, it reflects on the question to what extent “colonialism” is the proper lens through which to study the history of coffee cultivation in Angola.

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Udelsmann Rodrigues, Cristina, and Deborah Fahy Bryceson. "Precarity in Angolan diamond mining towns, 1920–2014: tracing agency of the state, mining companies and urban households." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2018): 113–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000507.

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AbstractAfter nearly 30 years of civil war, Angola gained peace in 2002. The country's diamond and oil wealth affords the national government the means to pursue economic reconstruction and urban development. However, in the diamond-producing region of Lunda Sul, where intense fighting between MPLA and UNITA forces was waged, the legacy of war lingers on in the form of livelihood uncertainty and uneven access to the benefits of the state's urban development programmes. There are three main interactive agents of urban change: the Angolan state, the mining corporations, and not least urban residents. The period has been one of shifting alignments of responsibility for urban housing, livelihoods and welfare provisioning. Beyond the pressures of post-war adjustment, the wider context of global capital investment and labour market restructuring has introduced a new surge of corporate mining investment and differentiated patterns of prosperity and precarity in Lunda Sul.

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Quintã, Margarida. "A Resisting Modern Monument: Huambo Veterinary Academic Hospital." Modern Africa, Tropical Architecture, no. 48 (2013): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/48.a.7sghv2zu.

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The Huambo (former Nova Lisboa) Veterinary Academic Hospital, designed by Vasco Vieira da Costa in 1970, was never completed. With the independence of Angola in 1975, a civil war started and lasted 27 years, with its main battlefield in the country’s central region, where the opposition party was settled. The building has served as a military headquarters since the 80’s, becoming extremely damaged in the last three decades. Peace was restored in 2002 but 30 soldiers are still nowadays living in the ruins to defend the building from vandalism. The University is planning the renovation of the Veterinary Academic Hospital, although unawareness about the building’s heritage significance may result in the irreversible loss of an Angolan Modern monument.

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20

Newitt, Malyn, and Fernando Andresen Guimaraes. "The Origins of the Angolan Civil War: Foreign Intervention and Domestic Political Conflict." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220285.

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Niemann, Michael. "The Origins of the Angolan Civil War: Foreign Intervention and Domestic Conflict (review)." Africa Today 46, no. 3 (1999): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2003.0100.

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22

Anderson, Noel. "Competitive Intervention, Protracted Conflict, and the Global Prevalence of Civil War." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 3 (June 21, 2019): 692–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz037.

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Abstract This article develops a theory of competitive intervention in civil war to explain variation in the global prevalence of intrastate conflict. I describe the distortionary effects competitive interventions have on domestic bargaining processes and explain the unique strategic dilemmas they entail for third-party interveners. The theory uncovers the conditional nature of intervention under the shadow of inadvertent escalation and moves beyond popular anecdotes about “proxy wars” by deriving theoretically grounded propositions about the strategic logics motivating intervener behaviors. I then link temporal variation in patterns of competitive intervention to recent decreases in the prevalence and average duration of internal conflicts. The theory is tested with a quantitative analysis of all civil wars fought between 1975 and 2009 and a qualitative case study of the Angolan civil war (1975–1991). My results underscore the importance of a generalizable account of competitive intervention that not only explains past conflicts, but also informs contemporary policy.

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23

Graham, Matthew. "Covert Collusion? American and South African Relations in the Angolan Civil War, 1974–1976." African Historical Review 43, no. 1 (June 2011): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2011.596619.

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Dhada, Mustafah. "The Origins of the Angolan Civil War: Foreign Intervention and Domestic Political Conflict (review)." Africa Today 49, no. 4 (2002): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2003.0039.

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Baines, Gary. "[Post]Colonial Histories: Trauma, Memory and Reconciliation in the Context of the Angolan Civil War." History: Reviews of New Books 47, no. 3 (May 4, 2019): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2019.1587342.

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Awosanmi, Esther Musa, Manisha D. Patil, Musa Shalangwa, and Martha K. Buhari. "The role of natural resources in the Angolan civil war: Lesson for other African Nations." Asian Journal of Multidimensional Research 11, no. 10 (2022): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2278-4853.2022.00242.7.

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Van Rensburg, F. I. J. "Afrikaanse oorlogspoësie na Sestig." Literator 15, no. 1 (May 2, 1994): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v15i1.652.

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The period after World War II was characterised by regional wars in various parts of the world. During this time South Africa experienced its own regional war: the onslaught on the apartheid system, and the defence against it. Following a phase of internal strife of relatively low intensity, a hot war developed on both sides of the northern and eastern borders of the country with the Angolan war as the major flashpoint. The latter war exerted a marked influence on the local scene, where a civil war of low intensity developed. This article and its sequel record the ways in which Afrikaans poetry reacted to this many-faceted war. Facets highlighted are the way in which the military aspects of the war is portrayed, the manifestations of the struggle on the local scene, especially in the townships, the impact of the war on the spirit of the soldier and the civilian, and the moral stance adopted by poets towards the war. In conclusion, the characteristics of the war poem of this period are compared with those of the period preceding it. In this article the attention is focused on the war outside and within the borders of the country.

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Gonçalves, Francisco M. P., José C. Luís, José J. Tchamba, Manuel J. Cachissapa, and António Valter Chisingui. "A rapid assessment of hunting and bushmeat trade along the roadside between five Angolan major towns." Nature Conservation 37 (December 16, 2019): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/natureconservation.37.37590.

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Hunting and related bushmeat trade are activities which negatively impact wildlife worldwide, with serious implications for biodiversity conservation. Angola’s fauna was severely decimated during the long-lasting civil war following the country’s independence. During a round trip from Lubango (Huíla province), passing through the provinces of Benguela, Cuanza sul, Luanda, Bengo and finally to Uíge, we documented a variety of bushmeat trade, mainly along the roadside. This included snakes, rodents, duikers, antelopes, bush pigs, small carnivores and bird species. Despite being considered a subsistence activity for inhabitants in rural areas, it is concerning due to the increasing number of people becoming dependent on bushmeat trade for income generation and demand for bushmeat in the main cities. There is an urgent need to assess the impact of this activity on wildlife populations, in order to create alternative sources of income in rural areas and more effective policies focused on effective conservation of the rich biodiversity of Angola.

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Jackson, Steven F. "China's Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–93." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 388–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034986.

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The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty. Mao ZedongIn the middle of October 1975, a dusty column of South African troops, equipped with armoured cars and helicopters, rumbled north into Angola, further internationalizing the already complex civil war there. The South African attack not only broadened the war, prompting an even greater Cuban intervention, it also posed a dilemma for China, which supported the same Angolan parties as did South Africa: should China follow its policy of tit-for-tat opposition to Soviet expansion world-wide, even if it meant allying with the racist government of South Africa? Or should it follow the opinions of its fellow Third World nations in Africa, even if it led to a Soviet bloc advance? The difficulty China's leaders faced in the autumn of 1975 was one which had hidden origins in the different ways in which China viewed conflicts around the world, a difficulty that had lain dormant for years but which erupted in 1975 into full view, and with disastrous consequences for Chinese foreign policy in Africa. It is, moreover, a discrepancy which continues to exist in China's views of the world today.How does China view conflicts and revolutions in the Third World? How do the Chinese organize their relations with Third World revolutionary organizations and their post-independence governments? This article examines the tensions and shifts of Chinese policy towards two essentially simultaneous revolutionary struggles and their post-independence governments: Angola and Mozambique.

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Heywood, Linda M. "Towards an understanding of modern political ideology in Africa: the case of the Ovimbundu of Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 1 (March 1998): 139–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002681.

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In 1992, several national newspapers in America and Europe ran headline stories which accused Jonas Savimbi, the leader of UNITA, the nationalist movement which had been locked in a vicious civil war with the MPLA–PT government of Angola, of conducting witchcraft trials and burnings of witches at his liberation base at Jamba. The revelations, provided by two high-ranking defectors from UNITA, caused an outcry among both critics and supporters, with all predicting Savimbi's ignominious defeat. Savimbi's longtime critics expected the latest scandal to deprive him of his remaining credibility, and predicted that the support he had gathered as a fighter for Angolan nationalism and a supporter of democracy would evaporate.On the contrary, the incident had little impact on Savimbi's stature among his Ovimbundu supporters. Later that year he went on to win the majority of the Ovimbundu votes in the United Nations sponsored elections, and gained a chance to be in a run-off election against José Eduardo dos Santos for the presidency of Angola. Details about these and similar incidents which have taken place in Africa from the time of conquest reflect a political legacy that has deep roots in Africa's pre-colonial past. They also illustrate some of the fundamental differences that exist between African and Western conceptions of political behaviour and ideology that need to be addressed.

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Hughes, Geraint. "Soldiers of Misfortune: the Angolan Civil War, The British Mercenary Intervention, and UK Policy towards Southern Africa, 1975–6." International History Review 36, no. 3 (January 8, 2014): 493–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.836120.

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32

Kingston, Paul. "No One Can Stop the Rain: A Chronicle of Two Foreign Aid Workers during the Angolan Civil War (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 76, no. 1 (2007): 638–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.2007.0143.

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Braga-Pereira, Franciany, Juliano André Bogoni, and Rômulo Romeu Nóbrega Alves. "From spears to automatic rifles: The shift in hunting techniques as a mammal depletion driver during the Angolan civil war." Biological Conservation 249 (September 2020): 108744. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.biocon.2020.108744.

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Dhada, Mustafah. "BOOK REVIEW: Guimar�es, Fernando Andersen. THE ORIGINS OF THE ANGOLAN CIVIL WAR: FOREIGN INTERVENTION AND DOMESITC POLITICAL CONFLICT. London: Macmillan, 2001." Africa Today 49, no. 4 (December 2002): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2002.49.4.141.

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Vidal, Nuno de Fragoso. "The international and domestic fabrics of an ideological illusion: the Socialist MPLA." Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, no. 34 (November 4, 2021): e0102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313342021e0102.

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A caracterização politico-ideológica e a análise dos movimentos nacionalistas An The political-ideological characterization and analysis of Angolan nationalist movements and the conflicts between them, has always been subject of major and passionate political-academic discussion, which became an important component of the nationalist movements’ international and domestic characterization and definition. The MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) rapidly acquired the epithet of leftist, Socialist and Marxist since the anti-colonial struggle through the independence and afterwards. However, during the so-called founding period of an officially proclaimed Socialist MPLA, in an apparent contradiction, the MPLA’s governing practice went objectively in an opposite direction, while still reinforcing that unquestioned epithet of Socialist. It is here argued that foreign attributed classifications (political and academic), influenced by the passionate political-idological struggles of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, the civil war and the Cold War, ended up diplomatically-politically assumed (instrumentalised) by the movement itself, whereby an illusive characterization/identification prevailed, hampering a more objective analysis of the post-independence political practice. Our paper will focus on the contrast between the academic discussion on the political-ideological characterization of the MPLA (part I) and the governing practice of the party during the administration of the first President of the Republic, which was the founding period of the MPLA as a so-called Marxist-Leninist Socialist party (part II). Keywords: Angola; MPLA; Socialism; Agostinho Neto administration; political orientation. golanos, assim como os conflitos entre eles, foi sempre sujeita a apaixonadas discussões politico-académicas, que se tornaram um importante componente da definição doméstica e internacional dos movimentos nacionalistas. O MPLA rapidamente adquiriu o epíteto de esquerdista, Socialista e Marxista desde a luta anti-colonial, durante o processo da independência e depois da independência. No entanto, numa aparente contradição, durante o designado período fundacional de um oficialmente proclamado MPLA, a prática politico-governativa do partido prosseguiu numa direção oposta, ao mesmo tempo que reforçava o epíteto de Socialista. Este texto argumenta que as classificações atribuídas a partir de fora (políticas e académicas), influenciadas pelas apaixonadas lutas politico-ideológicas das décadas de 1950, 1960 e 1970, a guerra-civil e os alinhamentos da ‘Guerra Fria’, acabaram assumidos (instrumentalizado) pelo próprio movimento/partido, num processo mediante o qual prevaleceu uma ilusória caracterização/definição ideológica, obstaculizando uma análise mais objectiva da prática política do pós-independência. Este texto focar-se-á no contraste entre a discussão académica acerca da caracterização político-ideológica do MPLA (parte I) e a prática governativa do partido durante a administração do primeiro Presidente da República, consistindo no período fundacional do MPLA enquanto partido Socialista Marxista-Leninista (part II).

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Burlingham, Kate. "“Into the Thick of the Fray”." Social Sciences and Missions 28, no. 3-4 (2015): 261–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02803014.

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This article considers American foreign relations with Angola by exploring the application of so-called adaptive education. Beginning in 1919, black American missionaries at the Congregational Galangue mission station instituted systems of schooling originally developed among freedmen and women in the American South after the Civil War. These pedagogies were specifically designed to educate black Americans without upsetting dominant white structures. When transferred to Angola, these same teachings helped to empower Angolans economically and, ultimately, politically. And yet, they carried with them the unresolved legacy of American slavery. The success of Southern-inspired mission schools among Angolans opens up new questions about the legacies of slavery in US foreign relations with Angola and Africa.

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Niemann, Michael. "BOOK REVIEW: Guimar�es, Fernando Andresen. THE ORIGINS OF THE ANGOLAN CIVIL WAR: FOREIGN INTERVENTION AND DOMESTIC CONFLICT. Basingstoke: Macmillan; and New York: St. Martin's Press. 1998." Africa Today 46, no. 3-4 (July 1999): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.1999.46.3-4.230.

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Braga-Pereira, Franciany, Carlos A. Peres, Rômulo Romeu da Nóbrega Alves, and Carmén Van-Dúnem Santos. "Intrinsic and extrinsic motivations governing prey choice by hunters in a post-war African forest-savannah macromosaic." PLOS ONE 16, no. 12 (December 20, 2021): e0261198. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0261198.

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Overhunting typically increases during and after armed conflicts, and may lead to regional-scale defaunation. The mitigation of hunting impacts is complex because, among other reasons, several intrinsic and extrinsic motivations underpin the elevated deployment of hunting practices. Here we present the first study focusing on these motivations in a post-war zone. Following persistently heavy hunting pressure during the 27-year Angolan civil war, the offtake of small to medium-bodied species has increased recently as a result of large mammal depletion. However, prey choice associated with different motivations varied in terms of species trophic level and body size. While most residents hunted large-bodied species to maximize revenues from wildlife trade, many low-trophic level smaller species were harvested to meet local subsistence demands because they were more palatable and could be captured using artisanal traps near hunters’ households. Mainly low-trophic level species were killed in retaliation for crop-raiding or livestock depredation. Considering all game species sampled in this study, 96% were captured to attend two or more motivations. In addition, hunting associated with different motivations was partitioned in terms of age and gender, with prey acquisition for the wildlife trade primarily carried out by adult men, while hunting to meet local subsistence needs and inhibit human-wildlife conflicts were carried out by adult men and women, children and even the elderly. In natural savannah areas lacking fish as a source of protein, a higher number of species was selected to supply both the meat trade and subsistence, while more species in forest areas were targeted for trade in animal body parts and conflict retaliation. Finally, local commerce in bushmeat and other body parts accrued higher domestic revenues compared to any alternative sources of direct and indirect income. However, these financial benefits were at best modest, largely unsustainable in terms of prey population collapses, and generated high long-term costs for the local to regional scale economy and native biodiversity.

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Udelsmann-Rodrigues, Cristina. "Angola Since the Civil War." Journal of Southern African Studies 43, no. 5 (July 21, 2017): 1112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2017.1354457.

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Comerford, Michael. "The Angolan Churches from the Bicesse to the Luena Peace Agreements (1991-2002): The Building of a Peace Agenda and the Road to Ecumenical Dialogue." Journal of Religion in Africa 37, no. 4 (2007): 491–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006607x230526.

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AbstractThis article examines how the major Angolan churches engaged with the search for peace from 1991 to 2002, the crucial period from the Bicesse Accords to the Luena Memorandum following the death of Jonas Savimbi, which ended the years of cyclical military conflict and broken peace agreements. It sets out how the churches analysed the causes of the conflict between the MPLA-led government and the UNITA rebel movement, as well as what they believed was required to bring about peace. This analysis is unique in Angola as no other national civic voice consistently engaged with the peace agenda over this period. The article also examines ecumenical initiatives to restore peace through the formation of COIEPA, the inter-ecclesial peace committee, following the return to war in 1998, initiatives that were strongly resisted by the government as it pursued its military strategy of bringing peace to Angola by fighting a final and decisive war.

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Ractliffe, Jo, Scott Straus, and Charlotte Groult. "On photographing the legacies of violence: A conversation with Jo Ractliffe." Violence: An International Journal 1, no. 2 (October 2020): 408–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1357034x20970733.

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In her work, the South African photographer Jo Ractliffe has been exploring the idea of landscape as “pathology,” how past violence manifests in the landscape of the present. In 2007, she made the first of a number of visits to Angola and over the following 4 years photographed the lingering end of Angola’s civil war, one that South Africa was deeply involved in and was known to White South Africans as the South Africa’s “Border War.” For Violence: An international journal, she has come back on her wide body of work and shared her thoughts on the difficulties to grasp violence visually, the ethics of representation and the ways in which photography exercises one’s critical awareness.

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Catoto Capitango, João Adolfo, Mirtha Silvana Garat de Marin, Emmanuel Soriano Flores, Marco Antonio Rojo Gutiérrez, Mónica Gracia Villar, and Frigdiano Álvaro Durántez Prados. "Inequalities and Asymmetries in the Development of Angola’s Provinces: The Impact of Colonialism and Civil War." Social Sciences 11, no. 8 (July 28, 2022): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11080334.

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Angola, as with many countries on the African continent, has great inequalities or asymmetries between its provinces. At the economic, financial, and technological level, there is a great disparity between them, where it is observed that the province of Luanda is the largest financial business center to the detriment of others, such as Moxico, Zaire, and Cabinda. In the latter, despite the advantages of high oil production, from a regional point of view, they remain almost stagnant in time, in a social dysfunction where the population lives on extractivism and artisanal fishing. This article analyzes the most important events in contemporary regional history, the Portuguese occupation that was the Portuguese colonial rule over Angola (1890–1930) and the civil war that was a struggle between Angolans for control of the country (1975–2002), in the consolidation of the asymmetries between provinces. For this work, a theoretical-reflective study was conducted based on the reading of books, articles, and previous investigations on the phenomenon studied. Considering the interpretation and analysis of the theoretical content obtained through the bibliographic research conducted, this theoretical construction approaches the qualitative approach. We conclude that the deep inequalities between regions and within them, between the provinces studied, originated historically in the form of exploitation of the regions and from the consequences of the war. The asymmetries, observed through the variables studied show that the provinces historically explored and considered object regions present a lower growth compared to those that were considered subject regions in which the applied geopolitical strategy, as they are centers of primary production flows, was different. We also observe that, due to the conflicts of the civil war in the less developed regions, the inequalities have deepened, contributing seriously to a higher level of poverty and a lower development of the provinces where these conflicts took place.

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Brittain, Victoria. "The longest war." Index on Censorship 25, no. 5 (September 1996): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209602500534.

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Angolans have been the victims of civil war since 1975. Children, in particular, have been targeted, boys and girls have been kidnapped to serve in the ranks of UNITA; others, orphaned, traumatised, left to their own devices, hustle a life in the ruins of the cities

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Begu, Liviu, Maria Vasilescu, Larisa Stanila, and Roxana Clodnitchi. "China-Angola Investment Model." Sustainability 10, no. 8 (August 18, 2018): 2936. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10082936.

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In the aftermath of Angola’s civil war, strong economic relations developed between the country and the People’s Republic of China. Our study addresses China’s investment risks in Angola, considering an infrastructure-for-petroleum partnership between these two countries. The main working hypothesis is that the recovery of Chinese investments made in Angola is has translated into thousands of barrels of petroleum being imported daily from Angola. We analyzed the main economic, social, and political indicators that describe the situation in Angola that could impact the recovery of Chinese loans in the form of oil exports. Data processing implied involved regression-based imputation, MinMax data normalization, the use of the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP), and econometric analysis, next to the construction of a composite risk indicator. The results of the econometric analysis highlighted that an increase in the composite risk indicator of 1% leads to a decrease in the quantity of petroleum exported by almost 6377 barrels per day. Because, at least in the short run, the economic diversification in Angola is weak, and the most important asset is its oil, the partnership with China will continue to exist. This cooperation model represents a source of economic growth and infrastructure development for Angola and a source of energy that fuels China—one of the most powerful economies in the world.

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Manzambi, Fernando Vuvu. "Angola’s National Museum During the Civil War." Museum International 55, no. 3-4 (December 2003): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1350-0775.2003.00433.x.

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Harvey, Ross. "Magnificent and Beggar Land: Angola since the Civil War." Politikon 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2016.1155131.

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Sogge, David. "Magnificent and beggar land: Angola since the civil war." African Affairs 114, no. 456 (May 29, 2015): 474–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adv026.

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Croese, Sylvia. "Magnificent and beggar land: Angola since the civil war." South African Journal of International Affairs 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2015.1123649.

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Schubert, Jon. "Violence and the Everyday in Angola’s Civil War." Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 4 (June 30, 2016): 790–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1196961.

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Ferreira, Sanette, Jako Strydom, Monique Kriel, and Stephan Gildenhys. "Tourism and development after civil war in Malange province, Angola." South African Geographical Journal 97, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 158–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736245.2015.1028983.

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