Relevant bibliographies by topics / Annexation of Crimea

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Academic literature on the topic 'Annexation of Crimea'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Annexation of Crimea"

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Grant, Thomas D. "Annexation of Crimea." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 1 (2015): 68–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0068.

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The Russian Federation, by a municipal law act dated March 21, 2014, annexed Crimea, an area of Ukraine. This act followed armed intervention by forces of the Russian Federation, a referendum, and a declaration of independence in Crimea. Outside the context of decolonization, few claims of annexation following the use of force have been made during the United Nations era; this is the first by a permanent member of the Security Council against a United Nations member. The present article examines the annexation of Crimea in view of the legal arguments that the Russian Federation has articulated in defense of its actions. It then considers the international response and the possible consequences of nonrecognition.
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Lau, Cheng Yong. "Crimea's annexation: The blockade of EU's energy diversification strategy in Black Sea basin?" GATR Global Journal of Business Social Sciences Review 1, no. 1 (2013): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gjbssr.2013.1.1(6).

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Objective The paper aims to synthesis the impacts of Crimea's annexation into Russia on EU's energy diversification strategy, as well as the natural gas pipelines competitions in the Black Sea basin. Methodology/Technique Based on secondary documentary research method, more than 10 in press articles and journals in the related studies field are found, then synchronizing their findings into comprehensive paragraphs. Findings Firstly, the annexation of Crimea is an additional value to Russia's from the perspectives of economics, and military strength. Secondly, South stream pipeline would remain as one of the biggest competitors for EU after this annexation process; also EU would need to rectify its threat and so to diversify their natural gas market in order to avoid over-dependent on Russian's gas. Finally, Russia in this case would become a dominant gas player after this Crimea's annexation. Novelty : Although there are many studies addressing this topic, most of them just address part of the issue. This paper, based on the latest extensive findings from previous research in press articles, reviews, journals, and case studies, give readers a holistic view of the Crimea's annexation into Russia. Type of Paper: Review Keywords: European Union (EU); Energy Economics; Crimea; Black Sea; Diversification Strategy; Russia; Pipelines; Natural Gas; Geopolitics
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Voytyuk, Oksana. "Działania krymskotatarskiego ruchu narodowowyzwoleńczego w warunkach aneksji Krymu (na przykładzie blokady półwyspu)." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 48 (August 2, 2016): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2016.013.

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The actions of Crimean Tatars national liberation movement under сonditions of annexation of the Crimea (example of Crimea blockade)In 2015, due to the rapidly changing political and economic situation in the world, the issue of annexation of the Crimea gave way to such news as the political situation in Syria, and Russia's participation in hostilities in this country, the imposition of sanctions on Russia and their impact on the Russian economy, falling oil prices and its effects, the situation with refugees in the European Union. To draw attention to the problem of the annexation of the Crimea and Crimean Tatars Mejlis and its chairman Refat Chubarov and political leader of the Crimean Tatars Mustafa Dzhemilev initiated a peace action of blockade of Crimea. Blockade had two stages – transporto and food blockade and energy blockade. The action ended with the start of 2016 year. Regardless that Crimean Tatars failed to achieve the main goal - to release all political prisoners, blockade showed how high there is peninsula’s dependence from Ukraine's economy. Działania krymskotatarskiego ruchu narodowowyzwoleńczego w warunkach aneksji Krymu (na przykładzie blokady półwyspu)W 2015 roku, w związku z dynamicznie zmieniającą się sytuacją polityczną i gospodarczą na świecie, kwestia aneksji Krymu ustąpiła miejsca takim wiadomościom jak sytuacja w Syrii i udział Rosji w działaniach wojennych na terenie tego kraju, nałożenie sankcji na Rosję oraz ich wpływ na rosyjską gospodarkę, spadek cen ropy naftowej i jego skutki, sytuacja z uchodźcami w Unii Europejskiej. Celem zwrócenia uwagi na aneksję Krymu i problem Tatarów Krymskich, Medżlis z siedzibą w Kijowie przewodniczącym Refatem Czubarowym i politycznym przywódcą Tatarów Krymskich Mustafą Dżemilewym inicjowali bezterminową pokojową akcję blokady Krymu. Blokada miała dwa etapy – transportowo-towarowy i energetyczny. Akcja zakończyła się wraz z rozpoczęciem 2016 roku. Bez względu na to, że nie udało się osiągnąć głównego celu – uwolnienia więźniów politycznych, blokada pokazała wysoki stopień zależności półwyspu od gospodarki Ukrainy.
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Kobierecki, Michał Marcin. "Russia and Its International Image: From Sochi Olympic Games to Annexing Crimea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (2016): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0016.

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The aim of the article is to analyze the change of the Russian Federation’s international image in the light of two significant events: the Olympic Winter Games in 2014 in Sochi and the annexation of Crimea. According to the first hypothesis, one of the main aims for hosting the Olympic Games was to improve the international prestige of Russia. Shortly after the Olympics Russia increased its activity in Eastern Ukraine, which resulted in the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. Therefore the article is also aimed to investigate whether by annexing Crimea Russia squandered the possible positive effects of hosting the Olympics in terms of its international image.
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Javed, Muhammad, Nazim Rahim, and Assad Mehmood Khan. "Russia's Annexation of Crimea and Security Implications for the Baltic States." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. III (2019): 383–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iii).48.

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This article discusses Russia's annexation of Crimea and its security implications for the Baltic States. The study exclusively examines two considerable impacts of the Russian annexation of Crimea, in term of its Compatriots and Hybrid warfare strategies on the security of the three Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) through qualitative and descriptive analysis. It discusses Russia's Compatriot policy which was behind this annexation, and how this policy is an essential tool of the Kremlin against the Baltic States using their large portion of the population comprised of ethnic Russians. The paper finds that Russia annexed Crimea due to its geostrategic importance. Each of the three Baltic States also has strategic significance for the Russian Federation. In this sense, Russia's aggressive policies are becoming a great challenge for the security of the three States. This instant study highlights the security implications of the Russian annexation of Crimea for the Baltic States in a descriptive-analytical way.
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Rusnáková, Soňa. "Russian New Art of Hybrid Warfare in Ukraine." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 3-4 (2017): 343–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0014.

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Abstract The main aim of this paper is to analyse the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. For the purposes of the paper, the theory of hybrid warfare was chosen as an analytical category. Throughout the paper, the concept of hybrid warfare is examined and applied on case study of Crimean annexation. Hybrid warfare, especially in connection with Russian actions in Crimea has been an intensely debated concept. There is an ongoing debate among scholars concerning the meaning of the concept, its existence and employment by the Russian Federation. This paper showed that the article of Valeriy Gerasimov – the incumbent Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Federation-invoked a new warfare strategy for the Russian Federation which was consequently for the very first time in its full spectre and effectivity employed on case of Crimean annexation in March 2014. Observing the application of the hybrid warfare in practice serves the purposes of countering its further potential application in post-Soviet space and Russian ‘near abroad’.
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Charron, Austin. "Russia’s Recolonization of Crimea." Current History 119, no. 819 (2020): 275–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2020.119.819.275.

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Drawing from over a decade of experience researching Crimean identities, the author highlights key developments and transformations from the past six years of Russian occupation to show how the annexation of Crimea represents not a “reunification,” as the Kremlin claims, but rather a recolonization. Promises of economic gains have not been met, and liberties have been restricted. The Crimean Tatars have suffered most of all; in a reprise of their forced displacement under Stalin, many have gone into exile on the Ukrainian mainland.
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Hazizova, Olena. "PROBLEMS OF ETHNOCULTURAL SPACE OF THE AR OF CRIMEA IN THE CONTEXT OF THE ANNEXATION OF THE PENINSULA." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 22 (2017): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2017.22.3.

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The Crimean Tatar problem holds a leading position in the system of ethnocultural relations with the AR of Crimea. It is caused by a number of factors inherited from the past, as well as by the imperfection of the legislative basis of Ukraine, its ethnonational policy. Political and legal foundation, built during the years of independence, made it possible to combine the interests of all components of the Ukrainian political nation; however, it didn’t provide equal conditions for the ethnonational development and active participation in state-building processes of Crimean Tatars and national minorities. According to the All-Ukrainian Population Census of 2001, the ethnic composition of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea is as follows: Ukrainians constitute 24.3%, Russians – 58.3%, Crimean Tatars – 12.0%, other nationalities – 5.4% (Belarusians – 1.4%, Tatars – 0,5%, etc.). Separate statistics regarding the city of Sevastopol indicated the prevalence of Russians (71.6%); almost the statistically average percentage of Ukrainians in Crimea (22.4%); and a small Crimean Tatar community (0.5%). During the years of independence, the national and cultural need of Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars to study in their mother tongues was extremely poor. So, out of 583 schools that functioned in Crimea in 2014, only 7 were Ukrainian, and from 23.4% of ethnically Ukrainian schoolchildren only 0.7% were taught in the state language. In the 2013–14 academic year, 5551 Crimean Tatar children were educated in their native language; the national-cultural needs of the Crimean Tatars were not completelythis situation was the lack of qualified pedagogical staff, lack of textbooks, etc. After the annexation of Crimea, the Ukrainian language, which the occupation government had recognized as one of the state languages, almost completely disappeared from the educational space of Crimea, with only 1 of 7 schools retaining Ukrainian-language instruction. Today, 15 general education establishments of the Republic of Crimea continue to provide their instruction in the Crimean Tatar language (201 classes, 3651 students). Long before the onset of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, challenges in the humanitarian field, in particular the tragedy of the Ukrainian language in the cultural and educational continuum of the peninsula, were in the sight of the Ukrainian humanities: lead scientists observed negative ethnocultural tendencies caused by the inaction of state authorities that reinforced the threat of disintegration and loss of state sovereignty. During the years of Ukrainian independence, Crimea hasn’t formed strong pro-Ukrainian electorate capable of defending state sovereignty. Taking into account the constant support of Russia by the Russian community of the peninsula, lobbying for the idea of the “Russian World” and “the originally Russian Crimea”, as well as the lame state support of Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar communities, which would be able to withstand the separatist threats, the ideological war in Crimea had been lost even before 2014, which became one of the reasons for the annexation of the peninsula.
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Aydin, Filiz Tutku, and Fethi Kurtiy Sahin. "The politics of recognition of Crimean Tatar collective rights in the post-Soviet period: With special attention to the Russian annexation of Crimea." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 1 (2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.02.003.

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This paper examines the process of how Crimean Tatars strived to attain group-differentiated rights since they have returned to their homeland in the early 1990s. Whereas the politics of minority rights were viewed through security lens in earlier literature, we emphasize the significance of cultural constructs in influencing the minority policies, based on qualitative content analysis of “speech acts” of elites, and movement and policy documents. Focusing on the interaction of the framing processes of Crimean Tatars with the Crimean regional government, Ukraine, and Russia, we argue that the “neo-Stalinist frame” has played a major role in denying the rights of Crimean Tatars for self-determination and preservation of their ethnic identity in both pre and post annexation Crimea. The Crimean Tatars counter-framed against neo-Stalinist frame both in the pre and post-annexation period by demanding their rights as “indigenous people”. Ukraine experienced a frame transformation after the Euromaidan protests, by shifting from a neo-Stalinist frame into a “multiculturalist frame”, which became evident in recognition of the Crimean Tatar status as indigenous people of Crimea.
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Catala, Amandine. "Secession and Annexation: The Case of Crimea." German Law Journal 16, no. 3 (2015): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020988.

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AbstractThe recent crisis involving the territory of Crimea has been characterized both as a case of wrongful annexation and as one of rightful secession. Territory and competing territorial claims lie at the heart of the normative questions of secession and annexation. Any normative theory of secession or of annexation must therefore address their territorial aspect: It must explain why one agent rather than another has a valid claim to the disputed territory. One of the most interesting, yet controversial, normative accounts of secession has been offered by choice theorists of secession. Choice theorists adopt a rather permissive stance, based on the normative significance of political self-determination. Choice theories, however, have been widely criticized for failing to provide a satisfactory account of what legitimates the seceding group's territorial claim. This article argues that it is possible to remedy choice theories’ failure to address the question of territorial justification adequately. To do so, this article offers a two-tier account of territory that is grounded in the normative significance of self-determination. It defends this account of territory by showing that it is implied by our normative condemnation of annexation. It argues that the same reasons that warrant opposition to annexation provide support for secession, In closing, this article revisits the case of Crimea in light of its two-tier account of territory, and considers what role international law and institutions might play in addressing this type of situation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Annexation of Crimea"

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Salmón, Elizabeth, and Pablo Rosales. "Russia and the annexation of Crimea or the crisis of the post Cold War." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115476.

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The prohibition of the threat or use of force is part of the structural principles of contemporary international law. As a corollary to this norm, no state may violate the territorial integrity of the other one. However, one of the most recent issues that has sparked intense debate has been the fact that the Russian Federation annexed Crimea in March 2014. In this context, the present article examines how Russia’s action is contrary to article 2, paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter, despite the arguments made by its authorities. It also evaluates if this situation creates an obligation of non- recognition for other members of the international community. Finally, we will discuss the potential impact of this event on the future development of international law relating to international peace and security.<br>La prohibición de la amenaza y uso de la fuerza pertenece al dominio de los principios estructurales del derecho internacional contemporáneo. Como corolario de esta norma, ningún Estado puede vulnerar la integridad territorial de otro. Sin embargo, uno de los problemas más recientes y que ha suscitado un intenso debate ha sido el hecho de que la Federación Rusa haya anexado Crimea en marzo de 2014. En este contexto y pese a los argumentos vertidos por sus autoridades, el presente artículo examina cómo es que la actuación rusa es una manifestación contraria al artículo 2, párrafo 4 de la Carta de Naciones Unidas. Se evalúa también si de esta situación se deriva una obligación de no reconocimiento para los otros miembros de la comunidad internacional. Por último, se verá cuál es el impacto que tiene este evento para el desarrollo futuro del derecho internacional en materia de paz y seguridad internacionales.
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Higgins, Nicholas Daniel. "The Homeward Bound-Ness of Crimean Tatars: A Clash of National Identity, the State, and the Crimean Peninsula." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1578921172575651.

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Modin, Ludwig. "Stability and Change in Role Conceptions : The Case of Russia and the Annexation of Crimea." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411974.

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This paper addresses the question of whether Russia’s role conception changed after the annexation of Crimea. Research on role conceptions has a solid standing within foreign policy analysis, but information on role change and what it is that affects it has not been given the necessary attention. The paper’s theoretical framework contains earlier theoretical definitions of role conceptions and role change. In conjunction with the theoretical approach, process tracing and systematic text analysis with a focus on narratives are used as methodological tools. Relevant findings are then generated through the study of elite-expressions of the Russian master role from, firstly, the period between 2012 and late 2013, and, secondly, 2014. In brief, the results indicate that no major change occurred. Rather the role conception remained stable throughout both sequences. This suggests that the ramifications of the annexation of Crimea did not challenge the Russian master role and that it was not perceived as a crisis by Putin and his colleagues. Moreover, it is possible that role change more likely occurs when exceptional circumstances arise unexpectedly and when they fundamentally challenge ingrained role conceptions.
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Partanen-Dufour, Rebecca. "How Russia Today supported the annexation of Crimea : A Study of the Media’s role in Hybrid Warfare." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-274378.

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Männistö, Ida. "The strategic framing of foreign policy : A comparative case study between the United State’s invasion of Iraq and the Russian annexation of Crimea." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-297146.

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This research presents a comparative case study between the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the United State’s invasion of Iraq in 2003. It specifically examines how the two interventions were framed by the political executives. Frame theory and a qualitative content analysis served as theoretical­ and methodological benchmarks to assess selected speeches and public statements delivered by president George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin, in order to detect similar motives and justification patterns for the armed occupations. Four distinct war frames emerged from the text material: prevention, common good, state liability and imposed war. The results demonstrate that state leaders are prone to strategically communicate their military ambitions and legitimize their policy agendas through corresponding framing processes.
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Ek, Paulina. "Alone is strong? : A study of the parliamentary foreign policy and defence debates in Sweden and Finland following the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325728.

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Helleberg, Elina. "Framing the role of Russia : An analysis of selected news articles and interviews with Swedish and German journalists on the annexation of Crimea in 2014." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196375.

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This M.A studied how Russia was represented in selected media in Sweden and Germany, focusing on the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The purpose was to study how and which factors that influenced the view of Russia in selected media. The study was accomplished through a qualitative framing analysis of 32 news articles in Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt and by interviewing six Swedish and German journalists, applying a thematic analysis. Theoretical perspectives from framing, agenda setting and foreign policy theory were drawn upon to view how it influenced the media reporting. The results show that the representation of Russia was negative and President Putin was seen as the most dominant actor in all four newspapers. The Swedish newspapers DN and SvD took a larger international approach compared to the two German newspapers and focused less on national actors, while German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt focused and set the agenda for German actors in the conflict. Results from the interviews showed a low influence of foreign policy in the media reporting, that the views of Russia in Sweden and Germany are influenced by each country’s historical, cultural, political and economic factors and respective relations between Sweden and Germany’s relations to Russia.
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Korteniemi, Christoffer. "Gröna män landar på Krim : en teorikonsumerande fallstudie kring Rysslands irreguljära metoder." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6607.

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Early in the year 2014 Russia conducted an irregular warfare campaign in the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea, in a surprisingly swift operation towards an Ukrainian loss . The warfare strategy focus of this thesis is the irregular aspect of the conflict. The conflict was discussed by NATO in a debate earlier this year. Conclusions stated that both NATO and the EU should enhance their defence and resilience against the irregular aspect of warfare, in order to repel and deter such threats in the future. Academics have different arguments about whether the Russian success was achieved using enemy centric or population centric irregular warfare. The aim of this study is to examine Russia´s annexation of Crimea based on theories of irregular warfare. By adding this research based on the conflict in Crimea, other studies based on the case may increase their scientific validity and reliability. The result shows that during the conflict, Russia used population centric irregular warfare, in parallel with a few aspects of enemy centric warfare. Therefore the irregular warfare conducted by Russia could be explained using both of the stated theories.
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Svanefalk, Niclas. "Avoiding geopolitical self-destruction in the 21st century: How pragmatic idealism accounts for Sweden's neutrality in regards to its actions following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23718.

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This thesis intended to examine how the actions of Sweden, following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea, fit within the international relations theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism, focusing on the actions of Sweden's foreign policy that impacted its neutrality policy. This thesis is built upon the pragmatic idealism theoretical perspective of international relations, and attempted to address how this perspective accounted for, or failed to account for the actions of Sweden in the face of the escalating Russian threat. The analysis herein is grounded in case study methodology. First, the thesis examined how Sweden-Russia relations evolved in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Second, the thesis examined how Sweden-NATO relations changed after the 2014-15 annexation of Crimea by Russia. In both cases, the paper analysed how the evolution of these relationships affected Sweden's neutrality, and how the evolution was consistent or not consistent with the “pragmatic” and “idealist” dimensions of the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism. The culmination of this paper drew an inference of the applicability of the perspective of pragmatic idealism to Sweden's application of neutrality to international relations. It concluded that Sweden's neutrality both prior to and following the invasion, as well as its subsequent actions, were in line with the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism.
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Muts, Dariya. "As relações económicas e políticas entre a Ucrânia e a União Europeia (desde 1991 até 2017)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19867.

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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus<br>A Ucrânia, com uma localização decisiva como estado-tampão entre as potências confrontantes, tornou-se o foco do sistema internacional com o desenrolar da crise política interna e externa de 2013. O conflito em torno da Crimeia e da Ucrânia Oriental tem de ser considerado num contexto de luta pela supremacia, principalmente entre Estados liberais e autoritários, esta que se caracteriza pela desconfiança mútua, avaliações erróneas, ideologia nacionalista e intenções expansionistas. Com o presente trabalho pretende-se avaliar as relações económicas desenvolvidas entre a Ucrânia e a UE, contudo, tal não será possível sem analisar, de igual modo, as relações económicas e políticas estabelecidas pela primeira com a Federação Russa. Portanto, proceder-se-á à análise da política externa desenvolvida por cada presidente e da conjuntura económica ucraniana, de modo a, não só compreender as relações bilaterais Ucrânia-UE, como também revelar a influência russa. Serão igualmente relatados os motivos do conflito que levaram à violação da integridade territorial e as decorrentes alterações das relações políticas e económicas da Ucrânia em prol do aprofundamento destas com o Ocidente.<br>Ukraine, with a decisive location as a buffer state lying between confronting powers, has become the focus of international system as the 2013 domestic and foreign political crisis unfolds. The conflict over Crimea and Eastern Ukraine must be considered in a context of struggle for supremacy, especially between liberal and authoritarian states, which is characterized by mutual distrust, misjudgments, nationalist ideology and expansionist intentions. The present study proposes to evaluate economic relations developed between Ukraine and European Union, however, this will not be possible without analyzing, equally, economic and political relations established by the former with Russian Federation. Therefore, foreign policy developed by each president and the Ukrainian economic environment, will be analyzed to understand not only Ukraine-EU bilateral relations, but also to reveal Russian influence. The reasons for the conflict which led to the violation of territorial integrity and the resulting changes in Ukraine's political and economic relations in favor of their deepening with the West, will also be described.<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Books on the topic "Annexation of Crimea"

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Astons, S. Communism: The unpunished crime. Prelude Publications, 1985.

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Bungakushatachi no Taigyaku Jiken to Kankoku heigō. Heibonsha, 2010.

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Knott, Eleanor. Identity in Crimea before annexation: A bottom-up perspective. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0013.

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Using the approach of everyday nationalism, this chapter examines the lived experience of Russian identity and nationalism beyond Russia’s borders using the case of Crimea. This is a region where the majority of residents have been assumed to identify as ethnically Russian and where Russian identity is typically used to explain Russia’s 2014 annexation of the peninsula. First, the chapter examines how being Russian was articulated, experienced, negotiated, subverted, and opposed to – or combined with – being Ukrainian and/or Crimean. It then explores the evidence (or the lack of such) of support for territorial reconfiguration of Crimea’s relationship with Ukraine and Russia. The chapter argues that, prior to 2014, rather than seeing Crimea as a region of separatism, preferences for political-territorial affiliation should be recognised as constructed through a path-dependent framing where status quo and a ‘bad peace’ were preferred to a ‘good conflict’
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The case of Crimea"s annexation under international law. Scholar [etc.], 2017.

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Kolstø, Pål, and Helge Blakkisrud, eds. Russia Before and After Crimea. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.001.0001.

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Explores the momentous changes that have taken place in the Russian national identity discourse since Putin’s return to the presidency Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 marked a watershed in post-Cold War European history and brought East–West relations to a low point. At the same time, by selling this fateful action in starkly nationalist language, the Putin regime achieved record-high popularity. This book shows how, after the large-scale 2011–2013 anti-Putin demonstrations in major Russian cities and the parallel rise in xenophobia related to the Kremlin’s perceived inability to deal with the influx of Central Asian labour migrants, the annexation of Crimea generated strong ‘rallying around the nation’ and ‘rallying around the leader’ effects. The contributors to this collection go beyond the news headlines, focusing on aspects of Russian society that have often passed under the radar, such as intellectual racism and growing xenophobia. These developments are contextualised by chapters that provide a broader overview of the latest developments in Russian nationalism – both state-level nationalism and independent, bottom–up-driven societal nationalism, and the tensions between the two are explored.
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Roberts, Anthea. Crimea and the South China Sea. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190697570.003.0006.

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Although we often hear reference to the “invisible college” of international lawyers, it may be better to understand international lawyers as constituting a “divisible college” whose members hail from different states and regions and often form distinct, though sometimes overlapping, communities with their own understandings and approaches, as well as their own influences and spheres of influence. This chapter draws on two recent high-profile controversies—Crimea’s annexation by, or reunification with, Russia in 2014, and the legality and legitimacy of the award in the South China Sea arbitration in 2016—to explore how the divisible college of international lawyers operates with respect to Chinese, Russian, and Western international lawyers. It looks at the extent to which international lawyers in these case studies operated in their own silos or made an effort to communicate across national and geopolitical divides.
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Rosefielde, Steven. Kremlin Strikes Back: Russia and the West after Crimea's Annexation. Cambridge University Press, 2016.

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Kremlin Strikes Back: Russia and the West after Crimea's Annexation. Cambridge University Press, 2016.

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Crimea, Global Rivalry, and the Vengeance of History. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Kolstø, Pål, and Helge Blakkisrud. Introduction: Exploring Russian nationalisms. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0001.

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Russian societal nationalism comes in various guises, both ethnic and imperialist. Also Putin’s rhetoric is marked by the tensions between ethnic and state-focused, imperialist thinking. Noting the complex interplay of state nationalism and societal nationalism, this introductory chapter examines the mental framework within which Russian politicians were acting prior to the decision to annex Crimea. The chapter develops a typology of Russian nationalisms, surveys recent developments, and presents the three-part structure of this book: official nationalism, radical and other societal nationalisms, and identities/otherings. It concludes that after the annexation of Crimea, when the state took over the agenda of both ethnic and imperialist nationalists in Russia, societal nationalism finds itself at low ebb.
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Book chapters on the topic "Annexation of Crimea"

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Sagramoso, Domitilla. "The annexation of Crimea and the war in Ukraine’s Donbass." In Russian Imperialism Revisited. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203861806-15.

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Eichler, Jan. "From the Dissolution of Soviet Union Toward the Annexation of Crimea." In War, Peace and International Security. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60151-3_5.

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Bowring, Bill. "Who Are the “Crimea People” or “People of Crimea”? The Fate of the Crimean Tatars, Russia’s Legal Justification for Annexation, and Pandora’s Box." In The Use of Force against Ukraine and International Law. T.M.C. Asser Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-222-4_2.

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Overland, Indra, and Gulaikhan Kubayeva. "Did China Bankroll Russia’s Annexation of Crimea? The Role of Sino-Russian Energy Relations." In Russia's Turn to the East. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69790-1_6.

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Azarova, Valentina. "An Illegal Territorial Regime? On the Occupation and Annexation of Crimea as a Matter of International Law." In The Use of Force against Ukraine and International Law. T.M.C. Asser Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-222-4_3.

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Eichler, Jan. "From the War Against Georgia to the Annexation of the Crimea and the Following Increase of Military Tension." In Global Power Shift. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66641-5_4.

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Moulioukova, Dina, and Roger E. Kanet. "The battle of ontological narratives: Russia and the annexation of Crimea1." In Russia and the World in the Putin Era. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003190417-5.

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Escudero Espinosa, Juan Francisco. "The Crimea’s Declaration of Independence and Annexation to Russia in 2014." In Self-Determination and Humanitarian Secession in International Law of a Globalized World. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72622-9_5.

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Lehtisaari, Katja, Aziz Burkhanov, Elira Turdubaeva, and Jukka Pietiläinen. "Framing of Crimean Annexation and Eastern Ukraine Conflict in Newspapers of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in 2014." In Crisis and Change in Post-Cold War Global Politics. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78589-9_8.

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Grigas, Agnia. "Separatism and Annexation." In Beyond Crimea. Yale University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300214505.003.0004.

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Conference papers on the topic "Annexation of Crimea"

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Ghaly, Farras, and Radityo Dharmaputra. "National Attributes Analysis on Russia Crimea Annexation." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278904690476.

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Abdurrahman, Muhammad Kamil Ghiffary. "United States–Russia Space Cooperation Post-Crimea Annexation." In Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities Universitas Indonesia Conference (APRISH 2019). Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210531.021.

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Sümer, Kutluk Kağan. "The Economic Consequences of Sanctions against Russia after the Invasion of Russia in the Crimea." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01227.

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The US and EU have imposed economic sanctions on Russia over its annexation of Crimea from Ukraine. Russia's economy has been severely impacted not only by sanctions, which have isolated it from international business and trade, but from the falling oil price which has plummeted around 60 percent since June 2014, hurting its exports and revenues. As a consequence, Russia is expected to enter recession in 2015. The estimated impact of Russia’s ban on agro-food imports from the EU imposed in August 2014 is expected to be the highest in the Baltic's. These losses are undoubtedly painful, yet manageable (a trade decline bigger than 10% would obviously lead to greater losses). Economic conditions in Russia have deteriorated at a faster rate in recent months. Capital flight from Russia has accelerated, the ruble has depreciated by more than 50%, inflation has increased, and the Russian economy is projected to contract by 3.0% in 2015. The question is whether these losses are justifiable and will achieve the desired effects – to change Russia’s behavior in Ukraine, European Union, US, Turkey and beyond.
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Kusumawardani, Damar, and Radityo Dharmaputra. "Hypocritical Policy Viktor Orbán in Crimean Annexation 2014." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278704550461.

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Salsabila, Sandrina, and Siti Rokhmawati Susanto. "German Foreign Policy on Russia: Analysis of Public Opinion and Media on Crimean Annexation Sanctions." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280405680574.

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Fitriasari, Halida, and Irfa Puspitasari. "Foreign Policy Analysis: The Influence of Culture and National Identity in Turkey’s Response on Russia Related Crimean Annexation 2014." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279304960502.

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Hudaya, Maula, and Dwi Aulia Putri. "The Influence of Mass Media on Turkish Foreign Policy in Responding to the Crimean Annexation by Russian Federation in 2014." In International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0008820803070312.

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Putra, Agung Tri, and Radityo Dharmaputra. "The Analysis of Poland’s Foreign Policy through the Individual Level of Analysis Approach to the Issue of Crimean Annexation by Russia." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010278204220427.

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