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Journal articles on the topic 'Anti-Apartheid Movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 June 2025

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1

de Cock, Wessel. "‘Wij waren nette mensen, wij gooiden geen stenen’ : De discussie over de solidariteit met gewelddadig verzet tegen apartheid in de eerste Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging: het Comité Zuid-Afrika (1960-1971)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (2020): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.004.deco.

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Abstract ‘We were fine people; we did not throw stones.’ Debates in the early Dutch anti-apartheid movement about solidarity with violent resistance to apartheid in South-AfricaIn 1956 the first Dutch anti-apartheid movement, the Comité Zuid-Afrika (CZA), was found. Following the example of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, the CZA modelled itself as a politically representative moderate movement that was based on solidarity with the oppressed black population in South-Africa. As this article shows, the meaning of this solidarity became fiercely contested within the movement after the African National Congress (ANC) shifted from non-violent action towards armed resistance in the wake of the Sharpeville bloodbath in 1960. Following David Featherstone’s conceptualization of solidarity as a ‘relationship’ that is not a static given, this research shows that solidarity was constantly being contested and redefined in debates between individual members of the CZA. Within the movement many feared that solidarity, once declared, was by definition unconditional. The CZA eventually defined its relationship of solidarity with the ANC as support for non-violent resistance only. Its successor, the Anti-ApartheidsBeweging Nederland (AABN), which like other international anti-apartheid movements in the early 1970s was led by younger and more ideological activists, defined solidarity as unconditional. This different understanding of solidarity made this second generation of anti-apartheid activists participants in the violent resistance against apartheid.

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Einarsdóttir, Jónína. "Iceland’s Involvement in the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, no. 1 (2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5.

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The transnational anti-apartheid movement was heavily motivated by the postwar emphasis on human rights and decolonisation, and challenged by Cold War politics and economic interests. The aim of this article is to examine Iceland’s involvement in the anti-apartheid struggles with focus on the establishment of the unified anti-apartheid movement SAGA (Suður-Afríkusamtökin gegn apartheid), its organisation and activities. What were the motives of SAGA’s activists and their subjective experiences? The political background in Iceland is outlined as well as a historical overview of anti-apartheid activities including Iceland’s voting on resolutions against apartheid at UN and adoptions of sanctions against the South African regime. Iceland’s involvement in the antiapartheid struggle was contradictory. During two periods Iceland voted for more radical UN resolutions than did other Western countries, including the Nordic ones. Yet, Iceland adopted sanctions against the South African regime later than the neighbours and the same applies to the establishment of a unified anti-apartheid movement. The branding of the African National Congress (ANC) as communists allowed many to ignore the human right breaches of the South African regime. Most of the activists belonged to left-wing groups or the labour movement, and the relative absence of religious organisations and the Students’ Council of the University of Iceland is notable. Embedded in the transnational anti-apartheid network with particular ways of organisation and mobilisation, the activists became emotionally engaged and worked for a moral cause.

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Passemiers, Lazio. "'Primarily, I want to be an instrument of change': Nana Mahomo's Contribution to the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Historia 69, no. 2 (2025): 65–98. https://doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2024/v69n2a3.

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As democratic South Africa continues to reflect on its apartheid past, the number of political biographies about individuals who shaped this historical period is growing, especially about those who fought against apartheid. Much of this work is focused on men and women whose contributions can be linked to a particular resistance movement and whose legacies are free from significant controversy. Yet, there are many anti-apartheid activists whose narratives fit awkwardly into democratic South Africa's new-nationalist history or the official histories of specific liberation movements. One individual who falls into the latter category is Nana Mahomo. Up to now, Mahomo's contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle in the historiography has been tangential and fragmented. This article constructs a comprehensive overview of Mahomo's anti-apartheid work and explores how exile shaped the development of his political activism. His story illustrates how access to support networks defined the political trajectories of individuals in exile and how such trajectories interacted with peoples' own political convictions. This was especially true for activists like Mahomo, much of whose anti-apartheid work was not tied to a South African liberation movement. Finally, the controversial nature of some of Mahomo's antiapartheid work strengthens our historiographical understanding of the struggle against apartheid by moving beyond a two-dimensional narrative of heroes versus sellouts.

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4

Isah, Mohammed Abbass. "The State, Sharpeville Massacre and Anti-Apartheid Movement in South Africa: An Historiographic Overview." International Journal of Human Research and Social Science Studies 02, no. 05 (2025): 299–307. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15551856.

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Abstract Racial discrimination in South Africa, used as a camouflage, constantly and ostensibly appeared and presented as a central focus while the primary contradictions were used under the canopy of secondary ones in the ownership, control and utilization of the benefits of the means and relations of production. These were used and manipulated under the umbrella of apartheid rhetoric in order to violate the dignity of Blackman. The Sharpeville massacre of 1960, as a by-product of agglomeration of protests against the corrosive apartheid regime, constituted a central event in the South Africa history that upturned and continued to weaken apartheid. When the peaceful protest turned violent, killing Africans who were demonstrating against racist policies, the tragic episode marked a watershed in the anti-apartheid movement. The Sharpeville massacre, therefore, marked a turning point and shifted from a non-violent resistance to an increased and intense militancy to armed struggle. This also galvanized global solidarity with anti-apartheid movement, provoked the process of the dismantling of apartheid and paving a path to a democratic politics in South Africa.

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5

Singh, Vipul. "Anti-Apartheid Movement: A Contribution of Gandhi." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 6, no. 4 (2018): 1786–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2018.4304.

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6

Lusane, Clarence. "State of the U.S. Anti-Apartheid Movement." Black Scholar 16, no. 6 (1985): 40–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1985.11414372.

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7

Brown, Evan DiPrete. "Playing on Grassroots: The Anti-Apartheid Movement, Arthur Ashe, and the Sport Boycott." American Quarterly 75, no. 3 (2023): 633–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2023.a905867.

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Abstract: The history of campaigns against apartheid through sport reveals messy relationships between athletes and social movements, advancing recent debates over the possibilities and constraints of sport politics. The anti-apartheid movement coalesced around a transnational sporting boycott to isolate South Africa, but the American tennis icon Arthur Ashe made a series of visits to compete there in the 1970s. Ashe believed in participation as the primary mechanism for change through sport, only later embracing the boycott. When tennis tournaments and rugby tours brought South Africans to the United States, anti-apartheid organizations mobilized their own confrontational protests to interrupt play. As the growing movement won over athletes and South African propaganda turned toward commercial sport spectacle, the special position that athletes occupied provided leverage. However, their magnified legacy also obscured how resistance to apartheid through sport found success in the first place. Despite the appeal of participation as the natural path of progress, strategies of confrontation often proved more effective in the struggle against apartheid. Questioning the politics of participation and widening the frame to consider confrontation changes our understanding of sport politics, looking beyond individual athletes and bringing everyday people off the sidelines.

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8

Van Wyk, Anna-Mart. "Sweden Against Apartheid: A Historical Overview." Thinker 94, no. 1 (2023): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v94i1.2355.

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Sweden’s relations with the South African liberation movements date back to the 1960s, when the Swedish anti-apartheid movementarose. In addition to moral support and about $400 million dollars in financial support, Sweden became the first Western country to give official political support to the anti-apartheid movement. Such was the relationship between the African National Congress (ANC) and Sweden, that the latter became the first country outside of Africa to be visited by Nelson Mandela in 1990, after his release from decades of imprisonment. The aim of this contribution is therefore to provide a brief synopsis of the rich history of Sweden’s solidaritywith the South African liberation struggle and the role played by the Swedish youth, the Swedish antiapartheid movement, civil society, trade unions, and Olof Palme, former Swedish prime minister, who was one of the most committed allies of the liberation movements.

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Bamidele, Seun. "Minority Rule and Resistance: Lessons from the Anti-Apartheid Movement Applied to Contemporary Social Justice Struggles." Protest 5, no. 1 (2025): 7–26. https://doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10077.

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Abstract In this study I explore the dynamics of minority rule and resistance, drawing lessons from the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa for contemporary social justice struggles. Minority rule may be recognized by the presence a small group that exerts significant political control over a larger population, leading to profound social and political conflict. The anti-apartheid movement provides a historical case study of the ways in which organized resistance to minority rule sought to dismantle oppressive structures. The study identifies key strategies employed by anti-apartheid activists, including approaches used for grassroots mobilization, international support, and nonviolent protest. These tactics are compared to those used in current social justice movements, which confront similar issues of minority dominance and systemic injustice, such as racial inequality, political repression, and economic disparity. The comparison yields insights into the effectiveness of current strategies and ways in which they have had to adapt to meet the needs of a current generation. The comparative approach highlights enduring lessons in resistance and provides a framework for understanding and addressing contemporary power imbalances.

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Bethlehem, Louise, and Tal Zalmanovich. "Celebrity and Protest in the Anti-Apartheid Movement." Critical Arts 34, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2020.1725775.

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This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in <em>Critical Arts </em>on 4 March 2020, available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02560046.2020.1725775   Introduction to Special Issue This special issue proposes to juxtapose accounts of anti-apartheid protest and solidarity efforts with the field of celebrity studies in order to deepen our understanding of both through their conjunction. As our contributors show, opponents of apartheid in South Africa and beyond were cognisant of the importance of cultivating ties with local and global media, as well as with individuals who enjoyed easy access to the media as a consequence of their “celebrity capital” (Olivier Driessens, “Celebrity Capital: Redefining Celebrity using Field Theory,” <em>Theory and Society</em> 42 (2013)). This introduction to the special issue revisits the notion of “networked celebrity” (F. Turner and C. Larson, “Network Celebrity: Entrepreneurship and the New Public Intellectuals,” <em>Public Culture</em> 27, 1 (75) (2015)) in order to set the stage for the case histories that follow. Rather than considering the actions of individual women and men of renown with respect either to their individual “consecration” as celebrities in Pierre Bourdieu's well-known sense, or their capacity to extract individual benefit from it, the emphasis falls on understanding various manifestations of celebrity culture that take their bearings from the collaborative and decentred nature of the global protest against apartheid. The special issue challenges the individualising emphasis of celebrity studies and its predominantly metropolitan orientation, while offering a new set of perspectives on the transnational dimensions of the global anti-apartheid struggle.

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Bethlehem, Louise, and Tal Zalmanovich. "Celebrity and Protest in the Anti-Apartheid Movement." Critical Arts 34, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2020.1725775.

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12

Russell, Michelle. "South Africa and the U.S. Anti-Apartheid Movement." Black Scholar 16, no. 6 (1985): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1985.11414366.

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13

Thörn, Håkan. "Solidarity Across Borders: The Transnational Anti-Apartheid Movement." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 17, no. 4 (2006): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-006-9023-3.

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Omar, A. Rashied. "Interreligious Solidarity in South Africa." Interreligious Studies and Intercultural Theology 7, no. 1 (2023): 253–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/isit.26884.

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South Africa has a unique and vibrant interreligious solidarity movement. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, the interreligious movement played a significant role in the anti-apartheid struggle via the South African Chapter of the World Conference of Religions for Peace. Since the onset of a non-racial and democratic dispensation in 1994, the interreligious movement forms an integral part of South Africa’s burgeoning civil society, attempting to hold the post-apartheid government accountable for its political and moral mandate. This article explores the development of South Africa’s interreligious movement with special reference to the role of the Muslim community. It argues that, relative to its small size, the local Muslim community has played a disproportionate role in shaping the history and trajectory of the South African interreligious solidarity movement during the anti-apartheid struggle (1948–1994) and in the contemporary democratic period (1994–2023).

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15

LEVY, JESSICA ANN. "Black Power in the Boardroom: Corporate America, the Sullivan Principles, and the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Enterprise & Society 21, no. 1 (2019): 170–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2019.32.

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This article traces the history of General Motors’ first black director, Leon Sullivan, and his involvement with the Sullivan Principles, a corporate code of conduct for U.S. companies doing business in Apartheid South Africa. Building on and furthering the postwar civil rights and anti-colonial struggles, the international anti-apartheid movement brought together students, union workers, and religious leaders in an effort to draw attention to the horrors of Apartheid in South Africa. Whereas many left-leaning activists advocated sanctions and divestment, others, Sullivan among them, helped lead the way in drafting an alternative strategy for American business, one focused on corporate-sponsored black empowerment. Moving beyond both narrow criticisms of Sullivan as a “sellout” and corporate propaganda touting the benefits of the Sullivan Principles, this work draws on corporate and “movement” records to reveal the complex negotiations between white and black executives as they worked to situate themselves in relation to anti-racist movements in the Unites States and South Africa. In doing so, it furthermore reveals the links between modern corporate social responsibility and the fight for Black Power within the corporation.

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16

Thede, Nancy, and Pierre Beaudet. "De la lutte anti-apartheid aux mutations de la culture politique." Politique africaine 48, no. 1 (1992): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1992.5613.

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From a culture of resistance to a logic of reconstruction. The anti-apartheid movement is trapped into the post 1989 political storm but did not abandon its old strategies. Some of these anti-apartheid movements became more professional like trade unions and churches, and others, like civics, keep on battling for internal reorganisation. The civics react to the state’s pressure — while the state tries to hide its policy of keeping control under a set of reforms — and the civics go through a difficult time of deep crisis involving problems of political affiliation. Yet a national federation was created in May 1992 which is ment to resist government policies and offer an efficient programme.

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17

Nesbitt, Prexy. "Expanding the Horizons of the U.S. Anti-Apartheid Movement." Black Scholar 16, no. 6 (1985): 43–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1985.11414373.

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18

Seidman, Gay. "Guerrillas in their Midst: Armed Struggle in The South African Anti-Apartheid Movement." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (2001): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.j74432223547114r.

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Echoing a general silence in social movement theory, discussions of South Africa's antiapartheid movement tend to ignore the impact of armed struggle on mobilization. The antiapartheid movement is usually described in terms of mass mobilization and civil rights struggle rather than as an anticolonial movement involving military attacks by guerrilla infiltrators and clandestine links between open popular groups and guerrilla networks. This article explores some of the reasons why researchers might avoid discussing armed struggle, including some discomfort around its morality. Then it considers how more systematic investigation of armed struggle might change our understanding of the anti-apartheid movement, including its legacies for post-apartheid politics. Finally, it suggests that these questions may be relevant for social movement theories.

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Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, and Janice Love. "The U.S. Anti-Apartheid Movement: Local Activism in Global Politics." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 1 (1985): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042561.

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Tidwell, Alan. "Black nationalism and the anti-apartheid movement in the USA." Paradigms 1, no. 2 (1987): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03115518708619365.

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Kirkby, Diane, and Dmytro Ostapenko. "‘Second to None in the International Fight’: Australian Seafarers Internationalism and Maritime Unions Against Apartheid." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (2017): 442–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417719998.

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The participation of trade unions in the anti-apartheid movement is a subject which arguably merits more attention. This article brings into focus a group of unionists whose activism against apartheid was in the forefront of key initiatives. Drawing on new research the argument recounts the role of Australian seafarers on the international stage, particularly its association with the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), and shows how knowledge of events in South Africa passed from the WFTU to educate the union membership. By the 1980s, Australian seafarers were taking the lead in bringing European unionists together in united action to enforce the United Nations' embargo on oil supplies to South Africa by founding a new organization, the Maritime Unions Against Apartheid (MUAA). Reconstructing these events demonstrates two aspects of significance: the growing importance of monitoring shipping as an anti-apartheid strategy coordinated and led by European unions, which we point out relied on ships’ officers and crews for knowledge, and the breaking down of the ideological divide between the WFTU and the anti-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) working together in the MUAA. The article contributes new understanding of connections between anti-apartheid activism and its Cold War context.

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Mamdani, Mahmood. "The South African Moment." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 1 (2015): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.45.1.63.

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This essay draws parallels between the movement for justice in Palestine and the South African experience during the anti-apartheid struggle, engaging critically with supporters and practitioners of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel. Notwithstanding their very different contexts, the author argues that in the South African case, the decision to broaden the struggle to all opponents of apartheid, thereby transcending the racialism normalized by the very structure of the state, enabled the movement to gain the momentum necessary to bring down the apartheid regime. Neither armed resistance nor boycott alone was sufficient to win the battle without the added component of mass-based direct action. The essay challenges the activists of the contemporary Palestinian movement to redefine their strategy and create their own South African moment. The text is based on the author's remarks as discussant at a talk by BDS cofounder Omar Barghouti, held at Columbia University on 2 December 2014.

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Kessler, Madeline Rose. "“Students find corporate reforms absurd”: Bryn Mawr Student’s Mobilization for Divestment from Apartheid South Africa." Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 5, no. 2 (2024): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.5.2.3.

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In 1986, Bryn Mawr College’s endowment held $8 million or 8.33% of its $96 million endowment in investments tied to Apartheid in South Africa. In line with other major US institutions who believed they must act moral in the face of violent and exploitative system of racial discrimination, the Board of Trustees, the governing body that oversees college operations and finances, proposed a plan in 1985 to divest from subsidiaries of their stock in South Africa if Apartheid was still in place 24 months later in 1987. This came at the tail end of the international movement to oppose and end Apartheid through economic pressures. Bryn Mawr students would reject this plan, occupying buildings and mobilizing campus to disrupt Board meetings. Students said they would not rest until full divestment. Their movement held a shared commitment to ending Apartheid in South Africa and to ending racism in the United States. This paper narrates how the social and economic movements against Apartheid panned out at Bryn Mawr College in the 1980s. Based on my original primary source research at Bryn Mawr and Haverford Colleges’ special collections, I uncover the tactics and frameworks of the student movement to divest as well as the college’s response. Inevitably, the administration took partial measures to accommodate some of the demands of the student movement for divestment. The nexus between the student movement for divestment and the college administration took new heights in 1986. In this year, the students rejected the college’s newly presented plan for divestment, as they understood it as a mere palliative measure in the face of the violence and racism of Apartheid. To understand the student zeitgeist at the time , I illuminate the historical context of the movement against Apartheid by situating it in relation to the preceding anti-War and Civil Rights movements. The later era of activism precipitated into the New Left movement, which was a radical student movement grounded in ideas of political and economic democracy. I provide readers with a primer on the foundations of ethical investment in South Africa. The college’s plan embodied the corporate responsibility ethos of the 80s, which sought to maintain capitalism and pacify very popular alternatives through modest reforms. These principles undergirded Bryn Mawr College’s eventual divestment strategy, which sought to maintain profit and to make a statement about their opposition to the political system of Apartheid. To make this argument, I draw on archival discussions of corporate responsibility politics and the theory of change they espouse which forwarded reform through pressuring the companies they held stock in. I engage in an analysis of discourses emerging from a school-sponsored trip to South Africa in the winter of 1986, which was dubbed a “Peace Mission Fact Finding Trip.” This analysis is essential to understanding student and faculty perspectives, as there was not a consensus on the subject. In the end, Bryn Mawr adopted a divestment plan that was in the name of corporate responsibility. They wrote letters to the corporations they held stock in who had subsidiaries in South Africa, and asked what they were going to do to end Apartheid. The school sold $651,558 in 1986 of stock from the 5 companies, a mere 0.67% of the total endowment.

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Maxmen, Amy. "Salim “Slim” Abdool Karim: Attacking AIDS in South Africa." Journal of Experimental Medicine 206, no. 11 (2009): 2306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1084/jem.20611pi.

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Freund, Bill. "Labour Studies and Labour History in South Africa: Perspectives from the Apartheid Era and After." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (2013): 493–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000217.

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AbstractThis article attempts to introduce readers to the impressive and influential historical and contemporary literature on South African labour. A literature with some earlier antecedents effectively applied classic sociological and historical themes to the specific conditions of South African political and economic development. Research on the phase of politicized and militant white worker action ties up with research into the international pre-World War I labour movement. The strength of this literature reflected the insurgent labour movement linked to political struggle against apartheid before 1990. After this review, the second half of the paper tries to consider and contextualize the challenging post-apartheid labour situation together with its political aspects. With the successful conclusion of the anti-apartheid struggle, students of the labour movement, as well as of South African society, have become more aware of the distance between establishing a liberal democracy and actually changing society itself in a direction leading towards less inequality and an improved life for those at the bottom of society, or even the broad mass of the population. As recent literature reveals, the development of post-apartheid South Africa has been a differential and problematic experience for labour.

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Gwande, Victor Muchineripi. "'For our self-sufficiency and autonomy': International Worker Solidarity and the Global Networks of FOSATU in the Democratic Struggle in South Africa." Historia 68, no. 1 (2023): 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2023/v68n1a4.

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This article examines the place of the trade union movement in the democratisation project in South Africa. While scholarship exists which shows the role of the labour movement in the ending of apartheid, the focus tends to emphasise what has been called political or social movement unionism. However, one labour centre, the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU), pursuing a workerist approach to its trade unionism, created and extended tentacles of democracy during apartheid, outside the ambit and influence of political parties and the nationalist movement. FOSATU also created global networks and outreach in search of international worker solidarity. That solidarity was imperative for FOSATU's self-sufficiency and autonomy as well as that of the broader anti-apartheid movement. The article argues that FOSATU broadened the platforms of the democratic struggle in South Africa beyond the nation-state boundary. In doing so, it contributes to the historiographies of the trade union movement, the struggle for democracy in South Africa and the transnational turn in the South African labour movement. The study uses the minutes and reports of FOSATU's national executive, its central committee meetings and also news reports from the FOSATU Worker News, all of which are housed at Wits University's William Cullen Library, in the Historical Papers section.

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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.

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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.

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Garrett, R. Kelly, and Paul N. Edwards. "Revolutionary Secrets: Technology’s Role in the South African Anti-Apartheid Movement." Social Science Computer Review 25, no. 1 (2007): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439306289556.

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29

Metz, Steven. "The Anti-Apartheid Movement and the Populist Instinct in American Politics." Political Science Quarterly 101, no. 3 (1986): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151621.

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Fevre, Christopher. "‘Scottish Exceptionalism?’ Trade Unions and the Anti-Apartheid Movement, 1976–1994." Journal of Southern African Studies 45, no. 3 (2019): 525–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2019.1622286.

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31

Klein, Genevieve. "The British Anti-Apartheid Movement and Political Prisoner Campaigns, 1973–1980." Journal of Southern African Studies 35, no. 2 (2009): 455–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070902919975.

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32

Healy-Clancy, Meghan. "Writing from Johannesburg: Nadine Gordimer in the global anti-apartheid movement." African Studies 78, no. 2 (2019): 246–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2019.1569434.

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Chisholm, Linda. "Exploring the Environmental in South African Educational History." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 25, no. 1 (2024): 64–82. https://doi.org/10.24908/encounters.v25i0.17940.

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This article takes a small part of South Africa’s oppositional history – the educational initiatives of social actors in exile – to show that ideas about environmental education were present in exile as much as in South Africa’s internal anti-apartheid movement. It builds on a South African historiography that problematises universalising notions of ‘development’ drawn from colonial modernisation discourses and tied to Western models of development. It focuses on the inclusion of Development Studies and environmental education in the curriculum of the exiled African National Congress’s (ANC’s) Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (SOMAFCO) in the 1970s. Drawing on primary sources in the University of Fort Hare’s Liberation Movement Archives, the article argues that while the curriculum was part of a wider developmentalist discourse emerging in the post-WWII era; it aimed - unlike the apartheid curriculum which sought to construct and underline difference - to counter colonial racist discourses, and included environmental education in the curriculum at the suggestion of UNESCO. It could be seen as an early form of “decolonial” education. This case study is significant for deepening understanding of the history of environmental education in the global South. Keywords Environmental history, environmental education, South African history of education, anti-apartheid education in exile, UNESCO

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Carolin, Andy. "Locating Sexual Rights in the Anti-apartheid Movement: Simon Nkoli and the Making of Post-apartheid Protest Theatre." Critical Arts 32, no. 5-6 (2018): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2018.1560342.

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Suze, Anthony. "The untold story of Robben Island: sports and the anti-Apartheid movement." Sport in Society 13, no. 1 (2009): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430430903377706.

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Salop, Frederic I. "PUBLIC PROTEST AND PUBLIC POLICY: THE ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT AND POLITICAL INNOVATION*." Review of Policy Research 9, no. 2 (1989): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-1338.1989.tb01127.x.

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Bolsmann, Chris. "Flashpoint: How a Little-Known Sporting Event Fueled America's Anti-Apartheid Movement." Journal of Sport History 49, no. 2 (2022): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/21558450.49.2.11.

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Möckel, Benjamin. "The Material Culture of Human Rights. Consumer Products, Boycotts and the Transformation of Human Rights Activism in the 1970s and 1980s." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 6, no. 1 (2018): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.540.

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During the 1960s and 1970s, human rights NGOs began to use boycotts and other consumer protests to draw attention to their campaigns. The Anti-Apartheid Movement in particular, used consumer products and spaces of consumption for their campaigns against the South African regime. By focussing on the everyday practice of consumption, these campaigns helped to translate human rights discourse from the sphere of international law and politics into the sphere of civil society and everyday life. The entanglement of human rights activism and consumer culture can thus be seen as an important – but so far mostly overlooked – aspect of the so-called ‘breakthrough’ of human rights discourse in the 1970s. The article looks at this development from a material culture studies approach. It argues that everyday objects played an important role in human rights campaigns, particularly in the context of a mediatization and popularization of human rights in the 1970s and 1980s. The article takes the Anti-Apartheid Movement as a case study. By looking at the boycott campaigns as well as the consumer items the movement began to produce itself in the late 1980s, it shows how material objects and social practices became inextricably intertwined in these campaigns.

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Osarumwense, Charles O. "Nigeria, Zimbabwe and the Struggle for Black Majority Rule in South Africa." Àgídìgbo: ABUAD Journal of the Humanities 6, no. 1 (2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/agidigbo.2018.0601.01-j.

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This work examines the contribution of Nigeria and Zimbabwe to the liquidation of apartheid and institutionalised racism in South Africa. It analyses the diplomatic engagement of both countries in intergovernmental organizations such as the UN, OAU and the Commonwealth in the struggle for the establishment of racial equality and democracy in South Africa. The work highlights the cooperation of Nigeria and Zimbabwe in efforts to end apartheid and racism in South Africa. Both countries were committed to pan-Africanism and united in commitment to anti-colonialism and racial equality and this made them to cooperate in the anti-apartheid struggle. A number of works exist on Nigeria’s role in the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa, but there is hardly any that focuses on the cooperation between Nigeria and Zimbabwe in the struggle to end racism in the country. Anti-colonialism and racial equality were important foreign policy objectives that Nigeria adopted from independence in 1960 and this made her to be involved in the independence struggle in Zimbabwe. Nigeria’s involvement in the independence movement in Zimbabwe contributed tremendously to Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 and following Zimbabwe’s independence, both countries worked together to assist other African territories still under colonial rule. The work utilizes mainly oral sources, government records, reports of international organizations, newspaper reports and journal articles as sources of information. The work maintains that cooperation between Nigeria and Zimbabwe contributed extensively to the establishment of racial equality and democracy in South Africa in 1994. The study concludes that African states can build on the ideals of pan-Africanism to address contemporary problems as they did in the struggle against apartheid from the 1960s to the 1990s.

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Zalmanovich. "From Apartheid South Africa to Socialist Budapest and Back: Communism, Race, and Cold War Journeys." Stichproben 18, no. 35 (2018): 111–34. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1410118.

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This article reveals the communist transnational infrastructure that connected South African communists with socialist regimes in the early 1950s. Before the establishment of a global anti-apartheid movement after Sharpeville, this network enabled the circulation of people and ideas outward from South Africa. Communist education and institutions in the country opened up avenues for protest, mobility and community for political dissidents. When state persecution of communists increased in 1948, activists used this infrastructure to escape the country, procure employment or continue their political engagement abroad. I demonstrate this by tracing the journey of the South African communists Pauline Podbrey and H.A. Naidoo who were forced to leave the country in 1951 due to their political activity against the regime as well as apartheid legislation that outlawed interracial marriages such as theirs. Once in Britain, the couple were sent by the British<em> Communist Party</em> to Hungary to participate in the Cold War battle over hearts and minds as radio broadcasters. This case-study demonstrates how the intersection of Cold War politics, apartheid and race shaped the escape routes and future trajectories of communist anti-apartheid activists. Reconstructing the couple's itineraries between dissent and disillusionment, it questions the dominant post-apartheid narrative of the struggle as a heroic tale of survival and triumph, and highlights the fragmentation and failure of political lives.      

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Anderson, Norma J. "Thinking Globally, Interviewing Locally: Using an Intensive Interview Project to Teach Globalization and Social Change." Teaching Sociology 45, no. 4 (2017): 388–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0092055x17718252.

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In this article, I connect globalization and qualitative methodological practice, describing a semester-long intensive interview project about the anti-apartheid movement. I provide a detailed overview of the project as well as considerations for those who might want to adapt it for their own courses. Using students’ reflections on the projects and their final papers, I demonstrate that this project successfully introduces students to a transnational social movement and provides valuable methodological practice.

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KELLY, ELAINE. "Music for International Solidarity: Performances of Race and Otherness in the German Democratic Republic." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 1 (2019): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000124.

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AbstractCentral to the official identity of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the state's positioning of itself as the antifascist and anti-colonial other to West Germany. This claim was supported by the GDR's extensive programme of international solidarity, which was targeted at causes such as the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. A paradox existed, however, between the vision of a universal proletariat that underpinned the discourse of solidarity and the decidedly more exclusive construct of socialist identity that was fostered in the GDR itself. In this article, I explore some of the processes of othering that were embedded in solidarity narratives by focusing on two quite contrasting musical outputs that were produced in the name of solidarity: the LP Kämpfendes Vietnam, which was released on the Amiga record label in 1967, and the Deutsche Staatsoper's 1973 production of Ernst Hermann Meyer's anti-apartheid opera, Reiter der Nacht.

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Tembo, Alfred. "A Shared History: The ALP, the ANC and the Australian Anti-Apartheid Movement." African Historical Review 46, no. 1 (2014): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2014.911452.

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Jolaosho, Omotayo. "Cross-circulations and Transnational Solidarity: Historicizing the US Anti-apartheid Movement Through Song." Safundi 13, no. 3-4 (2012): 317–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2012.715418.

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Culverson, Donald R. "The Politics of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in the United States, 1969-1986." Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 1 (1996): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151931.

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T’Sjoen, Yves. "A Poetic Voice in the Anti-Apartheid Movement in Holland: Remco Campert and Breyten Breytenbach." Werkwinkel 13, no. 1-2 (2018): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/werk-2018-0003.

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Abstract This article discusses the Dutch poet Remco Campert’s involvement in the anti-apartheid movement in Holland by focusing on his magazine Gedicht (1974-1976) and his poem dedicated to the imprisoned South African writer Breyten Breytenbach. Campert’s international engagement is part of the actions undertaken by the Breytenbach-committee and other Dutch initiatives which tried to maintain public interest for the case of Breyten-bach’s imprisonment.

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Botha, Sven. "South Africa-Sweden Relations." Thinker 95, no. 2 (2023): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v95i2.2527.

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Sweden’s support for the Anti-Apartheid Movement is well documented and has prompted some observers to comment that both states share a “special relationship.” And while some aspects of South Africa-Sweden Post-Apartheid Relations have been interrogated by scholars and covered in the media, a more generic and comprehensive account of South Africa-Sweden Post-Apartheid Relations, as provided in this article and this special issue as a whole, is missing. Using an analytical framework, of the author’s own design, that incorporates social, economic, and political indicators, this paper provides an appraisal of South Africa-Sweden Relations while simultaneously offering a conclusion to the special issue on South Africa-Sweden Relations. This paper argues that the aforementioned framework is necessary to glean a more comprehensive understanding of bilateral relations that the two states share. Furthermore, the rudimentary understanding of South Africa-Sweden Relation provides the foundation for increased research on South Africa-Sweden Relations and Africa-Nordic Relations more broadly.

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Tutu, D. M. "Attributes of leadership." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 3 (2002): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i3.1238.

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In 1988 Nelson Mandela was still in South Africa's apartheid prison system, where he had been incarcerated for a quarter of a century. He would turn 70 that July, and his friend, the doughty president of the Anti-Apartheid Movement, Archbishop Trevor Huddleston, C R, had suggested that the world should celebrate this birthday. Many young people started pilgrimages from various parts of the United Kingdom, and they converged on Hyde Park Corner in London on Nelson's birthday. The crowd that gathered to celebrate this prisoner's birthday was about a quarter million strong, mostly youngsters who had not even been born when Mandela went to prison. And yet here they were gathered to honour this prisoner as if he were a pop star.

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Kruger, Loren. "Introduction: Scarcity, Conspicuous Consumption, and Performance in South Africa." Theatre Research International 27, no. 3 (2002): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883302000317.

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While anti-apartheid theatre was known worldwide for dramatizing the struggle against apartheid, theatre in South Africa today is hampered by the loss of a focused movement for change and by inefficient and compromised institutions of patronage and development. Well-placed administrators and stakeholders channel limited subsidy to large institutions such as the Market and the State Theatre, whose repertoires are dominated by nostalgic revivals, while cutting-edge performance must rely on corporate or international support. Under these conditions, theatre that is innovative in seeking new audiences and functions, as well as forms, happens often outside theatres: in film and radio, in education, and as an informal legacy of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's project of personal and national healing.

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Gurney, Christabel. "'A Great Cause': The Origins of the Anti-Apartheid Movement, June 1959-March 1960." Journal of Southern African Studies 26, no. 1 (2000): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/030570700108414.

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