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Journal articles on the topic 'Anti-authoritarian politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2025

Last updated: 1 August 2025

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1

Shimada, Yuzuru. "Authoritarianism and Constitutional Politics in Post-Authoritarian Indonesian Society: Reemergence or Legacy." Brawijaya Law Journal 9, no. 1 (2022): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.blj.2022.009.01.07.

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This paper discusses how the legacy of authoritarianism in Indonesia has influenced the country’s post-authoritarian constitutional politics. Because of some degree of ideological continuity from the authoritarian period, post-authoritarian Indonesia shows a unique situation of constitutional politics. Specifically, the positioning of Pancasila as an incontestable state ideology exposes the freedom of expression and association to severe risks, even in post-authoritarian Indonesia. In the discussion of post-authoritarian Indonesian society and constitutional politics, I review how the violatio

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Gomes da Costa Santos, Gustavo. "Anti-gender politics and the authoritarian turn in Brazil." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 10, no. 1 (2021): 96–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v10i1.126782.

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In 2018, Jair Bolsonaro, a former captain and congressman known for his racist, sexist, and homophobic remarks, was elected president of Brazil. His election shocked political analysts, representing the major setback in the Brazilian democracy since the end of the military rule in the 1980’s. The present work analyses the social actors and the political processes behind the rise of Bolsonaro to power. It focuses on the role of anti-gender politics in the recent authoritarian turn. Borrowing some insights from the Protest Event Analysis methodology, the work explores the dynamics of the anti-ge

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Kutun, Melehat. "Understanding right-wing populists’ anti-abortion politics in Turkey: The symbolic violence of the state." Intersections 10, no. 2 (2024): 114–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v10i2.1016.

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This study investigates how symbolic violence is shaping anti-abortion stances associated with legitimising right-wing populist policies. The prominent questions are as follows: What are the institutional and politico-administrative mechanisms that are impacting anti-abortion politics in terms of material and symbolic violence? How and to what extent does anti-abortion politics influence the interplay between symbolic and material state violence? The study argues that reproduction-centred policies and material and symbolic violence have intensified through anti-abortion politics in the discurs

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Franklin, Sekou. "Racial Authoritarian Preemption and the Politics of Tennessee." Social Sciences 14, no. 1 (2024): 3. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14010003.

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Racial authoritarian preemption occurs when state governments overturn, override, and alter the governing power of racially diverse municipalities. Using Tennessee as a case study, this article looks at the convergence of race, authoritarian governance, and state preemption. Three components of racial authoritarian preemption are examined: anti-federal nullification, administrative fiefdoms, and municipal containment. I focus on the period of 2010–2024, when the Tennessee legislature was captured by conservative Republicans, who then used preemption to revoke locally based civil rights, racial

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Chong, Ja Ian, and Norma Osterberg-Kaufmann. "Post-democratizing Politics in Southeast and Northeast Asia." Pacific Affairs 95, no. 3 (2022): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022953417.

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A growing global trend towards authoritarianism has left democracy, especially its liberal form, under strain. This has occurred despite earlier promises of democratization between the end of the Cold War and the early twenty-first century. Our essay examines how the dynamics of post-democratization politics have played out across several polities in Southeast and Northeast Asia. These regions once included supposed "third wave" democracies and polities apparently on the cusp of political liberalization. Such expectations have not panned out. Instead, the region has generally witnessed either

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Sattar, Abdul, and Mahboob Hussain. "A Progressive Beginning Ends in Reactionary Politics: Bhutto and the Punjab Left." Contemporary Issues in Social Sciences and Management Practices 4, no. 4 (2023): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.61503/cissmp/v2i4.74.

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This research paper examines the significant transformation of the Punjab Left during the turbulent 1970s. It aims to study the rise and subsequent relative decline of the Punjab left in the context of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's emergence and rise to power. Bhutto, who earlier championed socialist ideologies, later turned more reactionary and anti-left through more authoritarian and reactionary politics which has subsequently marginalized the Punjab left and socialist politics at large in Pakistan. This qualitative study uses both primary and secondary sources including archives, newspapers, magazi

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Hussain, Mahboob. "A Progressive Beginning Ends in Reactionary Politics: Bhutto and the Punjab Left." Contemporary Issues in Social Sciences and Management Practices 4, no. 4 (2023): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.61503/cissmp.v2i4.74.

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This research paper examines the significant transformation of the Punjab Left during the turbulent 1970s. It aims to study the rise and subsequent relative decline of the Punjab left in the context of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's emergence and rise to power. Bhutto, who earlier championed socialist ideologies, later turned more reactionary and anti-left through more authoritarian and reactionary politics which has subsequently marginalized the Punjab left and socialist politics at large in Pakistan. This qualitative study uses both primary and secondary sources including archives, newspapers, magazi

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8

Barker, Adam. "Anarchy Alive!: Anti-Authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory - By Uri Gordon." WorkingUSA 12, no. 3 (2009): 533–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-4580.2009.00256.x.

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9

Haryanto. "Boundary Crossers: The Transformation of Civil Society Elites in Indonesia’s Post-Authoritarian Era." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (2020): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.3011.

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This article discusses the strategies used by the leaders of civil society organisations (CSOs) to cross the boundary between the field of civil society and the field of the state. Moreover, it examines the implications of this boundary crossing for post-authoritarian politics in Indonesia. In doing so, it tries to answer two questions: First, what are the strategies used by CSO leaders in boundary crossing? Second, what are the political implications of this boundary crossing for Indonesia’s post-authoritarian politics? Using Bourdieu’s field theory as its conceptual framework and drawing on

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Wiratraman, Herlambang Perdana, and Satria Unggul Wicaksana Prakasa. "Dua Dekade Kebebasan Akademik di Indonesia: Tantangan di Tengah Menguatnya Otoritarianisme dalam Model Barunya." Jurnal HAM 15, no. 2 (2024): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.30641/ham.2024.15.143-158.

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This research focuses on analyzing the debates and roles of the academic freedom movement in Indonesia’s authoritarian politics. Numbers of scholars argued on the democracy decline and its current situation of authoritarian turn (Mietzner 2016, 2020; Hadiz 2017; Wiratraman 2018; Waburton and Aspinal 2019; and Winters 2021). Authoritarianism governance in recent politics has been worsening situation of free expression, including academic freedom. Recently, one of attacks is connected to cyber-attacks, which has been targeting journalists, academics, activists or students who defend human rights

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Partridge, Kevin. "Chris Dixon; Another Politics: Talking Across Today’s Transformative Movements." Journal of Resistance Studies 2, no. 1 (2025): 203. https://doi.org/10.63961/2025.036.

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Excerpt: Another Politics examines the practices of various activists within North American non-violent resistance groups, aiming to identify common challenges and potential solutions. A significant focus of the book is on the contested role of leadership within many anti-authoritarian political movements, exploring how different approaches to leadership can influence the dynamics and effectiveness of these movements. Through this analysis, the book seeks to illuminate strategies that can enhance solidarity and collaboration among activists.

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Truscello, Michael. "The Internet Shutdown and Revolutionary Politics: Defining the Infrastructural Power of the Internet." South Atlantic Quarterly 122, no. 4 (2023): 811–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-10747811.

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The solution to the accumulation of authoritarian power enhanced by the Internet will not emerge from within the Internet itself; rather, the only radical and enduring response to the kind of networked authoritarianism that is becoming pervasive globally must regard attacking the extractivist foundation of Internet materiality as the primary and most effective antifascist tactic. Far from being a recent emergence of authoritarian infrastructure, however, the Internet was developed by the US military-industrial complex and has always carried the imprint of authoritarian utility. The Internet is

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Gibson, James L. "Misunderstandings of Anti-Semitism in Russia: An Analysis of the Politics of Anti-Jewish Attitudes." Slavic Review 53, no. 3 (1994): 829–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501522.

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In a recent article in this journal Brym and Degtyarev made a number of claims about the dangers of anti-Semitism in Moscow. On the basis of a telephone survey conducted in 1992, they concluded their analysis with these ominous admonishments: "The evidence thus suggests that some large categories of Moscow's population hold attitudes that are authoritarian, xenophobic, illiberal on social issues and, of course, anti-Semitic. Given the prevalence of anti-Semitic attitudes in the city, Moscow's 150,000 Jews and the 300,000 in the rest of Russia have reason to be anxious." These are serious and i

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Jones, Douglas A. "Black Politics but Not Black People: Rethinking the Social and “Racial” History of Early Minstrelsy." TDR/The Drama Review 57, no. 2 (2013): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00259.

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Although American blackface minstrelsy in its early period (1829–1843) esteemed the anti-authoritarian potentiality of black alterity, the form's performers and most influential public (the white working class of the urban northeast) spurned actual black people. In minstrelsy they fashioned “blackness,” a new “race” with which to distinguish themselves from socioeconomic elites as well as African Americans.

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Bell, David. "Book review: Anarchy Alive! Anti-Authoritarian Politics from Practice to Theory, by Uri Gordon." Capital & Class 36, no. 1 (2012): 189–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816811432878i.

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Huang, Haifeng. "A War of (Mis)Information: The Political Effects of Rumors and Rumor Rebuttals in an Authoritarian Country." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (2015): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000253.

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Despite the prevalence of anti-government rumors in authoritarian countries, little is currently known about their effects on citizens’ attitudes toward the government, and whether the authorities can effectively combat rumors. With an experimental procedure embedded in two surveys about Chinese internet users’ information exposure, this study finds that rumors decrease citizens’ trust in the government and support of the regime. Moreover, individuals from diverse socio-economic and political backgrounds are similarly susceptible to thinly evidenced rumors. Rebuttals generally reduce people’s

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Nielsen, Kenneth Bo, and Alf Gunvald Nilsen. "Love Jihad and the Governance of Gender and Intimacy in Hindu Nationalist Statecraft." Religions 12, no. 12 (2021): 1068. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12121068.

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What role does the Islamophobic theory of “love jihad” play in the politics of Hindu nationalist statecraft—the legal codification of Hindu nationalist ideology—in India today? In this article, we address this question through a critical analysis of how the idea of “love jihad” relate to both (a) a conservative politics of governing gender and intimacy in which women are constituted as subjects of protection and (b) an authoritarian populism grounded in a foundational opposition between true Indians and their anti-national enemies within. The article begins by exploring how “love jihad” has tr

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Plys, Kristin. "The Poetry of Resistance: Poetry as Solidarity in Postcolonial Anti-Authoritarian Movements in Islamicate South Asia." Theory, Culture & Society 37, no. 7-8 (2020): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276419882735.

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During India’s Emergency, anti-state poetry of a decidedly amateurish quality proliferated. Anti-Emergency poetry did little to bring about the restoration of democracy, nor could it have reasonably been mistaken for great art. So what was the purpose of writing resistance poetry if it was not meant to directly influence politics nor to be great art? Poetry as politics has a long history in the Islamicate world, dating back to the pre-Islamic Arabian Peninsula. While until the 19th century Islamicate poetry was tied to the Caliphates who employed poets to extol the virtues of the ruling classe

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Roy, Oliva. "Contentious Politics, State Repression and Civil Dissidence: The Discourse of Resistance in Utpal Dutt’s Nightmare City." Journal of Foreign Languages and Cultures 7, no. 1 (2023): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.53397/hunnu.jflc.202301011.

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In the Post-Independence era, the prolific playwrights of India started using the aesthetic form of theater to contest authoritarian structures, and to voice their anti-establishment dissent. Utpal Dutt, a pioneering figure in Modern Indian Theater, used the medium of drama for propaganda and political conscientization of the oppressed. The indefatigable thespian contributed significantly towards the formation of modern Bengali theater, as his plays voiced his intransigent protest against the authoritarian government and concurrently, showed his impressive experimentation with different dramat

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Bugaric, Bojan. "Could Populism Be Good for Constitutional Democracy?" Annual Review of Law and Social Science 15, no. 1 (2019): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042927.

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Populism is Janus-faced. There is not a single form of populism but rather a variety of different forms, each with profoundly different political consequences. Despite the current hegemony of authoritarian populism, a much different sort of populism is also possible: democratic and antiestablishment populism, which combines elements of liberal and democratic convictions. When we examine the relationship between populism and constitutional democracy, populism should not be considered in isolation from its host ideology. Examples of democratic, liberal, socially inclusive forms of populism quite

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Antonov, Mikhail. "Law and Memory Politics in Russia." osteuropa recht 65, no. 4 (2019): 410–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2019-4-410.

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Legal possibilities for historical interpretations in Russia are more flexible than in many other post-communist countries. However, this extent of freedom of opinion became an irritating factor for the authoritarian regime in the 2010 s: the freedom to evaluate historical facts is an obstacle for imposing ideology everywhere. Under the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev, a number of tools were introduced into Russian law to secure the state control in school education. At the international level, Russia started to actively fight against ‘falsifications of history’ and employed a rich arsenal of id

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Bush, Sarah Sunn, and Amaney A. Jamal. "Anti-Americanism, Authoritarian Politics, and Attitudes about Women's Representation: Evidence from a Survey Experiment in Jordan." International Studies Quarterly 59, no. 1 (2014): 34–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12139.

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23

Young, Helen, and Geoff Boucher. "Authoritarian Politics and Conspiracy Fictions: The Case of QAnon." Humanities 11, no. 3 (2022): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11030061.

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The hypothesis of this article is that, for its adherents, QAnon is truthful, rather than true; that is, it captures their perception of the way things typically happen, rather than picturing what really has happened—and it does this in a way that seems more vivid and complete than actual experience. Why that is the case can be explained in terms of the peculiar nature of fictional representations, combined with the capacity of imaginary worlds, to symbolize real-world concerns in ways that resonate with prejudices and preconceptions but escape direct censure. After reviewing the literature on

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Antal, Attila. "Authoritarian Populism, Environmentalism and Exceptional Governance in Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 28, no. 3 (2021): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2021-3-209.

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This paper analyzes how the incumbent authoritarian populist Orbán government started to navigate itself from an anti-climate to a conservative green position. First, the theoretical background of environmentalism and democracy/autocracy will be investigated. It is to say that the relationship between democracy and the environment is quite contradictory, although democracy has a demonstrable effect on the quality of the environment and sustainability, it is not worth absolutizing. That is why we should put an emphasis on the environmental approach of authoritarian regimes, here as a case stud

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Burgess, Susan R., Marla Brettschneider, and Christine (Cricket) Keating. "Staying Tuned: LGBTQIA Politics in the Trump Era." Politics & Gender 14, no. 4 (2018): 553–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000764.

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Since Donald Trump took office in 2017, the White House has issued several clear anti-LGBTQIA signals and initiatives. Reflecting on Trump's election as U.S. president, many political scientists have analyzed his rise in the context of the literature on American political development (e.g., Skowronek 2017) and comparative governments (e.g., Levitsky and Ziblatt 2018). Some of this work has received significant media attention and attained a popular readership. The American political development analyses have often focused on the lens of political time and potential party realignment, exploring

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Gündoğan, Ercan. "The AKP Government from its Formation to the Popular Uprising in June 2013 (Part I)." European Review 27, no. 4 (2019): 468–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000140.

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The article starts with the analysis of the origin and development of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) until the 2013 Gezi Uprisings. It tries to show that the AKP first tried to survive in a defensive manner in the so-called ‘Kemalist secular republic’, and thus established strategic relations with non- or anti-Kemalist sections of society. It then chose an offensive strategy to maintain its power against attacks from traditional political and ideological forces in Turkey, such as the army, mainstream political parties and the official ideology of the Republic. However, it is argued th

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Tangri, Roger, and Andrew M. Mwenda. "Politics, donors and the ineffectiveness of anti-corruption institutions in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 1 (2006): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001436.

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Elite corruption in Uganda constitutes an essential means of consolidating the present government in power. Political leaders have therefore shown little commitment to act to curb practices that could affect their political support. Instead, anti-corruption institutions have been influenced and controlled whenever they threatened to expose the corrupt ways of Uganda's state elites. Donors have also for many years been reluctant to use their substantial economic assistance to press the government to confront wrongdoing by state elites. They have not wanted to undermine a government which they h

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Maboloc, Christopher Ryan Baquero. "The Radical Politics of Nation-States: The Case of President Rodrigo Duterte." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 6, no. 1 (2018): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v6i1.4458.

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The advent of terrorism in the midst of political conflict requires an understanding of local context and history. Anti-establishment leaders like President Rodrigo Duterte expose the limits of liberalism. By applying the critical distinction between “politics” and the “political,” we can imagine an alternative framework in our desire to unravel the narrative of Duterte’s communitarian style. Disruption is not simply meant to put into question the status quo. The goal of progressive leadership is to transform society in ways that will improve the difficult lives of the people. While the presid

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SHEAR, KEITH. "TESTED LOYALTIES: POLICE AND POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1939–63." Journal of African History 53, no. 2 (2012): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000370.

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ABSTRACTWell into their rule, at a time when South Africa was increasingly perceived as a police state, the Nationalists, the party of apartheid, depended for the implementation of their policies on structures and personnel inherited from previous governments. Even in the South African Police, the institution most associated with the country's authoritarian reputation, key developments of the early apartheid decades originated in and cannot properly be understood without reference to the preceding period. A legacy of conflict between pro- and anti-war white policemen after 1939 was particularl

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Bekus, N. "Outer space techno-politics and postcolonial modernity in Kazakhstan." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 141, no. 4 (2022): 218–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-141-4-218-238.

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This article examines the role of outer space technopolitics in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. It explores how outer space, the technological artefact of global relevance, works as a postcolonial fetish of modernity that is called upon to produce what it represents, that is, the reality of a technologically advanced Kazakh nation. The article shows that in its project of becoming a spacefaring nation the country reiterates major incentives that have motivated nuclear and space programme development in the postcolonial context of the Global South. It explores how collaboration with Russia allows Kazak

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Aul, Billie. "Zines in Libraries." Information for Social Change, no. 3 (March 1, 1996): 25–26. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4615666.

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"Zine," shortened from "fanzine," is the current term for publications published outside the conventional channels. These publications address issues of less-than-mainstream interest and provide a creative outlet for people whose tastes differ from those of the general population. Zines have been around in one form or another since the beginning of the printing press, though the amount of interest they generate tends to go in waves. The latest wave of zines starts with the punk rock movement and was accelerated by the publication of Factsheet Five, the zine of zines. Factsh

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Levintova, Ekaterina. "Glamorous politics or political glamour? Content analysis of political coverage in Russian glossy magazines." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 4 (2013): 503–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.09.002.

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This article analyzes political and social themes of Russia’s glossy magazines which represent the few remaining public spaces for surviving freedom of speech and expression in that post-communist country. As authoritarian nature of Russian political system deepens, the democratic openings often appear in unexpected places. Content analysis of two glamour monthlies, one (GQ-Russian Edition) intended for male audience, another (Cosmopolitan-Russia) – for female readership, shows consistently oppositional (anti-Putin) thrust of both publications, but also persistent political gender stereotypes.

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Rizki, Cole. "“No State Apparatus Goes to Bed Genocidal Then Wakes Up Democratic”." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (2020): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359271.

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Abstract This article forms part of an emerging body of scholarship on the sex/gender politics of authoritarian regimes in Latin America, turning specific attention to Argentine trans and travesti politics and rights claims as these articulate with legacies of authoritarianism. On March 24, 1976, the Argentine military staged a coup d’état and established a dictatorship, perpetrating mass civilian murder until democratic transition in 1983. Drawing on state intelligence archive surveillance documents, the artist-activist intervention Campaña DESAPARECER, and travesti and transgender testimony,

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Barrett, Tristam. "“Your debts are our problem”." Focaal 2020, no. 87 (2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2020.012801.

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AbstractUnlike in other countries with debt-saddled populations, the issue of consumer debt has been weakly politicized in Azerbaijan. There have been no social movements of the kind that occurred around the financial crises in the United States, the European periphery, or even in Ukraine's post-revolution attempt at a “financial Maidan.” The lack of a public politics of debt left banks to act as predators, using a weak court system to intimidate people and obtain repayment of debts. Yet the constraints to the public sphere within which a contentious politics might unfold does not mean no such

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Sianipar, Imelda Masni Juniaty. "POPULISME DAN KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI DI INDONESIA." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 4, no. 1 (2016): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.4.1.27-47.2015.

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On October 20, 2014, Joko Widodo or familiarly known as Jokowi was sworn in as the Seventh President of the Republic of Indonesia. The majority of Indonesian society supports Jokowi because He is simple, honest and populist. The presence of populist leaders in international politics often attracts the attention of Western countries, particularly the United States. Populist leaders are often considered as the authoritarian leaders, anti-democratic, anti-Western, anti-foreign and anti-market. Hugo Chavez from Venezuela and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad from Iran are the examples. Chavez and Ahmadinejad ar

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Filipi, Andrea, and Katrin Wittig. "‘Assuming our place in the concert of nations’: Burundi as imagined in Pierre Nkurunziza's political speeches." Journal of Modern African Studies 60, no. 2 (2022): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x22000088.

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AbstractPierre Nkurunziza died in 2020, just a few months short of completing his tenure as the first post-civil war President of Burundi. Critics have cast him as yet another rebel-turned-politician who came to office on a promise of a democratic transformation but became progressively authoritarian, particularly during his third, disputed term in office. As a political figure, however, Nkurunziza remains poorly understood. What kind of a worldview motivated his politics? Drawing on critical discourse analysis, we identify three recurring themes in Nkurunziza's key political speeches: anti-co

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Tang, Ching-Ping. "Democratizing Urban Politics and Civic Environmentalism in Taiwan." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1029–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003000602.

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What makes urban policies more responsive to environment problems? Local politics in Taiwan is considered to have combined features of both the pro-growth urban regimes of Western democracies and the clientele network of an authoritarian regime. Such features have made the sector resistant to democratic reforms: long after the introduction of competitive elections, urban policies were still overwhelmingly controlled by a handful of power elites and thus the interest of disadvantaged groups was seriously under-represented. Nevertheless, cases of anti-growth politics in different localities indi

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Yusuf, HO. "Rule of Law and Politics of Anti-Corruption Campaigns in a Post-Authoritarian State: The Case of Nigeria." King's Law Journal 22, no. 1 (2011): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/096157611794895264.

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Kapur, Jyotsna. "Between the lost childhoods of our parents and the infantile public of the Hindu Rashtra: A personal take." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 11, no. 1 (2020): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm_00017_1.

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Weaving personal history into a reflection on the escalation of communal politics and rhetoric under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, this article foregrounds the importance of childhood as a concept that can illuminate the nature of Hindutva fascism – its particular appeal to the adult followers of this ideology and the consequences for children. Briefly, while childhood is increasingly denied and taken away from Muslim children, Hindutva followers are forming into an infantile public utterly supplicant in its devotion to authoritarian figures. Against the Hindutva project and

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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-Br

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Polyakov, Dmitry B. "“As if Power did not Exist”: Ontology and Politics of Postanarchism." History of Philosophy 27, no. 1 (2022): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/10.21146/2074-5869-2022-27-1-130-125.

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The proposal review is devoted to the book by S. Newman “Postanarchism” presented in April 2021 by the “RIPOL Classic” publishing house. The translation into Russian of this text, the original of which was published in 2016, seems significant not only in the context of familiarization the little-known in Russia politico-philosophical concepts of the West, but also from the position of analyzing contemporary practices of political resistance to the state. The radicalism of these practices stimulates philosophical reflection on the ontological, epistemological and ethical contours of this resist

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Polyakov, Dmitry B. "“As if Power did not Exist”: Ontology and Politics of Postanarchism." History of Philosophy 27, no. 1 (2022): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/10.21146/2074-5869-2022-27-1-120-125.

Full text

Abstract:

The proposal review is devoted to the book by S. Newman “Postanarchism” presented in April 2021 by the “RIPOL Classic” publishing house. The translation into Russian of this text, the original of which was published in 2016, seems significant not only in the context of familiarization the little-known in Russia politico-philosophical concepts of the West, but also from the position of analyzing contemporary practices of political resistance to the state. The radicalism of these practices stimulates philosophical reflection on the ontological, epistemological and ethical contours of this resist

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Gordon, Uri. "Prefigurative Politics between Ethical Practice and Absent Promise." Political Studies 66, no. 2 (2017): 521–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717722363.

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‘Prefigurative politics’ has become a popular term for social movements’ ethos of unity between means and ends, but its conceptual genealogy has escaped attention. This article disentangles two components: (a) an ethical revolutionary practice, chiefly indebted to the anarchist tradition, which fights domination while directly constructing alternatives and (b) prefiguration as a recursive temporal framing, unknowingly drawn from Christianity, in which a future radiates backwards on its past. Tracing prefiguration from the Church Fathers to politicised resurfacings in the Diggers and the New Le

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Komarzyca, Daniel. "The „Tao” of Ethics and Politics: A Radical Reading of Taoist Philosophy." Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia 14, no. 4 (2020): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1895-8001.14.4.6.

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The paper explores the possibility of finding radical elements of individualistic and libertarian especially left-libertarian thought in Taoist philosophy. It demonstrates that philosophical Taoism should be treated in a comprehensive way, with a particular emphasis on ethics. In connection with this, the anti-authoritarian ethico-political dimension of early Taoism is examined, and it is argued that the Taoist philosophers of ancient China had a deep respect for the equal liberty of individuals, who are all unique by nature. As a result, findings suggest that Taoist anarchism in early medieva

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Sandberg, Eric. "China Miéville: Radical SF, Nostalgic Utopianism, and the Politics of the Past." CEA Critic 85, no. 2 (2023): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cea.2023.a901811.

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Abstract: Miéville has never claimed that his politically informed, anti-authoritarian, radical SF is a literary innovation. Instead, he locates his work within an older tradition; he is, as he has explained, "staking out remembered territory" rather than exploring new ground (qtd. in Gordon, "Revelling" 367). Miéville's overall literary project can thus be seen as a form of radical remembering, a recovery of a forgotten or neglected generic past, which he uses to write back against conservative versions of the genre, from Tolkien's nostalgic evocation of a rural, orderly, and hierarchical Eng

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Arato, Andrew. "How we got here? Transition failures, their causes and the populist interest in the constitution." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 9-10 (2019): 1106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719872290.

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How is it possible, that after the exhilarating start of democratic transitions in the late 1980s and 1990s, today authoritarian–populist options seem to be emerging in many new, as well as old democracies? Why does populism, that in most of its historical varieties has been anti-institutional and anti-procedural, turn to constitution making and constitutional rhetorics as one of its main arenas of contestation? The answers to these questions are related. In the following, in the form of six theses, I start with what I mean by ‘populism’. Next, I wish to point to the two deficits of liberal de

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Paik, Jin. "The Contagion of Fascism and Anti-Authoritarian Writing: Virginia Woolf’s Three Guineas and the Politics of (Super) Mirror Neurons." Modern Studies in English Language & Literature 69, no. 1 (2025): 43–63. https://doi.org/10.17754/mesk.69.1.43.

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Filipi, Andrea, and Katrin Wittig. "'Assuming our place in the concert of nations': Burundi as imagined in Pierre Nkurunziza's political speeches." Journal of Modern African Studies 60, no. 2 (2022): 239–60. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022278X22000088.

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Pierre Nkurunziza died in 2020, just a few months short of completing his tenure as the first post-civil war President of Burundi. Critics have cast him as yet another rebel-turned-politician who came to office on a promise of a democratic transformation but became progressively authoritarian, particularly during his third, disputed term in office. As a political figure, however, Nkurunziza remains poorly understood. What kind of a worldview motivated his politics? Drawing on critical dis-course analysis, we identify three recurring themes in Nkurunziza’s key pol

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Bhandari, Arjun Bahadur. "Participation of Gurung Freedom Fighters in the Democratic Movement of Nepal (1950-1990)." Voice of History 31, no. 1 (2023): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/voh.v31i1.53785.

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The political scientists have different opinion on the definition of democracy. Some defines democracy as the fall of an authoritarian government and conducting the first democratic elections. Other argues it as liberal reforms of an authoritarian regimes or structural adjustments made in authoritarian regimes or democratic reforms caused by the oppositional parties. In Nepalese context definition of democracy and democratic movement varies to other scholars. In Nepal it was started in against the totalitarian state of one family rule. The history of the Nepali democratic movement and its deve

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Korkman, Zeynep K. "(Mis)Translations of the Critiques of Anti-Muslim Racism and the Repercussions for Transnational Feminist Solidarities." Meridians 22, no. 2 (2023): 267–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-10637672.

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Abstract As critiques of anti-Muslim racism travel transnationally, they get translated in relation to complex histories of imperialism, colonialism, postcolonialism, and nationalism. These (mis)translations produce unexpected uses and abuses of anti-Muslim racism as an academic and political concept, with significant consequences for transnational feminist solidarity. This article explores, as a case in point, the emergence of a “Black Turk” identity in millennial Turkey where pious Muslim identity, once marginalized under a secularist state, has reasserted itself by deploying an analogy of B

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