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Journal articles on the topic 'Anti-clericalism'
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1
Lancaster, James A. T., and Andrew McKenzie-McHarg. "Priestcraft. Anatomizing the anti-clericalism of early modern Europe." Intellectual History Review 28, no. 1 (2018): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2018.1402436.
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STUART, ROBERT. "‘JESUS THE SANS-CULOTTE’: MARXISM AND RELIGION DURING THE FRENCH FIN DE SIÈCLE." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (1999): 705–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008511.
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Most historians have assumed a fundamental antagonism between Marxism and theism. In practice, the relationship between the two world-views has been far more complex than simple hostility – a complexity admirably illustrated by the experience of the Marxist Parti Ouvrier Français (POF) between 1882 and 1905. While the Marxists of the POF developed a vicious socialist anti-clericalism that made its own original contribution to France's long tradition of anti-religious polemic, they none the less experimented with a rudimentary Christian socialism designed to attract the proletarian faithful, and also developed an agnostic programme of religious indifference which sought to insert the circuit-breaker of class conflict into the highly charged link between militant secularism and Catholic clericalism. This article examines the intricate and, in the end, incoherent, pattern of engagement between Marxist socialism and French religion during the fin de siècle, and suggests that this incoherence contributed to the eventual frustration of the Parti Ouvrier's revolutionary purpose.
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Delong, Marek. "Stanowisko Konferencji Episkopatu Polski wobec wyborów parlamentarnych w 1991 roku." Politeja 15, no. 53 (2018): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.53.15.
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The Position of the Polish Episcopal Conference on the Parliamentary Elections in 1991The purpose of this article is to show the position of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on the parliamentary elections in 1991. In official pronouncements of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on this issue, as well as in the statements of individual bishops you can find two common elements. Firstly, noticeable is the identification of the category of the Polish nation, Catholics and society. Hence the belief that the institutions of a democratic state should uphold Christian values and national. Secondly, the Conference of the Polish Episcopate harbored the misconception by unanimity Catholics in Poland in terms of political views. It quickly turned out that the majority of the population does not recognize the role of the Church as the subject of political life. Already in the early nineties, and especially after the parliamentary elections in 1991, there have been numerous discussions on clericalism and anti‑clericalism.
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Chamedes, Giuliana. "Transnationalising the Spanish Civil War." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (2020): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000223.
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While it was underway, the brutal and chaotic Spanish Civil War was already being cast in contradictory ways by its leading participants. It was represented as an opportunity to lament injustice and the travesty of democracy, marshalled as positive proof that the European continent was in fact under the live threat of communist revolution, cast as a story of brutal anti-clericalism gone rampant and narrated as the battle between close-minded traditionalism and open-minded modernity. These contradictory understandings of the Spanish Civil War far outlived the conflict's conclusion in 1939 and have been played out repeatedly across the decades through the historiography. Thus, the Spanish Civil War has been represented by scholars as the fight between dictatorship and democracy, between religion and anti-clericalism and between conservative nostalgics and forward-looking modernisers. All of these narratives have some grain of truth to them. But what is so exciting about the up and coming generation of scholarship on the Spanish Civil War is that it asks new questions and provokes us to think beyond pre-existing tropes. In my contribution to this forum, I will focus in particular on one facet of this new scholarship, which is centred on the attempt to situate Spain and the Spanish Civil War within a wider, transnational, framework.
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LEE, ROBERT. "Customs in Conflict: Some Causes of Anti-Clericalism in Rural Norfolk, 1815–1914." Rural History 14, no. 2 (2003): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793303001031.
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This article examines aspects of the relationship between the Norfolk poor and the Norfolk clergy between 1815 and 1914. It considers the potential impact clergymen could have upon a number of areas of secular life, especially with regard to the extirpation of popular culture and custom, the social and moral management inherent in charity and Poor Law administration, and the development of ‘power networks’ in the countryside that confronted the challenge posed by religious Nonconformity and political radicalism. The article is principally concerned with the importance of the Church of England as an instrument of secular authority in nineteenth-century rural life. Rival social structures and conflicting economic interests are subjected to both quantitative and qualitative analysis, while keys to cultural tension are sought in such iconic areas as the pageantry of parish entertainments; the re-casting of law to act against custom; the rise of the clergyman as antiquarian historian and amateur archaeologist; the symbolism and architecture of the restored church. In so doing an attempt is made to address questions that are at once broadly political and narrowly human in their scope. What did the Oxbridge scholar – perhaps having spent the preceding three years conversing in Greek and Latin with his peers – find to ‘say’ to the agricultural labourers now in his pastoral care? And why, when the clergyman (often justifiably) thought of himself as working unstintingly in his parishioners' interests, was he so often heartily despised by them?
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Noorlander, D. L. "Reformers in the Land of the Holy Cross." Journal of Early American History 6, no. 2-3 (2016): 169–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00603007.
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The directors of the Dutch West India Company gambled their reputations and capital in a decades-long scheme to conquer and pacify Brazil, and in the end, they lost. This essay explores the various religious elements of that scheme or “mission,” as it was also called: establishing the Dutch Reformed Church as the colony’s public church, spreading the message of the “true religion,” attacking sin and reforming sinners. Coupled with a general, widespread sense of anti-Catholicism and anti-clericalism among the Dutch in Europe and America, these reform efforts exacerbated differences between the conquerors and conquered and contributed to Portuguese discontent in the years before the 1645 revolt.
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Roldán-Figueroa, Rady. "βαπτίζω “Signifies to Dip or to Wash, but Never to Sprinkle”". Church History and Religious Culture 99, № 2 (2019): 151–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09902002.
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Abstract The article argues that Baptists, General and Particular, linked the practice of immersion or dipping with a lay and anti-clerical conception of Christian ministry. Moreover, it claims that Baptist leaders who were involved in the introduction of dipping saw the practice as a sign of lay supremacy. The argument traces the Baptist laical and anti-clerical conception of Christian ministry by examining relevant texts by Baptists leaders such as Thomas Helwys (1556–1616), John Murton (1585–c. 1626), and Edmund Chillenden (fl. 1631–1678). Drawing on Rosemary O’Day’s “professionalization thesis,” the contention is made that Particular Baptists moved away from the strong anti-clericalism of the movement in the direction of the adoption of professional standards of ministry. Moreover, the article examines the strong correlation between the themes of laical authority and dipping in tracts that were published between 1641 and 1645 by Edward Barber (d. 1663), A.R. (fl. 1642), Benjamin Cox (1595–1663?), Hanserd Knollys (1598–1691), and William Kiffin (1616–1701).
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Portelli, Sergio. "Anti-clericalism in translation: Anti-Catholic ideology in the English translation of Giuseppe Garibaldi’sClelia o il governo dei preti(1870)." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 50, no. 3 (2016): 1099–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585816669940.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "The Bolivian Falange. The Story of the Collapse of a Right-Wing Utopia." Latin-American Historical Almanac 37, no. 1 (2023): 60–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-37-1-60-90.
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Since the 30s of the XX-th century. in Bolivia, there has been the formation of political forces that will become dominant in Bolivian politics throughout the XX-th century. we are talking about revolutionary nationalism, Indeanism, Marxism and right-wing radicalism of the Spanish type, represented by the Bolivian Socialist Falange party. This article is devoted to the study of the ideology and political practice of the Falange. A feature of the Bolivian phalanx was an attempt to apply right-wing radical views of the philo-fascist type in a country where the Indian population predominated, opposing hispanism and clericalism to Indian nationalism, painted in nationalist and anti-imperialist tones. In addition to putschist political practices, violence and anti-communism, the Bolivian phalanx was distinguished by anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist aspirations, building its own right-wing radical social utopia. This party played an important role in Bolivian politics in the 40-60s of the twentieth century, and then became the basis of both ultra-right marginal groups and part of the «new left» that arose in Bolivia in the 70-80s.
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Gómez Aiza, Adriana. "The Rights of Royal Patronage and the Legitimacy of anti-Clericalism after the Independence of Mexico." Edähi Boletín Científico de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades del ICSHu 10, Especial (2022): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29057/icshu.v10iespecial.7870.
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The Church-State statutory institutional relationship is particularly significant apropos the debate of cultural tolerance. Here, I review the mechanisms by which this relation circumscribes to an ethno-centric pattern in the reading of Mexican history, and examine the discursive atmosphere the Church and the State institutional struggle to master the symbols of nationhood, and account for the ethnic images ratified by institutional narratives with liberal pragmatic postulates. In particular, I focus on the complex netting of political demarcations between religious and civil institutions, and its distinctive tone they acquired under Hispanic Patronage; all of which set the background upon which the Church’s antagonism to official lay discourses on Mexican identity appears futile.
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Hazareesingh, S. "Regligion and Politics in the Saint-Napoleon Festivity 1852-70: Anti-Clericalism, Local Patriotism and Modernity." English Historical Review 119, no. 482 (2004): 614–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.482.614.
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SCHULTHEISS, K. "GENDER AND THE LIMITS OF ANTI-CLERICALISM: THE SECULARIZATION OF HOSPITAL NURSING IN FRANCE, 1880-1914." French History 12, no. 3 (1998): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/12.3.229.
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Leal, Manuel M. Cardoso. "A clivagem Estado-Igreja na Monarquia Liberal (1820-1910)." História: Revista da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 10, no. 2 (2020): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/0871164x/hist10_2a2.
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After the serious conflict that opposed the Catholic Church to the liberal State in the 1820s and 1830s, in Portugal, the Church was deprived of its economic base and subject to the state control in the appointment of bishops and parish priests. But unlike other European countries, this cleavage did not, as has been tried, give rise to a relevant “catholic” party. To this end, the State (with the consent of the main parties) avoided any break in the country's Catholic identity, keeping the Catholic religion as an official religion and integrating the hierarchy and other clergy into political functions. At the end of the regime, republicanism grew inspired by a secular anti-clericalism
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Lockley, Philip. "Christian Doubt and Hope in Early Socialism." Studies in Church History 52 (June 2016): 364–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2015.21.
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The diverse forms of socialism which emerged in the nineteenth century had a complex relationship with both Christian beliefs and the Churches. Socialist movements are commonly remembered as anti-religious and anti-clerical. Doubt, forged in the familiar nineteenth-century ‘crisis of faith’, shaped not only Marxism, but also Owenism, the earlier social theories of Robert Owen. Church historians have long pointed to another narrative of socialism and religion in the Victorian era: the rise of Christian Socialism after 1848, led by F. D. Maurice, J. M. Ludlow, Charles Kingsley and others. Here, they recall a response to doubt with faith, and an answer to anti-clericalism with a new vision for the Churches’ social role. Yet socialism before 1848 had a more contested interaction with Christianity than this history assumes. By exploring the specific nature of Christian doubt among early Owenite socialists, then following how this doubt was answered by contemporary Christian supporters of Owen, this essay uncovers an alternative, noteworthy response to doubting Christianity – the nature of Christian hope in early socialism.
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Bebbington, David W. "Evangelicals and public worship, 1965 – 2005." Evangelical Quarterly 79, no. 1 (2007): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07901001.
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Evangelicals altered their patterns of public worship drastically between 1965 and 2005. In the late 1960s worship was set apart as spiritual, there was a focus on the word and services were marked by regularity. The liturgical movement encouraged greater formality, more clericalism, less restricted access to communion services, ecumenical borrowings and an erosion of anti-Catholic inhibitions. More influential, however, was an expressive revolution fostering greater informality. Women became more prominent, the taste of young people came to the fore, technical equipment was introduced, charismatic renewal made an impact, the physical came into vogue, the visual was upgraded relative to the verbal and there was a rise of the ideal of authenticity. Despite stern resistance to change in some quarters, there was in most congregations a transition from one style of worship to another.
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Kolodnyi, Anatolii M. "Ivan Franko about the nature and functionality of religion." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 77 (March 15, 2016): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2016.77.630.
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Recognizing free-thinking with atheism, we often do not recognize the existence of religious free-thinking. The fact is that the Church somehow perceive freedom of religion, freedom of religion, but each of them does not allow itself freedom In religion, freedom In its religion. Any deviation from the dogmas or canons, the arbitrary interpretation of certain provisions of the doctrine, and especially the anti-clericalism, is perceived as heresy, and ultimately qualifies as atheism. That is why Ivan Franko was uncomfortable with the church leadership of the Greek Catholics of Galicia, and the Orthodox enjoyed his works, where he criticized the Vatican, his policy on Slavs. About the work of the thinker, in which they considered worldview problems, did not even speak.Ivan Franko (1856 - 1916) is an epoch-making figure in the history of Ukrainian spirituality. That is why he was tried and tried to enroll in his assets followers of different ideological orientations. He is a materialist and pantheist, an atheist and believer, a dialectic and metaphysician, a Marxist and an anti-Marxist, an internationalist and a nationalist
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Barnosell, Genís. "God and Freedom: Radical Liberalism, Republicanism, and Religion in Spain, 1808–1847." International Review of Social History 57, no. 1 (2011): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859011000733.
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SummaryThis article analyses the religious aspects of Spanish republicanism of the 1830s and 1840s. From the case of Catalonia, the most industrialized region of Spain, it is concluded that radical liberalism elaborated a synthesis of freedom and religion that was presented as an alternative to traditional religiosity. Re-elaborating old myths popular during the War of Independence of 1808–1814, in addition some liberals and republicans presented their political project in millenarianist terms. This millenarianism was due to the radicalism with which they interpreted the confrontation with political opponents, one of whom was the established Church. It follows that the religiosity and millenarianism exhibited by these republicans also involved a strong anti-clericalism. At the same time, in the political and cultural context of Spain, these proposals were not seen by their followers as a negation of divinity but as its truest expression.
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Butler, Matthew. "Sotanas Rojinegras: Catholic Anticlericalism and Mexico's Revolutionary Schism." Americas 65, no. 4 (2009): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0108.
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As the recent clashes in Mexico City's metropolitan cathedral show, it is not just clericalism that is making an apparent comeback in post-priístaMexico: clericalism's faithful alter ego, anticlericalism—provoked to violence when clanking church bells disturbed a political rally in thezócaloin November 2007—is also stirring anew. This dialectical affinity between rival ideological traditions goes back a long way, as historic clashes over church bells—auditory symbols of institutional jurisdiction and influence—remind us: and yet, as Alan Knight points out, neither the terrain, nor the terms, of the dispute between clericalism/anticlericalism have been mapped out with enough clarity by Mexicanist historians. The 1910-40 revolution, for instance, is associated with various anticlericalisms— be it the protestant variety studied by Jean-Pierre Bastian; the constitutionalists' liberal clerophobia, irrupting circa 1914; masonic, spiritist, or popular anticlericalisms; or the “socialist” god-burning of the 1930s which climaxed in the iconoclasm studied by Adrian Bantjes. This trajectory— from priest-baiting to dechristianization within a generation—makes it tempting to posit an irreligious revolution, whose anticlericalism was a precursory form of mature godlessness. Some revolutionaries, like Tomás Garrido Canabal in Tabasco, encouraged such a conflation by using anticlerical restrictions—especially state licensing of priests, enshrined in constitutional Article 130—in a vindictive and secularizing way: squeezing the clergy so hard that priests were eradicated, not just rubber-stamped by the state. Such figures clearly hoped that persecuting priests would fatally minebelief: the day would come, Adalberto Tejeda hoped in 1926, when religion would expire and churches become places of recreation for apostate Indians. The Roman Catholic clergy, meanwhile, was fond of denouncing anticlericals as deicides, if not devils, and reinforced its own position by encouraging the association of anticlericalism with anti-Catholicism in the minds of the faithful.
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Dallmayr, Fred. "Radical changes in the Muslim world." Philosophy & Social Criticism 38, no. 4-5 (2012): 497–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453712441917.
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This article discusses radical changes in the Muslim world during the last hundred years. The main emphasis is on the tension between secularism and religious authority and the prospect of political democracy. The article starts from Toynbee’s assumption that social-political change is a response to a preceding condition. Three countries are compared. Modern Turkey emerged in the 1920s from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire and its traditionalist outlook. Under Mustafa Kemal, Turkey was transformed into a radically secular and modernizing regime inspired by French laicism. Some 50 years later, Iran switched from the modernizing and anti-clerical regime of the Shah to a semi-theocracy under Khomeini. Thirty years later, the uprising in Egypt followed neither the Kemalist nor Khomeini’s example. Responding to a preceding autocracy, the goal was neither secularism nor clericalism but to correct a basic political deficit: the lack of democracy.
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Dowling, Andrew. "THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN CATALONIA. FROM CATACLYSM IN THE CIVIL WAR TO THE “EUPHORIA” OF THE 1950S." Catalan Review 20, no. 1 (2006): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.20.5.
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In the summer of 1936, with the beginning of the Spanish Civil War, the Catalan Church underwent a ferocious assault, without precedent in modern European history. Catalan society in the early decades of the twentieth century had been divided over its relationship to the Catholic Church, with some sectors being profoundly anti-clerical. Yet by the early 1960s, attitudes towards the Catholic Church had changed. This article is concerned with reconstructing Catalan and Catalanist Catholicism from one of profound crisis during the Civil War to its re-emergence from the confines of Spanish National Catholicism. Francoist victory in the Spanish Civil War meant the ending of indigenous Catholic traditions. However, from the mid-1940s we can trace the slow reconstruction of Catalan traditions, language and culture. All of the major expressions of Catalan identity until the 1960s were enabled due to this Catholic patronage. Whilst the Church was unable to reverse secularization trends, this involvement in cultural activity would transform its place within wider Catalan society. By the end of the period examined in this article, historic and deep rooted anti-clericalism in Catalonia was ending.
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Natalia, Samsonova. "Spain at the End of the 19th – beginning of the 20th Century in the Russian Socio-Political Discourse." Latin-American Historical Almanac 29 (March 26, 2021): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-29-1-40-62.
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The article studies the response of the Russian reading public to the socio-political situation in Spain at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century (the Spanish-American War, Tragic Week of 1909, the manifestation of regionalism and anti-clericalism, caciquism, the development of the ideas of socialism, working class movement). The author analyses common and different things in socio-political processes that were taking place in Russia and Spain of that period as well as the pe-culiarity of Russia`s perception of the Spanish events. In the `90s of the 19th century the Spanish-American War of 1898 acted as an impedi-ment to the dynamics of the image of Spain. The similarity of the socio-political situation, social upheaval in Spain and Russia of the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century increase the urgency of the “vision” of Spain by Russian society, make its perception in Russia more fragmented.
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Poliakov, Nikolai S. "“My Rap Is a Prayer but with a Razor in the Mouth”: Religious Themes in Russian Rap." Study of Religion, no. 3 (2019): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2019.3.110-116.
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The paper presents the analysis of religious themes in the lyrics of Russian rap artists. The songs of such musical groups and artists as “Kasta”, Detsl, FACE, Husky, Noize MC, “Sol’ Zemli”, “25/17” are considered. The article proves that rap in Russia has become a significant cultural phenomenon, and the lyrics of rap artists can be interpreted as poetry, inscribing it in the tradition of Russian literature. The article demonstrates that in Russian rap we can find such religious themes as God-seeking, anti-clericalism, criticism of religion as an institution, philippics against its individual representatives, a premonition of the coming Apocalypse, expressing a general sense of impending disaster. Musicians sensitively capture the atmosphere of the era and reflect it in their lyrics. Despite the fact that rap is a new form of art, in the world’s poetic tradition, dating back to the biblical texts, is reflected the works of Russian rap musicians, and at the same time it has a clear and sharp social character.
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Pirro, Andrea L. P. "Populist Radical Right Parties in Central and Eastern Europe: The Different Context and Issues of the Prophets of the Patria." Government and Opposition 49, no. 4 (2013): 600–629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.32.
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The recent electoral performances of the Bulgarian Ataka, Hungarian Jobbik, and the Slovak National Party seem to confirm the pervasive appeal of the populist radical right in Central and Eastern Europe. Unlike their Western counterparts, these parties do not stem from a ‘silent counter-revolution’. Populist radical right parties in the region retain features sui generis, partly in relation to their historical legacies and the idiosyncrasies of the post-communist context. After distinguishing between pre-communist, communist and post-communist issues, this article discerns commonalities and differences in the ideology of the three parties by a content analysis of the party literatures. The analysis shows that populist radical right parties in Central and Eastern Europe are fairly ‘like minded’, yet they do not constitute an entirely homogeneous group. While a minimum combination of ideological features reveals that only clericalism and opposition to ethnic minorities are shared by all three parties, a maximum combination would extend this to irredentism, anti-corruption and Euroscepticism.
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Jovanović, Srđan Mladenov. "The Dveri Movement Through a Discursive Lens. Serbia’s Contemporary Right-Wing Nationalism." Südosteuropa 66, no. 4 (2018): 481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0038.
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Abstract Twenty-first century Serbian nationalism has had little serious analysis. Most works concentrate heavily on the nineties and the wars of Yugoslav secession, which produced a wide variety of rampant forms of nationalism throughout former Yugoslavia. Since 5 October 2000, right-wingers have somewhat softened their line in public discourse and lost some of their popular appeal, but strong nationalist tendencies have remained, taking their place in Serbia’s social and political discourses. These tendencies have been concentrated around certain extreme right-wing groups, chief among them Dveri srpske, which has been active since the early nineties. After organizing itself politically, this movement has refurbished its image and discourse, and, in the April 2016 elections, has even succeeded in entering parliament. Here, the author analyses Dveri’s agenda and key convictions: antisemitism, an anti-EU stance, support for Putin’s Russia, clericalism, and homophobia. He also reviews Dveri’s change of image and discourse over time.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Radical Nationalist and Philo-Fascist Movements in Argentina in the 1930s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028286-3.
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As in many Western countries, in Argentina in the interwar period, an influential right-wing radical movement arose, close in its ideological and political characteristics to European fascism. Initially, it was an intellectual movement that was able to form a political movement that took an important place in Argentine politics, the extreme expression of which was the military-civilian coup of J. F. Uriburu in 1930. In the ideological baggage of the philo-fascists there were theses about the totalitarian state, about the struggle against liberalism and democracy, about the corporate state structure, anti-imperialism and anti-Semitism. The peculiarity of Argentina was such a phenomenon as clero-fascism, a trend that arose from the union of nationalism and Catholic integrism under the banner of right-wing authoritarianism, philo-fascism and clericalism. An attempt to launch right-wing, corporatist reforms during the Uriburu dictatorship failed primarily because of the reluctance of the Argentine ruling elite to change the development model. As a result, philo-fascist groups and movements were pushed out of the political scene, marginalized, but at the same time they retained intellectual and social influence in the country, which was reflected in the following years with the advent of Peronism in the political life of Argentina.
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Classen, Albrecht. "Ulrich Bonerius - A Swiss-German Boccaccio?" Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 122, no. 1-2 (2022): 105–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.51814/nm.103088.
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The Dominican Priest from Bern, Ulrich Bonerius, composed his collection of fables, Der Edelstein, at exactly the same time when Boccaccio created his collection of tales, Decameron, 1350. Even though there is no direct evidence of any kind of personal contacts between these two poets, the strong similarities between both works in formal and conceptual terms prove to be striking. This article illustrates the reasons why we would be justified to call Bonerius, more than just playfully, a German-language Boccaccio, since he created the first major compilation of narratives (in verse), framed by a prologue and an epilogue, in the history of late medieval German literature. While Boccaccio has ten story-tellers entertain each other over ten days (ten stories per day = 100) reflecting on eroticism, love, adventures, or anti-clericalism, Bonerius offers one hundred didactic fables illustrating human failings, shortcomings, and vices. Both contemporaries thus aimed at criticizing and improving their society through surprisingly similar literary means. Bonerius thus emerges as one of the most important fourteenth-century poets in the German tongue who deserves to be placed close to Boccaccio.
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Kolodnyi, Anatolii M. "Religion and Church in the vision of Ivan Franko. To the Frankivsk anniversaries in 2016." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 76 (December 1, 2015): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2015.76.595.
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In the well-known worldview and praxeologic typology of the Ukrainian man, which was held by M. Shlemkevich, the Frankivsk man is absent. At the same time, the researcher does not substantiate his vision of the peculiarities of the religiosity of Ivan Franko. Rather, he proceeded from the identification of free-thinking with atheism and did not recognize the existence of religious free-thinking among Ukrainians. Meanwhile, it is dominant. The fact is that the Church somehow perceive freedom of religion, freedom of religion, but each of them does not allow itself freedom In religion, freedom In its religion. Any deviation from the dogmas or canons, the arbitrary interpretation of certain provisions of the doctrine, and especially the anti-clericalism, is perceived as heresy, and ultimately qualifies as atheism. That is why Ivan Franko was uncomfortable with the church leadership of the Greek Catholics of Galicia, and the Orthodox enjoyed his works, where he criticized the Vatican, his policy on Slavs. About the work of the thinker, in which they considered worldview problems, did not even speak
28
McQueen, Fraser. "Zombie Catholicism Meets Zombie Islam: Reading Michel Houellebecq's Soumission with Emmanuel Todd." Forum for Modern Language Studies 56, no. 2 (2020): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fmls/cqaa002.
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Abstract Following the publication of Michel Houellebecq’s novel Soumission (2015), which depicts the French public electing an Islamist government in 2022, some critics accused Houellebecq of Islamophobia; others defended his novel as primarily an attack on the French intellectual class rather than Islam or Muslims. Reading Houellebecq’s novel alongside the work of French historian and anthropologist Emmanuel Todd, this article suggests that Soumission attacks all three. Furthermore, Houellebecq’s depiction of France being ‘Islamized’ does not represent a break from his earlier insistence that religion is becoming obsolete; the Islam of Soumission is devoid of the positive values that Houellebecq associates with religion elsewhere. In the novel, religion has died, as Houllebecq previously claimed it would, with Islam portrayed as a political system compatible with contemporary materialism. The apparent nostalgia for Catholicism in Soumission and elsewhere in Houellebecq’s oeuvre does not express Houellebecq’s desire to convert to Catholicism but his wish for a strong Catholic church to provide an opponent for French anti-clericalism; he portrays Islam as an unsatisfactory alternative.
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Halperin, Mark. "Domesticity and the Dharma: Portraits of Buddhist Laywomen in Sung China." T'oung Pao 92, no. 1 (2006): 50–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853206778553199.
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AbstractThis article examines how literati depicted pious Buddhist laywomen during the Sung dynasty. Drawing on hundreds of funeral inscriptions for elite women, it illustrates how scholar-officials presented Buddhist practice within the ideological framework of domesticity. Pious women are seen to constitute a different sort of female exempla, displaying assertive, even defiant characters. In their diverse forms of devotion (and anti-clericalism), women both reinforce elite ideals for wives and mothers and serve as female analogues to male exempla of heroic conduct. Cet article examine la façon dont les lettrés dépeignaient les pieuses bouddhistes laïques à l'époque des Song. Basé sur plusieurs centaines d'inscriptions funéraires dédiées à des femmes de l'élite, l'auteur illustre la façon dont les lettrés-fonctionnaires représentaient la pratique bouddhiste dans le cadre idéologique de la vie domestique. Les femmes pieuses apparaissent comme constituant une catégorie différente d'exemples féminins, révélant un caractère affirmé, voire défiant. Dans leurs formes variées de dévotion (et d'anticléricalisme) ces femmes renforçaient les conceptions idéales de l'épouse et de la mère entretenues par l'élite, et en même temps servaient d'analogue féminin aux exemple masculins de comportement héroïque.
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Do, Sameiro. "The legacy of monastic apothecaries: S. Martinho de Tibães." Acta historiae medicinae, stomatologiae, pharmaciae, medicinae veterinariae 42, no. 2 (2023): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/acthist2302064s.
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After the definitive establishment of liberalism in Portugal in 1834, characterized by profound anti-clericalism, the religious orders became extinct, and their properties, which included valuable libraries and their assets, infirmaries and pharmacies, were confiscated or sold. Bibliographic collections were frequently dismembered throughout the change process, and many works were lost. The National Archive of Torre do Tombo and regional and local city libraries received many collections. However, most medical and pharmaceutical equipment was sold or lost. The infirmary and apothecary of the Monastery of S. Martinho de Tibães, in the outskirts of Braga (North of Portugal), the motherhouse of the Monastery of Saint Benedict in Portugal since 1579, were no exception. However, preserved medical and pharmaceutical books and manuscripts from the library ensured our knowledge of their operating standards of social and medical assistance. Monastic apothecaries were essential in assisting people experiencing poverty and largely contributed to the evolution of the scientific development of Pharmacy in Portugal. This essay will briefly survey the recovery of the history of the infirmary and apothecary of the Monastery of S. Martinho de Tibães and present mortars and jars housed at the Biscainhos Museum, which possibly belonged to the Monastery and among which, those referring to the treatment of syphilis are of particular relevance.
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HARRIS, RUTH. "THE ‘UNCONSCIOUS’ AND CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 47, no. 2 (2004): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003711.
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In nineteenth-century France, science and religion have often been portrayed as irredeemably opposed to one another. This article seeks to revise this interpretation by showing how these apparently dissonant views intermingled in the study of hysteria. Through a survey of attitudes towards Catholicism and in their treatment of Catholic patients, the article shows how French psychiatrists and neurologists were deeply indebted to religious iconography and experience, despite their vehement anti-clericalism. Because of their hatred of the church, they focused on the treatment of female hysterics who manifested ‘religious’ symptoms – demonopathy, mystical states, and stigmata – in order to amass conclusive evidence of Catholic ‘superstition’. Their preoccupation with such patients meant, however, that they paradoxically re-embedded Catholicism into their scientific practice by incorporating religious motifs, bodily poses, and iconography into their diagnosis of hysteria. At the same time, their disdain for the Catholic religious imagination meant that they refused to explore the fantasies of their subjects. For physicians like Jean-Martin Charcot and the more subtle Pierre Janet – a contemporary and competitor of Sigmund Freud – fantasies of bodily suffering, unearthly physical perfection, and an array of Catholic maternal fantasies associated with images of Mary and Christ were all nothing more than delusions, not the stuff from which an appreciation or understanding of the ‘unconscious’ could emerge. The result was that French physicians offered no psychodynamic transformation or symbolic reinterpretation of their words or physical symptoms, a resistance that was one reason among many for their hostility to psychoanalysis.
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Kuznetsova, Ekaterina. "«Vi in posek shteyt geshribn»: On the Problem of Translating Quotations from the Sacred Texts in Sholem Aleichem's Tevye the Dairyman into Russian." Judaic-Slavic Journal, no. 1 (2) (2019): 171–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3364.2019.1.2.1.
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The article focuses on the problem of translation of Biblical Hebrew (and some Aramaic) quotes in Sholem Aleichem’s works into Russian.A review of different translations into English and Hebrew is also included to show a broader context. Sholem Aleichem is one of the most frequently translated Yiddish writers and certainly the most translated into Russian, and translators face many peculiar challenges while working on his texts. One of those challenges is the usage of phrases and quotes from various languages (Hebrew, Aramaic, Russian, Ukrainian, German, etc.). Each language has its own semantic function, and its presence is vital for comprehensive understanding of the work. Thus, quotes from the sacred texts of Judaism in Tevye the Dairyman have several functions: first of all, they create a comic effect, second, they reveal the protagonist’s relationships with God, and finally, they allow the author to show Tevye’s perception of events in the book without direct naming.The article describes different ways in which linguistic polyphony could be preserved, by analyzing the translations starting from the 1910s, when Sholem Aleichem himself advised the translators regarding the issue, to the Soviet translations that are still in print today. Inseparable from translation matters is the question of interpretation of Tevye as a character: thus,for instance, in the USSR his constant quoting from the Bible was interpreted as anti-clericalism and rebellion against religion.The article explains how different translation strategies influence the characters and the work in general, often simplifying or distorting the original intention.
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Kobets, Yuliia. "Christian democracy as a modern political doctrine." Good Parson: scientific bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk Academy of John Chrysostom. Theology. Philosophy. History, no. 14 (January 29, 2020): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52761/2522-1558.2019.14.11.
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Christian Democracy is one of the youngest political doctrines of our time, a product of the twentieth century. But it influenced the formation of the post-war order of Europe, of the world, and the formation of new political parties and whole party systems, and a new type of political culture. The reaction of Christianity to manifestations of anti-clericalism and socialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. became Christian democracy. Christian democracy is a fairly broad concept. In its content, it includes the direction of socio-political thought, political movement as well as a network of public organizations and associations. The article discusses the essence of the concept "Christian democracy", its contentfulness in the twentieth century. The key stages of the development of modern political doctrine of Christianity and the main principles are analyzed. The article traces the institutional development of Christian-democratic organizations. Particular attention is devoted to the Christian Democratic parties of the countries of Western Europe, which are the most powerful in the world. Characteristics of the development of Christian Democratic parties in Ukraine are given, and tendencies of their further development are revealed. The question of the ideological and social significance of Christian democracy in the context of the formation of Western political culture is explored. The basic tasks and directions of development of Christian Democratic Movement as Important Parameters of Christian Politics, and the Importance of Political Participation of Christian Parties in the World and in Ukraine are formed. The main principles of Christian democracy are outlined: solidarity, subsidiarity, personalism, responsibility, decentralizationю These principles laid the specific understanding of the concept of "person-society-state". The concept of the doctrine of Christian democracy as the basis for the formation of a pluralistic society and a deligatory state is highlighted.
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Schelchkov, A. A. "University Reform of 1918: Establishment of the Continental Network of Scientific, Educational and Student Community in Latin America." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 4 (2021): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-4-20-79-95.
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The transformation of the university system in Latin America, initiated by the reform in Argentina in 1918, marked the beginning of a period of democratization and modernization of society. The university reform was the result of a stubborn and dramatic struggle of students against the clerical-aristocratic order in the universities of Argentina. Ideologically, the movement was based on radical anti-clericalism, on the ideas of the conflict of generations, the special role of the young, on the Kulturtraegerism, on the concept of Arielism — a term coined by Enrique Rodo. The student movement, supported by progressive intellectuals and left-wing political parties, almost from the point of its inception, created a network of contacts and solidarity with other countries of the continent, which showed its high efficiency in disseminating ideas, political programs, and forms of struggle. This ability of the intellectual movements to create cross-border networks of influence and activism is relevant today and not only in Latin America. Thanks to this, the reform spread throughout the continent with various and sometimes contrary results, somewhere very successfully, and somewhere met with fierce resistance. The further ideological evolution of the movement and its leaders led to the emergence of new ideological and political currents, such as revolutionary nationalism, which became the dominant political trend in Latin America in the 20th century world. The spread of revolutionary nationalism, the main ideologist of which was the student leader in Peru, Victor Raul Haya de la Torre, relied on the same network of youth structures that led to the spread of the movement for university reform. The reform movement also resulted in the emergence of powerful left-wing movements of the intellectuals, such as the Latin American Union, closely associated not only with the student movement, but also with the labor movement. University reform was not only a political, but also a cultural phenomenon that marked a profound change in Latin American society, which chose the path of modernization of all spheres of life. This work is devoted to the study of this process.
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Antsyferova, Olga Yu. "Dualistic Rethinking of the Christian Myth by Philip Pullman." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 25, no. 1 (2023): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2023.25.1.010.
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Referring to a part of the Canongate project Myth, Ph. Pullman’s book The Good Man Jesus and the Scoundrel Christ (2010), this article examines the correlation of myth and literature, specific to twenty-first-century culture, mediated by the influence of postmodernism and mass culture. Pullman’s book is considered within a more general framework of using myth as a tool of the author’s polemic with the influential ideological trends of our time (cf. The Penelopiad by M. Atwood and her polemic with feminism). Together with the author’s essays, the novel is not only perceived as an instance of apocryphal literature, so characteristic of twentieth-century authors when referring to Christianity, but also as a document of the main ideological stance — Pullman’s anti-clericalism and atheism. The ardent polemic message, bordering on blasphemy, finds its most original expression in the character reduplication (the person of Jesus Christ is split in two). This article aims to explore the ideological and socio-cultural roots of this device, the degree of its intellectual and artistic originality, its individual author’s premises. Pullman’s work with canonical and non-canonical gospels leads him to problematise their fictionality, genre nature, and narrative structure. Onomastic statistical analysis leads the writer to put forward an artistic hypothesis about the possible reduplication of a historical character, thus modelling a counterfactual situation, by means of which not only does he question religious dogma, but also makes each of his readers feel responsible for the shape that the history of the God-man has assumed. Using the methodology of historical-literary, comparative-typological, narratological and intermedial analysis, the author of the article concludes that the dualism of the image of Jesus Christ can be traced to the problematic nature of his anthroponym, and is undoubtedly associated with the state of postmodern knowledge, with the erosion of religious dogmas within intellectual and ethical pluralism, as well as with the influence of Gnosticism and mass culture (films, comics).
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Vos, Louis. "Het politieke falen van een kerkvorst. Kardinaal Suenens en 'Leuven-Vlaams' (1962-1968)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 77, no. 4 (2019): 329–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v77i4.15713.
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In dit artikel wordt de rol geanalyseerd van kardinaal Suenens in de ontknoping van de kwestie ‘Leuven-Vlaams’. Zijn mandement van 13 mei 1966, dat ook door de andere Belgische bisschoppen werd ondertekend, leidde een halve eeuw geleden tot de splitsing van de Leuvense universiteit.Suenens’ beslissing in 1966 om de Franstalige afdeling in Leuven te handhaven, lokte groot verzet uit in Vlaanderen. Het kwam tot een revolte tegen het kerkelijk gezag, enerzijds omdat de katholieke Vlaamse opinie de autoritaire ‘verordening’ van de bisschoppen als autoritair klerikalisme verwierp, anderzijds omdat een permanente Franstalige aanwezigheid in Leuven in Vlaanderen gezien werd als een bedreiging van het Vlaamse karakter van Brabant. Dat was voor de Vlaamse beweging en politici ook daarom onaanvaardbaar, omdat pas in 1963 de taalgrens was vastgelegd met als bedoeling homogene taalgebieden te creëren, eentalig Nederlands in Vlaanderen, ééntalig Frans in Wallonië, en tweetalig in Brussel.Toen in januari 1968 de UCL blijkens haar expansieplan in Leuven wilde blijven, leidde dat tot een tweede revolte, die het hele Vlaamse land beroerde. Een eerste gevolg ervan was dat het eenheidsfront van de kerkelijke hiërarchie verloren ging en de Vlaamse en Waalse bisschoppen respectievelijk het standpunt van de eigen taalgemeenschap bijtraden. De facto liet vanaf toen het episcopaat de beslissing over Leuven over aan de politiek. Een tweede gevolg was dat de politieke partijen – te beginnen met de christendemocratische – uiteenvielen naar taalgroep, wat leidde tot de val van de regering, tot parlementsverkiezingen, en een nieuwe regering die de splitsing en overheveling van de UCL naar Louvain-la-Neuve realiseerde.De historische betekenis van Suenens’ optreden lag ten eerste op het niveau van de Kerk zelf, want door lijnrecht in te gaan tegen de verwachtingen in Vlaanderen betreffende een ééntalig Leuven, en door de autoritaire toon van het bisschoppelijk mandement, vernietigde het kerkelijk gezag zijn eigen autoriteit. Ten tweede versterkte dit optreden het Vlaams-nationalisme en de communautaire tegenstellingen in het land, zodat daarna staatshervormingen in federaliserende zin onvermijdelijk werden. Ten derde verschoof de focus van de Leuvense studentenbeweging van Vlaamsgezind verzet tegen de bisschoppelijke verklaring, naar antiklerikalisme en anti-autoritarisme, en daarna naar een globale nieuwlinkse maatschappijkritiek. Ze bleef na 1968 een decenniumlang de Leuvense studentenbeweging oriënteren.Al deze gevolgen waren tegengesteld aan wat Suenens had bedoeld met het mandement. Hij gaf daarom later toe zich te hebben vergist. Vier elementen helpen die vergissing te verklaren: het besloten Franstalig milieu waarin hij leefde; de normatieve verwachting die aan zijn rol van primaat aartsbisschop van België kleefde; de gedachte dat de eenheid van de ‘grootste katholieke universiteiten ter wereld’ een voorwaarde was voor haar internationale rol; en ten slotte ook persoonlijke elementen, zoals zijn elitaire levensloop en aristocratische persoonlijkheid. Ze droegen alle bij tot het politieke falen van de kerkvorst.__________
“A Wide Field for the Student Movement Lies Open.” On the Origin and Character of the Flemish Front Movement
This article analyses Cardinal Suenens’ role in the conclusion of the issue ‘Leuven Vlaams’ [Leuven Flemish]. His directive of May 13, 1966 – also supported by the other Belgian bishops – ultimately resulted in the separation of the university in Leuven half a century ago.Suenens’ decision in 1966 to maintain a Francophone branch at the university in Leuven had sparked great opposition in Flanders. This would culminate into a revolt against the clerical authorities because, on the one hand, the Catholic Flemish opinion designated the bishops’ rigid ‘ordinance’ as authoritarian clericalism, and because, on the other hand, a permanent Francophone presence in Leuven was considered a threat to the Flemish character of the province of Brabant. Consequently, the Flemish movement and politicians deemed this unacceptable, and were further emboldened by the fact that as recently as 1963 the linguistic border had been consolidated, which was intended to create linguistically homogenous regions: monolingual in Flanders and Wallonia, and bilingual in Brussels.When in January 1968 the UCL’s expansion plans conveyed its intentions to remain in Leuven, it sparked a second revolt that swept the entire Flemish land. A first consequence was the dissolution of the ecclesiastical hierarchy’s unity, as Flemish and Walloon bishops supported their own linguistic communities’ stance, ultimately leading to the episcopate relinquishing the decision over Leuven to politics. A second consequence was that political parties – starting with the Christian-democrats – disbanded and realigned along the linguistic fault line, which led to the fall of the government, parliamentary elections and a new government that implemented the separation and subsequence transfer of the UCL to Louvain-la-Neuve.The historical relevance of Suenens’ demea-nour is first of all related to the Catholic Church itself. The stark clash with Flemish expectations regarding a unilingual university at Leuven, and the authoritarian tone of the bishop’s directive had led to the abrogation of his pre-eminence by the clerical authorities. Secondly, his conduct strengthened Flemish nationalism and the country’s communitarian cleavage, thereby rendering the subsequent state reforms to federalism inevitable. Finally, Suenens’ stance transformed the student movement in Leuven, entailing a shift from Flemish opposition to the bishop’s decree towards anti-clericalism and anti-authoritarianism. This would subsequently contribute to the emergence of a general New Left critical orientation, which influenced the student movements for over a decade following 1968.All these effects were the exact reverse of the directive’s intentions. That is why Suenens later admitted that he had made a mistake. Four elements help to explain that error: the closed Francophone milieu in which he lived; the normative expectations that were associated with his role as Belgian’s archbishop; the presumption that the unity of ‘the biggest Catholic university in the world’ was a prerequisite for its international stature; and finally his personality, including his elite upbringing and aristocratic personality. These all contributed to the prelate’s political downfall.
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Osipova, N. G. "Ideological impact on social behavior: theoretical and methodological aspects (Continuation)." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 29, no. 1 (2023): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2023-29-1-7-35.
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In this article, the author attempts to analyze the key components of radical ideological constructs that directly or indirectly justify ways to solve social problems in a radical and, as a rule, illegitimate way. Among such ideologies, researchers include anarchism and socialism, which are discussed in detail in this article.The English political philosopher W. Godwin is considered the pioneer of anarchism, and the first researcher who called himself an “anarchist” and introduced the term “anarchism” into circulation was the French socialist P.-J. Proudhon. Each country in Europe, North or South America and Asia has its own publicists, writers, public figures who defend anarchist views, anarchism has a long history in Russia, where the classics of anarchism grew up – M.A. Bakunin and P.A. Kropotkin.The author analyzes the theoretical core of anarchism, which is formed by a number of radical political constructions – anti-statism, natural order, anti-clericalism and a free economy. At the same time, it is noted that all anarchists categorically assert that both power and private property are the cause of all human misfortunes, and, as a rule, they identify themselves with the “poor and oppressed”. They call for a revolution on behalf of the “exploited masses”, as a result of which both capitalism and the state will be wiped off the face of the earth, actively promote “ anarchy and anarchist tactics”. By anarchist tactics is meant such a merciless violent struggle that will sweep away in its path all the institutions of slavery of the old system and all their representatives and defenders in order to create a new, free system, for the spirit of destruction is at the same time a creative spirit.The article also examines in detail the origins, essence and fundamental components of the socialist ideology, the radical varieties of which include Marxism and communism.The author substantiates the position that, in general, the ideology of socialism is close to the ideology of communism. However, the communist ideal is more radical: the communists advocate the complete socialization of production, the complete rejection of private property (in all forms) and the centralized distribution of benefits, which takes place within the framework of a specially organized form of government – the commune. Under communism, absolute equality of people must be established, a kind of ideal society must be established, where everyone will work to the best of their abilities and receive everything they need from society. It is this aspect of communism that is the pipe dream of its supporters, leaving it a social utopia, while the ideology of socialism put forward more specific and achievable goals.The fundamental economic, social and political reasons are analyzed, due to which the practical implementation of the ideology of socialism – the “socialist experiment” of the 20th century ended in complete failure. It is shown that it is the socialist ideology that significantly simplifies the transition to a totalitarian political system.
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Барабанов, Сергий. "Reorganization of Higher Catholic Education at the End of the 19th — Early 20th Centuries as a Consequence of the Ideas of Social Catholicism." Theological Herald, no. 3(50) (December 1, 2023): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2023.50.3.007.
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Данная публикация посвящена специфике высшего католического образования в период понтификата папы Льва XIII (1878–1903). Цель статьи — изучить влияние этого понтифика на развитие мировой системы высших духовных и светских учебных заведений. В основе методологии исследования лежит анализ обширного энциклического наследия Льва XIII и иностранной церковно-исторической литературы, поскольку освещаемая в статье тема практически не изучена русской богословской наукой. Методология, применявшаяся при изучении вопроса, носит комплексный характер. В первой части статьи рассматриваются предпосылки и стратегия образовательных реформ этого понтифика, связанные как с повсеместным подавлением традиционного религиозного образования светской антиклерикальной властью, так и с теологическими и философскими предпочтениями этого папы. Во второй части публикации в хронологическом порядке приводится внушительный перечень католических вузов и факультетов, открытых и канонически утверждённых Львом XIII в период его 25-летнего понтификата. Отдельное внимание уделено симпатиям этого папы к административно-педагогическому потенциалу иезуитов в контексте противостояния государственному антиклерикализму, а также определяющей роли этого ордена в сохранении и преумножении высших католических учебных заведений по всему миру. В результате исследования была отмечена успешность образовательной политики Льва XIII как средства сдерживания рационализма, материализма и опасных революционных течений в капиталистическом обществе. Также были отмечены параллели между эпохой этого папы и проблемами современного российского теологического образования, призванного противостоять тем же вызовам секулярного мира и так же испытывающего трудности, связанные с вопросами его государственного регулирования и официального признания. The publication is devoted to the specifics of higher Catholic education during the pontificate of Pope Leo XIII (1878–1903). The purpose of the article is to study influence of this pontiff on the development of the world system of higher spiritual and secular education institutions. The research methodology was based on the analysis of the extensive encyclical heritage of Leo XIII and foreign church-historical literature, since the topic covered in the article is practically not studied by Russian theological science. The methodology used in the study of the issue is complex. In the first part of the article, the prerequisites and strategy of educational reforms of this Pontifica associated with the widespread suppression of traditional religious education by the secular anti-clerical authorities, and theological and philosophical preferences of this Pope. In the second part of the publication, in chronological order, an impressive list of Catholic universities and faculties, opened and canonically approved by Leo XIII during his 25-year pontificate. Special attention is paid to the sympathy of this pope for the administrative and pedagogical potential of the Jesuits in the context of opposition to state anti-clericalism and the decisive role of this order in the preservation and enhancement of higher Catholic education institutions around the world. As a result of the study, the author noted the success of the educational policy of Leo XIII as a means of restraining rationalism, materialism and dangerous revolutionary currents in the capitalist society. Parallels also noted between the era of this pope and the problems of present Russian theological education, designed to withstand the same challenges of the secular world and also experiencing difficulties associated with issues of its state regulation and official recognition.
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KOSTIUK, Anton Mihailovich. "FROM TRADITION TO INNOVATION: A STUDY OF RIGHT-WING CONSERVATIVE PARTIES IN CONTEMPORARY POLAND." Epistemological Studies in Philosophy Social and Political Sciences 6, no. 1 (2023): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/342313.
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The purpose of this article is to systematize and generalize information about the political right-conservative movement in modern Poland. In the course of the study, the potential for support for right-wing parties exists in every society. It can grow due to two groups of factors. The first concerns issues related to the difficult economic situation, the modernization of societies or cultural aspects, which are called demand-related in the literature. The second large group consists of supply factors: factors of possible political success (structure of political opportunities), electoral rules, inter-party competition, the role of the mass media, the structure of political divisions or the role of the winning ideology. Polish right-wing conservatism and nationalism is characterized, both in the past and in the present, by a powerful influence on the social and political life of the Republic of Poland, acting as a fundamental element of the unification of the Polish people. This movement retains its traditional features, which are reflected in the ideology of the Polish ruling party “Law and Justice”, which adheres to a national-conservative orientation with elements of clericalism, maintains close ties with the Catholic Church and organizations close to it. In the period after coming to power (2015), “PiS” slowly but steadily lost its Christian-democratic character and evolved into a conservative political force. This allowed “PiS” to win elections for a long time, and in 2023, it allows it to maintain leading positions in public opinion polls regarding support for political parties. In the field of international relations, supporters of “PiS” operated with judgments that expressed the ideas of nationalism, presenting the Poles as a strong nation that should occupy an important place among other countries. The process of creating right-wing conservative political parties and associations in Poland continues on an ongoing basis. The strengthening of nationalist movements in Poland takes place with the support of the state authorities of the Republic of Poland and is accompanied by a gradual shift of emphasis on controversial historical issues in the direction of nationalist ideology. Despite official Warsaw providing political support to Kyiv in the international arena in connection with the Russian military threat, the authorities of the Republic of Poland have no intention of blocking anti-Ukrainian activities carried out by Polish national-patriotic right-wing movements. This is due to the preparation of the ruling elite for the celebration of the 80th anniversary of the tragic events in Volyn in 2023, as well as the parliamentary election campaign. In the future, the activation of radical right-conservative formations on the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth may lead to protest actions in Poland, the purpose of which will be the dissemination of information unfavorable to our state in the Polish information space, which will have a negative impact on the formation of the foreign policy vector of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Ukrainian direction.
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Niblo, Stephen R. "As if Jesus Walked on Earth: Cardenismo, Sonora, and the Mexican Revolution. ADRIAN A BANTJES: Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1998." EIAL - Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina y el Caribe 10, no. 1 (1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.61490/eial.v10i1.1071.
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Adrian A. Bantjes has written an important book. It is a study of the many sides of Cardenismo in Sonora in the 1930s. The great strength of the volume is that it examines the impact of Lázaro Cárdenas's reforms from anumber of perspectives: the president's political project, the relationship between the local political factions and the central government, the tradition of anti-clericalism and the defence of the Church.
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"A good priest in the tabloid. Image tendencies and the boundaries of anti-clericalism in the media." Media. Biznes. Kultura 2 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.17.002.7649.
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Vermander, Benoît. "Vincent Gossaert ed., “L’anticléricalisme en Chine” (Anti clericalism in China), Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, No. 24, Saint-Denis, Presses Universitaires de Vincennes, 2002, 184 pp." China Perspectives 2003, no. 3 (2003). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.366.
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