Journal articles: 'Anti-Colonial Struggle'

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Festino, Cielo G. "Goa’s freedom struggle." Journal of Romance Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.2021.2.

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This article considers the literary network of anti-colonial literary narratives, short stories, and poems, by Indian, Goan, and Portuguese writers which appeared in the 1950s and 1960s in the left-wing Goan journal Free Goa, published in Bombay (now Mumbai) at a time when Goa’s freedom fighters were seeking India’s support in order to attain their independence from Portuguese colonial domination. Following Jean-Paul Sartre (1949) and Benoît Denis (2000), we claim that these literary works can be read as engaged literature since in elaborate or straightforward literary styles they urge Goans to look for inspiration in India’s independence from British domination (1947) and to free themselves from the Salazarist regime.

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Sharma, Nitasha Tamar. "The Black Pacific: Anti-colonial Struggle and Oceanic Connections." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 3, no. 4 (August 4, 2017): 582–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649217723004.

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Hall, Rebecca Jane. "Reproduction and Resistance." Historical Materialism 24, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341473.

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In Northern Canada, Indigenous mixed economies persist alongside and in resistance to capital accumulation. The day-to-day sites and processes of colonial struggle, and, in particular, their gendered nature, are too often ignored. This piece takes an anti-colonial materialist approach to the multiple labours of Indigenous women in Canada, arguing that their social-reproductive labour is a primary site of struggle: a site of violent capitalist accumulation and persistent decolonising resistance. In making this argument, this piece draws on social-reproduction feminism, and anti-racist, Indigenous and anti-colonial feminism, asking what it means to take an anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism. It presents an expanded conception of production that encompasses not just the dialectic of capitalist production and reproduction, but also non-capitalist, subsistence production. An anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism challenges one to think through questions of non-capitalist labour and the way different forms of labour persist relationally, reproducing and resisting capitalist modes of production.

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BICKFORD-SMITH, VIVIAN. "Urban history in the new South Africa: continuity and innovation since the end of apartheid." Urban History 35, no. 2 (August 2008): 288–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926808005506.

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The Soweto uprising of 1976 confirmed to most observers that the anti-apartheid struggle (in contrast to anti-colonial struggles in many other parts of Africa) would be largely urban in character. This realization gave impetus to a rapid growth in the hitherto small field of South African urban history. Much new work predictably sought to understand the nature of conflict and inequality in South African cities and its possible resolution.

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Serequeberhan, Tsenay. "The African Anti-Colonial Struggle: An Effort at Reclaiming History." Philosophia Africana 6, no. 1 (2003): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philafricana20036114.

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Narayan, Vivek V. "Mirrors of the Soul." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (February 14, 2020): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.96.

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Scenes of avarna castes (slave and intermediate castes) pondering their reflections recur throughout the history of anti-caste struggle in the princely state of Travancore in colonial-era south India. These scenes represent what I will call performative egalitarianisms, which are repetitive enactments in the performance of everyday lives that embody claims to equality against the dehumanizing caste codes of colonial Travancore. In this paper, I will describe three scenes that represent distinct yet intertwined routes for the flows of egalitarian discourses in colonial Kerala. The concept of equality emerged in Travancore, first, via Enlightenment values of the British Protestant missionaries, or soulful Enlightenment; second, as non-dualistic equality of Narayana Guru, or repurposed Advaita; and third, through the discourses and practices of a Tamil religious cult called Ayya Vazhi, or radical Siddha Saiva. In viewing the flows of egalitarian discourse through the lens of performance, I demonstrate the method of intellectual histories in the repertoire which allows us to investigate how particular conceptual frameworks and discursive modes are transmitted, transformed, and embodied by people for whom these ideas are, quite literally, a matter of life and death. The intentional, productive, and empowering relationship between universals such as equality or humanity and the particular claims of anti-caste struggle in Kerala leads to a politics of practice that I describe as repurposing universals. The centrality of the notion of the human in the anti-caste politics of colonial-era Travancore leads me to refer to these flows of egalitarian discourses and the political struggles that they empowered as genealogies of the human. In sum, I analyze the genealogies of the human in colonial-era Travancore by focussing on three scenes exemplifying performative egalitarianisms: soulful Enlightenment, repurposed Advaita, and radical Siddha Saiva.

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Stephen, Bernard Otonye. "Trauma as Double Wound in Shimmer Chinodya’s Harvest of Thorns." Matatu 48, no. 1 (2016): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04801011.

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The colonial experience in Africa left deep corporeal and psychic scars. The anti-colonial struggle involved bloody armed conflicts which left many dead and many more physically and psychologically maimed. Writers as diverse as Chinua Achebe, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Ousmane Sembène, and Shimmer Chinodya have variously addressed the cultural, material, racial, class, psychological, and ideological aspects of this unprecedented history. And literary critics have equally responded by examining African literary texts from cultural, Marxist, colonial, and post-colonial angles. However, given the traumatic experience of the struggle for independence, not much has been done by way of applying trauma theory to the study of African literary texts to illuminate Africa’s violent encounter with the racist imperialism of Europe. Employing the insights of Cathy Caruth, the essay analyses trauma’s characteristic double infliction of a wound on the individual in Chinodya’s anti-colonial novel Harvest of Thorns. The traumatic memories of the liberation war testify to the physical and psychic wounds inflicted on the individual and the community.

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Tirmizey, Kasim Ali. "Learning from and Translating Peasant Struggles as Anti-Colonial Praxis: The Ghadar Party in Punjab." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27243.

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The Ghadar Party introduced a radical anticolonial praxis to Punjab, British India, in the early 1910s. Much of the literature on the Ghadar Party situates the birth of the movement among Punjabi peasants along the Pacific coast of North America who returned to their homeland intent on waging an anticolonial mutiny. One strand of argumentation locates the failure of the Ghadar Party in a problem of incompatibility between their migrant political consciousness and the conditions and experiences of their co-patriots in Punjab. I use Antonio Gramsci's concept of “translation,” a semi-metaphorical means to describe political practices that transform existing political struggles, to demonstrate how the Ghadar Party's work of political education was not unidirectional, but rather consisted of learning from peasant experiences and histories of struggle, as well as transforming extant forms of peasant resistance – such as, banditry – for building a radical anticolonial movement. Translation is an anticolonial practice that works on subaltern experiences and struggles. The Ghadar Party's praxis of translating subaltern struggles into anticolonialism is demonstrative of how movements learn from and transform existing movements.

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Kuntsman, Adi. "life as the river flows: women in the Malayan anti-colonial struggle." Feminist Review 96, no. 1 (October 2010): e8-e10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2010.22.

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Bergen, Teresa. "Life As the River Flows: Women in the Malayan Anti-Colonial Struggle." Oral History Review 36, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohp010.

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Moffat, Chris. "The Itinerant Library of Lala Lajpat Rai." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa005.

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Abstract This essay traces the movements of a library from New York to Lahore in the wake of the First World War and then to Shimla and Chandigarh following the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947. It explores how this collection of books, assembled by the anti-colonial nationalist Lajpat Rai (1865–1928), intersected with and informed key moments of political struggle in twentieth-century urban America and colonial India. The essay then considers the fate of Lajpat Rai’s library today, its place in twenty-first-century Punjab, and the questions it poses for historians interested in anti-colonial histories, post-colonial presents and the commemorative work (as well as enduring political questions) that bind them.

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Burr. "Transcending the Paradox of Violence: A Dialectical/Dialogical Interrogation of the Colonial/Anti-Colonial Struggle in Algeria." Soundings: An Interdisciplinary Journal 101, no. 4 (2018): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/soundings.101.4.0322.

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Magra, Christopher P. "Anti-Impressment Riots and the Origins of the Age of Revolution." International Review of Social History 58, S21 (September 6, 2013): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000291.

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AbstractThis essay details the relationship between anti-impressment collective actions, the American Revolution, and the age of revolution. Naval impressment represented the forcible coercion of laborers into extended periods of military service. Workers in North American coastal communities militantly, even violently, resisted British naval impressment. A combination of Leveller-inspired ideals and practical experience encouraged this resistance. In turn, resistance from below inspired colonial elites to resist British authority by contributing to the elaboration of a political discourse on legitimate authority, liberty, and freedom. Maritime laborers stood on the front lines in the struggle for freedom, and their radical collective actions helped give meaning to wider struggles around the Atlantic world.

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Sohrabi, Naghmeh. "REMEMBERING THE PALESTINE GROUP: GLOBAL ACTIVISM, FRIENDSHIP, AND THE IRANIAN REVOLUTION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 2 (May 2019): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000059.

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AbstractThe Palestine Group was a loosely connected collection of young anti-Shah activists some of whom were arrested and tried publically in 1970 for the crime of acting against the Pahlavi monarchy and Iran's national security. Their plight became global, receiving support from anticolonial figures such as Jean-Paul Sartre. But while they played an important role in inspiring the revolutionary generation, in the historiography of the 1979 revolution and that of the global south, their story has been mostly forgotten. This article argues for remembering the Palestine Group by focusing on two facets of their prerevolutionary activism: the importance of a connection to the anti-imperial/colonial struggles that spread from “Asia to Africa”; and the centrality ofmaḥfilīpolitics (friendship circles) in addition totashkīlātī(organizational) politics, which the historiography has traditionally emphasized. It demonstrates that as resistance shifted frommaḥfiltotashkīlāt,it also shifted from a global struggle where Iran was one node out of many, to a nationalized struggle.

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Sokolov, O. A. "The Crusades in the Arab Anti-Colonial Rhetoric (1918–1948)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 4 (January 12, 2020): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-4-924-941.

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In search for the historical examples to mobilize the masses for the anti-colonial struggle, during the period from 1918 to 1948 Arab public, political and religious fi gures regularly appealed to the history of the Crusades. They developed the interpretations proposed by public and religious fi gures of the 19th – early 20th century and found new excuses and contexts for the use of references to the era of the Crusades. After World War One, Arab public, political, and religious leaders for the fi rst time began to criticize European interpretations of the events and consequences of the Crusades. Simultaneously, they challenged European attempts to legitimize their presence in the Arab world by referring to this historical period. Such criticism was expressed not only in publicist works and public speeches, but also in the offi cial high-level political dialogue. Arab public fi gures also considered the end of the Crusades, lamentable for Europe, as a warning to modern European colonialists, while, according to their opinion, the victories of Muslim commanders who expelled the Crusaders from the Middle East, should have served as an example for the Arab politicians of their time. The transition of “anti-crusader rhetoric” to anti-Christian one in the speeches of a number of Arab nationalists led to disunity in their ranks, as it was perceived by Christian Arabs as their exclusion from the national struggle. At the same time, the Maronite Christians appealed to the history of the Crusades to confi rm their long-standing ties with France in order to enlist its support.The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

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Scandrett, Eurig, Mahmoud Soliman, and Penny Stone. "Cultural resistance in occupied Palestine and the use of creative international solidarity through song1." Journal of Arts & Communities 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jaac_00022_1.

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Protest song has been an important component of grassroots political struggles, and the Palestinian resistance to Zionist settler-colonization is no exception. This article draws on original research with activists in the Palestinian popular resistance on the impact of song during the first intifada (1987 to 1993) and more recently in the opposition to the segregation wall and accelerated colonization of the West Bank. The significance of international solidarity to the Palestinian struggle is noted, and the role of protest song in international solidarity is explored. The activities of Edinburgh-based community choir San Ghanny in using song as an expression of solidarity with the Palestinian popular anti-colonial struggle is analysed. Protest song is a globally recognizable form, which can help to build connections with social movements in different parts of the world and in different periods of history, which is both rooted in individual places and struggles, and also transcends these at the level of global solidarity.

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Melber, Henning. "Coming to Terms in Namibia." Matatu 50, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05002006.

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Abstract The South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO of Namibia) had a unique status among anti-colonial movements. Fighting South Africa’s illegal occupation of South West Africa/Namibia, dubbed by the United Nations as a “trust betrayed,” it resorted to armed struggle in the 1960s. SWAPO was subsequently recognized as “the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people” by a United Nations General Assembly resolution since the mid-1970s. The political culture in post-colonial Namibia is much characterized by the dominance of SWAPO as a former liberation movement and its official history. This paper summarizes the relevance of the armed struggle for the heroic narrative. It contrasts the glorification with some of the ‘hidden histories’ and trajectories related to some less documented realities of the armed struggle and its consequences which do not have much visibility in the official historiography. It thereby finally seeks to present a more nuanced picture by giving voice to some protagonists of a post-colonial political culture not considered as mainstream.

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Goerg. "The Independence Generation: Film Culture and the Anti-Colonial Struggle in the 1950s." Black Camera 12, no. 2 (2021): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/blackcamera.12.2.07.

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Ryabchuk, Mykola. "The Ukrainian “Friday” and the Russian “Robinson”: The Uneasy Advent of Postcoloniality." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, no. 1-2 (2010): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x512778.

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AbstractThe paper addresses the problem of Russian-Ukrainian asymmetric relations as revealed in the struggle of two discourses—the discourse of imperial dominance and the discourse of national/nationalistic resistance and liberation. Critical discourse analysis is applied to deconstruct the imperial discourse as a major obstacle for the normalization of Russian-Ukrainian relations. Postcoloniality is suggested as a desirable condition for both Russian and Ukrainian cultures to achieve internal freedom and eliminate colonial stereotypes and anti-colonial mobilization, respectively.

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CHANDO ROY, GAUTAM. "Science for children in a colonial context: Bengali juvenile magazines, 1883–1923." BJHS Themes 3 (2018): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bjt.2018.6.

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AbstractIn a period of anti-colonial political struggle and conservative reaction against liberal social reform in India, a band of Bengali men and women reached out to children through magazines with the intention of moulding them so that they would grow up to aid their nation's material progress and uphold a society bereft of colonial indignities and traditional injustices. Integral to this agenda was the attempt to explain the physical world scientifically to them, to make them knowledgeable, and to forge them into rational beings capable of looking at society critically. They wished the young to harbour a compassionate attitude towards nature, but they characterized the modern Western scientific way of knowing about the physical world as the only one worth imbibing, thereby infusing in children a bias against all who thought and lived otherwise. This science instruction was the endeavour of the avant-garde, an iconic hegemonic milieu that left its imprint in social reform and political struggle in colonial Bengali society for a long time.

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Badru, Pade. "Not Yet Uhuru: The Unfinished Revolution in Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (June 2012): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428053.

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In Kwandiwe Kondlo’s In the Twilight of the Revolution (2009), which examines the role of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania in South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle as the backdrop, this article surveys the momentum of social revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa during the decolonization era that started in the mid-20th century and ended with South Africa’s transition to a multi-racial democracy in 1994. It argues that the failure of the African elite to achieve a genuine independence from both colonial rule and South Africa’s apartheid system is largely because of inconsistent nationalist ideologies and the detachment of the African elite from the popular struggles of the people, which could have resulted in the revolutionary overthrow of the colonial state and the dawn of more progressive and autonomous states all across Black Africa. It concludes that this failure led to the continuing instability of the post-colonial states across Africa and, in South Africa, to the achievement of a particular form of multi-racial democracy with very little or no change to the real politics of apartheid and Boer domination.

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Damier, Vadim. "Anarchists of the Netherlands and the Anti-Colonial Movement in Indonesia." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016179-4.

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The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperation with the leaders of the organization “Perhimpoenan Indonesia”, which brought together students from Indonesia in the Netherlands. The interaction took place in the form of solidarity campaigns, the struggle against repression and the sending of troops to the colony, as well as in the process of cooperation within the League against imperialism. However, true to their anti-authoritarian, anti-militaristic and pacifist doctrines, the Dutch anarchists refused to support the idea of creating an independent Indonesian state. This, along with pragmatic considerations (the desire to gain support from more politically influential forces) prompted the Indonesians to focus more on cooperation with the Dutch communists and socialists. After members of the Indonesian Communist Party came to the leadership of “Perhimpoenan Indonesia” in 1931, regular co-operation with the anarchists was gradually phased out. However, Dutch anarchists continued to express solidarity with the struggle against colonial rule and protested against the repression of the Indonesian national movement. After the proclamation of Indonesia's independence in 1945 and the beginning of the Dutch military intervention against the former colony, the anarchists of the Netherlands, together with other radical left-wing organizations and groups, tried to organize protests against the sending of armed forces by the Netherlands state to Indonesia. The Dutch anarchists failed to gain significant influence among Indonesians, although the leaders of the New Republic, despite their political differences, maintained contacts with some of their old anarchist acquaintances.

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Goonewardena, Kanishka. "Populism, nationalism and Marxism in Sri Lanka: from anti-colonial struggle to authoritarian neoliberalism." Geografiska Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 102, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04353684.2020.1780146.

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Raposo, Patricia Lorena, and Maciana de Freitas e. Souza. "Memórias da plantação: episódios de racismo cotidiano: resenha." Revista Informação em Cultura - RIC 2, no. 2 (December 17, 2020): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21708/issn2674-6549.v2i2a9252.2020.

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The present work is a review of the book “Plantation memories: episodes of daily racism” by Grada Kilomba. Throughout the text, elements of colonialism and the overlapping of knowledge and language, fields of dispute for colonial action, are presented. The work also presents considerations about the importance of the daily anti-racist struggle.

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Seng (成国泉), Guo-Quan. "Revolutionary Cosmopolitanism and its Limits." Journal of Chinese Overseas 16, no. 1 (May 12, 2020): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341411.

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Abstract This article analyzes the extent and limits of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) revolutionary cosmopolitanism in Southeast Asia. Between 1945 and 1949, the CCP intellectuals Hu Yuzhi and Wang Renshu operated a network of leftwing newspapers in Southeast Asia’s major urban centers. They championed the revolution in the homeland, while supporting anti-colonial nationalist movements in the region. Taking a comparative approach, I argue that the CCP’s revolutionary cosmopolitanism developed and diverged on the ground according to the diasporic community’s social structure, the contingency of events in the process of decolonization and initiatives taken by local CCP leaders. While the CCP in Jakarta turned neutral in the face of republican atrocities against Chinese, Singapore and Medan went on to mobilize merchants and youths to take part in local anti-colonial movements. The CCP stood for a moderate, anti-colonial Malayan nationalism in Singapore, in comparison with a more radical, non-assimilationist position in solidarity with Indonesia’s independence struggle in Medan.

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Berete, M., and O. T. Ievleva. "VIRTUAL RECONSTRUCTION OF MOSQUE EMPEROR SAMORI TOURÉ IN SANANKORO ROYAL INSULA IN GUINEA." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo arkhitekturno-stroitel'nogo universiteta. JOURNAL of Construction and Architecture, no. 1 (April 13, 2018): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31675/1607-1859-2018-20-1-91-103.

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The paper presents historical and architectural research of Samori Toure mosque, analogical objects, and architectural measurements which make it possible to carry out a virtual reconstruction of Samori Toure mosque now destroyed. In the 19th century it was located in the royal insula of Sanankoro royal insula and was a centre of anti-colonial struggle in Guinea.

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LEGG, STEPHEN. "Gendered Politics and Nationalised Homes: Women and the anti-colonial struggle in Delhi, 1930-47." Gender, Place & Culture 10, no. 1 (March 2003): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369032000052630.

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Kertiasih, Ni Nyoman. "BAHASA INDONESIA DAN PERJUANGAN BANGSA." KULTURISTIK: Jurnal Bahasa dan Budaya 3, no. 1 (January 18, 2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/kulturistik.3.1.952.

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[Title: Indonesian language and the national struggle] This research aims to explain the formation of Indonesian as a national language, to explain that Indonesian is one of the tools of the nation’s struggle, and to explain the impact of Indonesian in the life of an anti-colonial nation. The data of this study were written material written during the struggle and after the struggle to drive out colonialism. The method used were a qualitative, analytical descriptive method, combined with a critical discourse analysis method. This research reveals that Indonesian language since its inception in 1928 has been understood as the language of the tool of the nation’s struggle. As a result, Indonesian language has influenced the attitude of the people, the nation in the face of colonialism. The community began to promote the use of Indonesian in the community, at school, and use Indonesian in various formal and informal meetings. People oppose using Dutch language that was previously required.

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Martin, Juan carlos gimeno. "Western Sahara." Tensões Mundiais 13, no. 25 (September 24, 2018): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33956/tensoesmundiais.v13i25.350.

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This article aims to reveal the complicity of the international community with Moroccan colonialism in Western Sahara. Since 1987, the Moroccan wall separates the Saharawi people into two groups: one group lives under Moroccan occupation, the other lives in exile camps in Southern Algeria. It is a Bedouin village, nomadic, colonized by Spain, but has maintained a persistent anti-colonial resistance and struggle for self-determination.

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Shcherbak, Nina F. "Post-Colonial Theory and Literature: Sources and Problems of Development (a New Identity of a Post-Colonial Subject and Author)." Polylinguality and Transcultural Practices 16, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 515–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2618-897x-2019-16-4-515-527.

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The main aim of the article is to consider major works related to the development of post-colonial theories as well as literary sources. The term “post” is considered together with main vectors in the development of Anglophone, Francophone post-colonial literature. In relation to the historic view of colonies existence main tendencies in the development of imperial and anti-imperial theories are considered including those of Fanon, his view of the three-level development of the identity of the colonized and psychic problems that are encountered in the process of this development. F. Fanon looks at the first level of colonial assimilation, which inevitably brings to the second phase, the phase of change and distruction which then is followed by the stage of the author’s identity restoration by means of coming back to the cultural traditions and struggle during which the subject of the colony starts his struggle against the oppressed. Main views of E. Said and his views on orientalism are discussed which aim at striking at the roots of the binary opposition the west and the east proposed by white male critics. Instead a more subtle view is suggested. The views of G. Spivak and a more feminist approach are considered as well as the works by Homi Bhabha applying a more lacanian approach to hermeneutics, the views that form a new identity pattern observed in post-colonial literature thus maintaining a completely different view of post-colonial fiction.

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Zanin, Henrique da Silveira. "Non-governmental organizations and the LGBTI community struggle for rights in Uganda." Revista da Faculdade de Direito, Universidade de São Paulo 115 (December 30, 2020): 645–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2318-8235.v115p645-658.

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Despite several studies supporting that some pre-colonial African groups had non-normative sex practices, the African continent still provides limited protection for LGBTI individuals. In Uganda, this protection is non-existent due to the British colonial rule, an anti-Western nationalism and strong religious beliefs. These facts brought widespread disgust for LGBTI people over time and today there is an active anti-LGBTI lawmaking in Uganda. Violence towards LGBTI individuals led to the death of several activists, despite the existence of more than 500,000 people who identify themselves as LGBTI living in the country. Therefore, this paper describes the diverse issues that concern the LGBTI people in Uganda and surveys Ugandan pro-LGBTI non-governmental organizations, describing the type of work they have been doing. It was possible to find four organizations, which have been working in areas such as healthcare, labor and economic empowerment, legal aid, care and support, advocacy and cultural change, visibility and awareness. The various strategies they have been developing are supported by the literature with regard to LGBTI protection in Uganda, except for the care and aid category, which still lacks studies to support the development of counselling, social support to address loneliness issues and safety precautions. This paper suggests studies to be developed in this theme. The work developed by these few NGOs in different areas may be capable of producing local change and political pressure throughout time, as studies such as this one may do so.

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Jain, Dhruv. "Maia Ramnath and the Search for a Decolonised Antiauthoritarian Marxism." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12301270.

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In her two books, Maia Ramnath attempts to construct an antiauthoritarian/anarchist anti-colonialist politics through an analysis of India’s freedom struggle. Ramnath reconstructs a history of Indian anti-colonial movements from an anarchist perspective, while seeking to locate forgotten possibilities such as the ‘libertarian Marxism’ of the Ghadar party and its successors. Haj to Utopia is an important addition to the literature on early communism in India inasmuch as it allows us to revisit said history in India in a renewed and critical manner. On the other hand, Decolonizing Anarchism is an ambitious book that seeks to unearth an antiauthoritarian account of India’s struggle for independence, but falls far short of its intended goal because of Ramnath’s inattentiveness to the implications of Hindu revivalism on caste and gender in India. Thus, she reproduces many of the characteristics of mainstream nationalist narratives.

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Hollis, Rosemary. "Review: Captive revolution: Palestinian women's anti-colonial struggle within the Israeli prison system, by Nahla Abdo." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 582–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1083159.

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Eqeiq, Amal. "Review: Captive Revolution: Palestinian Women's Anti-Colonial Struggle within the Israeli Prison System by Nahla Abdo." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 1 (2015): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.45.1.98.

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Yoon, Jeongran. "“Victory over Communism: South Korean Protestants’ Ideas about Democracy, Development, and Dictatorship, 1953–1961”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402016.

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This article complicates the traditional narrative of anti-Communist Christians in Korea, examining the history of anti-communism among them in light of their claims to support democracy and development. Changes in Christian thinking in Korea followed the end of formal fighting in the Korean War. The conflict transformed Korea’s post-colonial history into a developmental struggle, pitting communism versus capitalism in a deadly battle. From the mid-1950s, South Korean Protestants saw the struggle as a competition between two systems, not simply one to eradicate the North Korean regime. From this new perspective, they began condemning political injustice and corruption under President Syngman Rhee. The contradictions in the ideas of Christians were partly embodied in their support for the civil uprising that would topple the Rhee regime, but also in their endorsement of Park Chung-hee’s military takeover in 1961. South Korean Protestants assisted the coup’s central leadership and helped a totalitarian regime come to power. This paradoxical aspect within Korean Protestant history is closely tied to the unique characteristics of its anti-communism and how it evolved after the Korean War.

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Mkhwanazi, Ezekiel S. "The Challenges Faced by Contemporary Pan-African Intelligentsia in the Re-building of Africa." Theoria 64, no. 153 (December 1, 2017): 144–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2017.6415309.

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Abstract The African intelligentsia played a pivotal role in the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggle in Africa. Not only did it provide intellectual resources to the political struggle leaders but also took active part in the political leadership. Since independence, this role has diminished tremendously, as some of the intelligentsia are ‘silenced’ and others become ‘captured’ by the newly independent states. As a result, a wedge is driven between the intelligentsia and the political leadership. However, given that there is a deficit in efforts to reconstruct Africa, the pan-African intelligentsia are called upon to reinvigorate and reposition themselves to assist in developing organisations and institutions to serve African people worldwide. This call challenges them to take a creative, innovative role in the reconstructive task of Africa, thereby bidding farewell to intellectual isolationism. The article draws from Kwame Nkrumah’s ideas, thereby affirming the relevance of his political ideas in contemporary Africa.

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Alfieri, Noemi. "Noémia de Sousa, ou ser “África da cabeça aos pés” em tempos de colonização." Journal of Lusophone Studies 4, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21471/jls.v4i2.344.

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In the present essay, I examine the work and career of the Mozambican poet Noémia Carolina Abranches de Sousa Soares (1926-2002). It is well known that Sousa began her career publishing under the initials “NS” to confuse her identity with that of her brother (whose name was Nuno) and so obfuscate her gender; however, women are a constant element in her work. Beyond this, I argue that Sousa adopted a pioneering approach to gender, one deeply connected to the anti-colonial struggle, the fight for the rights of her people, and the African American imaginary. Indelibly linked to social, racial, and gendered subalternity, Mozambican women constitute in Sousa’s oeuvre the personification of the struggle against the societal paradigms of the time.

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Burgess, Richard. "Pentecostalism and Democracy in Nigeria." Nova Religio 18, no. 3 (2014): 38–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2015.18.3.38.

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This article examines the political dimensions of Pentecostalism in Nigeria, beginning with the historical development of Pentecostal political engagement since independence in 1960. A common observation is that much of global Pentecostalism is apolitical, but an assessment of Nigerian Pentecostalism shows a diversity of political orientations in response to inter-religious competition, as well as changing socio-economic contexts and theological orientations. Herein, I focus on the “third democratic revolution” involving the struggle for sustainable democracy (the first two being the anti-colonial struggle that brought independence and the 1980s-1990s challenge to one-party and military rule). As well, I examine different political strategies employed by Nigerian Pentecostals and assess their impact on direct political behavior, civil society practices and political culture.

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Dana, Tariq. "Localising the Economy as a Resistance Response: A Contribution to the “Resistance Economy” Debate in the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 15, no. 2 (May 22, 2020): 192–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316620925274.

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Recent years have seen a growing, yet unstructured, debate among Palestinian scholars and activists about the imperative of localising the economic approaches to development. This debate has revolved around the notion of “resistance economy (RE)” that places resistance at the core of the anti-colonial economic consciousness and practice. RE is envisaged as a localised response to the multifaceted crisis—generated by the dynamic interaction among Israel, the Palestinian Authority, and international donors—afflicting the Palestinian political economy. Influenced by the rich legacy of the anti-colonial experience in Palestine, the RE seeks to invigorate organised popular mobilisation and collective struggle against the settler colonial reality. However, the term is still ambiguous and underdeveloped; further, it lacks the theoretical and methodological underpinnings to allow it to be contextualised, strategised, and implemented as part of everyday economic activity. This article seeks to contribute to this debate and foster an understanding that takes into consideration the interrelationship between the economy, politics, and society in a context characterised by the repressive interplay of colonialism and neoliberalism. Finally, the article engages critically with the debate concerning the centrality of agricultural activity to the RE.

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Banerjee, Mukulika. "Justice and Non-Violent Jihâd [The Anti-Colonial Struggle in the North West Frontier of British India]." Études rurales 149, no. 1 (1999): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rural.1999.4712.

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YASSIN MOHD ABA SHAR’AR, Mohammed, and Chamaiporn BUDDHARAT. "THE KNACK OF NARRATION: A POST-COLONIAL CRITIQUE IN NGUGI WA THIONG’O’S WEEP NOT, CHILD." Ezikov Svyat volume 19 issue 2, ezs.swu.v19i2 (May 1, 2021): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.bg.v19i2.9.

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The downfall of the European colonialism in the African and Asian colonies was not the end of the colonial hegemony, but the beginning of indirect imperial policies. In a unique narrative style, Ngugi has creatively fictionalized his anti-colonial stand through creating characters with Kenyan names to voice his resistance to colonization. The methodology of this study is descriptive analysis. The paper analyzes critically Ngugi’s novel Weep Not, Child and shows how he implemented different narrative techniques (e.g. free indirect narration, freewheeling narrative technique, and author surrogate) to depict the atrocities and aftermath of colonization. It explicates how Ngugi uses narration to liberate gradually the minds of his people and their land from the settlers through the decolonial styles of peaceful struggle and focus on education. Specifically, the paper elaborates how Ngugi, like many other post-colonial writers, resisted and challenged the neo-imperial forms over the previous colonies in the neo-colonial era. Ngugi’s novel sheds light on the impacts of colonialism which affected negatively not only Kenya, but also all the colonized nations.

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Hamdi, Tahrir. "Edward Said, Postcolonialism and Palestine's Contested Spaces." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 16, no. 1 (May 2017): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2017.0150.

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Postcolonialism, profoundly influenced by the Palestinian scholar Edward Said, has until recently been oddly silent on Palestine, a topic that not only preoccupied Said's thinking and writing, but also inspired his theoretical ideas on imperialism, anti-colonial struggle and the worldliness and affiliations of the text and the critic. This theoretical silence on Palestine was, in fact, preceded by a historical, political, geographical, social and cultural contestation of all forms of Palestinian spaces that include not only dispossessing Palestinians of their land, but also building apartheid walls, destroying hundreds of thousands of olive trees, appropriating/stealing traditional Palestinian dishes and clothes, silencing Palestinian narratives and the Muslim call to prayer. This paper will argue that these contested spaces necessarily become sites of Palestinian cultural production, struggle and sumud.

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Hodgkinson, Dan. "Nationalists with no nation: oral history, ZANU(PF) and the meanings of Rhodesian student activism in Zimbabwe." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S40—S64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000906.

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AbstractIn Zimbabwe after 2000, ZANU(PF) leaders’ past experiences of student activism in Rhodesia were celebrated by the state-owned media as personifications of anti-colonial, nationalist leadership in the struggle to liberate the country. This article examines the history behind this narrative by exploring the entangled realities of student activism in Rhodesia throughout the 1960s and 1970s and its role as a mechanism of elite formation in ZANU(PF). Building on the historiography of African student movements, I show how the persistence of nationalist anti-colonial organizing and liberal traditions on campus made student activism in Rhodesia distinct from that in South Africa and independent African countries to its north. The article then examines how and why three former activists, who took up elite political careers in the party that they subsequently left, contested the ruling party's anti-colonial, ‘patriotic’ rendering of these experiences. These three men's stories invoked imagined and older forms of nationalism or institutional ethic that had been abandoned by the party as it turned to more authoritarian rule. Stories of Rhodesian student activism thus provided space for justifying alternative political possibilities of nationalism, which implicitly critiqued the ruling party's ‘patriotic’ narrative, as well as for nostalgic anecdotes of life on campus, their journeys into adulthood, and the excitement of being part of a dynamic, transformational political project.

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Nassar, Maha. "Palestinian Engagement with the Black Freedom Movement prior to 1967." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.17.

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This article examines early Palestinian engagements with multiple facets of the Black American struggle for freedom through a content analysis of influential Palestinian press outlets in Arabic prior to 1967. It argues that, since the 1930s, Palestinian intellectuals with strong anti-colonial views linked anti-Black racism in the United States to larger imperial and Cold War dynamics, and that they connected Black American mobilizations against racism to decolonization movements around the world. This article also examines Mahmoud Darwish's early analytical writings on race as a social construct in both the U.S. and Israeli contexts. Understanding these early engagements sheds light on subsequent developments in Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity and on Palestinian Afro-Arab cultural imaginaries.

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McLeod, Mark W. "Trương Định and Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, 1859–64: A Reappraisal." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1993): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000151x.

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By any measure, Trương Định (1820–64) was one of the leading figures of nineteenth-century Vietnamese resistance to French colonialism. As such, he has received a good deal of scholarly attention in Vietnam, France, the United States, and elsewhere. This article analyses the anti-colonial movement led by Trương Định in southern Vietnam during the years 1859–64, focusing on the questions of Trương Định's relationship to the Vietnamese imperial government at Huế and his motivation for continuing the anti-French struggle after Huế had made peace with France in 1862. Its organization is as follows: first, the historical context is summarized; second, Trương Định's resistance movement and its relationship to the Huế court are analyzed; third, various explanations of Trươg Định's motivation are considered and my own hypothesis is offered.

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LEVY, JESSICA ANN. "Black Power in the Boardroom: Corporate America, the Sullivan Principles, and the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Enterprise & Society 21, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 170–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2019.32.

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This article traces the history of General Motors’ first black director, Leon Sullivan, and his involvement with the Sullivan Principles, a corporate code of conduct for U.S. companies doing business in Apartheid South Africa. Building on and furthering the postwar civil rights and anti-colonial struggles, the international anti-apartheid movement brought together students, union workers, and religious leaders in an effort to draw attention to the horrors of Apartheid in South Africa. Whereas many left-leaning activists advocated sanctions and divestment, others, Sullivan among them, helped lead the way in drafting an alternative strategy for American business, one focused on corporate-sponsored black empowerment. Moving beyond both narrow criticisms of Sullivan as a “sellout” and corporate propaganda touting the benefits of the Sullivan Principles, this work draws on corporate and “movement” records to reveal the complex negotiations between white and black executives as they worked to situate themselves in relation to anti-racist movements in the Unites States and South Africa. In doing so, it furthermore reveals the links between modern corporate social responsibility and the fight for Black Power within the corporation.

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Peake, Bryce. "Methodological Perspectives on British Commercial Telegraphy and the Colonial Struggle over Democratic Connections in Gibraltar, 1914–1941." Media and Communication 6, no. 1 (February 9, 2018): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v6i1.1197.

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This article examines the privatization of telegraphy in the British Empire from the perspective of Gibraltar, an overseas territory in the Mediterranean. While the history of international telegraphy is typically written from a world-systems perspective, this article presents a key methodological critique of the use of collections spread across many institutions and colonies: archival satellites are not simply reducible to parts of a scattered whole, as archival collections are themselves curations of socially-positioned understandings of Empire. This is especially true of the “girdle round the world” that was British telegraphy. At a meta-historical level, individual archival collections of the global British telegraphy system can be read as histories of colonial administrators’ geographically- and socially- situated perspectives on Empire—namely through what archives have, and have not, preserved. I demonstrate how the documents about telegraphy collected and maintained in the Gibraltar National Archives reflect pre- and post-World War I English, anti-Liberal colonial administrators’ and military officials’ fear that privatization was an opening salvo against the democratic web that held the last vestiges of Empire together.

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Eggers, Nicole. "MUKOMBOZI AND THE MONGANGA: THE VIOLENCE OF HEALING IN THE 1944 KITAWALIST UPRISING." Africa 85, no. 3 (July 9, 2015): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201500025x.

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ABSTRACTThis article investigates the fraught relationship between violence and healing in Central African history. Looking at the case study of one of the largest uprisings in the colonial history of Congo – the Lobutu–Masisi Kitawalist uprising of 1944 – the article asks how the theories of power that animated the uprising might help better illuminate the nature and role of violence not only in the uprising itself but in the broader history of the region. Drawing attention to the centrality of discourses that relate to the moral and immoral use of disembodied spiritual power (puissance/nguvu/force) in the uprising, the article evokes critical questions about the deeper history of such discourses and the imaginaries and choreographies of violence that accompanied them. Thinking about violence in this way not only breaks down imagined lines between productive and destructive/legitimate and illegitimate violence by highlighting that such distinctions are always contentious and negotiated, but also demonstrates that the theories of power animating such negotiations must be understood not as tangential to the larger anti-colonial political struggle of Bushiri and his followers, but as central to that struggle. Moreover, it paves the way towards thinking about how these same theories of power might animate negotiations of legitimacy in more recent violent contexts in Eastern Congo.

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Fubah, Mathias Alubafi. "The changing nature of statues and monuments in Tshwane (Pretoria) South Africa." Ethnography 21, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 438–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138118815515.

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This paper examines the changing nature of statues and monuments in post-apartheid South Africa with special focus on newly constructed statues and monuments at the Groenkloof Nature Reserve (GNR) in Tshwane. The paper highlights the extraordinary fascination of the African National Congress (ANC) government with statues and monuments in honour of anti-colonial and anti-apartheid icons. It demonstrates that by embarking on the construction of statues and monuments in honour of struggle icons, these icons have become the embodiment of a new iconography for South Africa. More importantly, the paper will demonstrate how the newly constructed statues, though still in line with the pre-1994 iconography, are also disruptive of the country’s cultural landscape, much to the advantage of the government.

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Hasanov, M. R. "THE QUESTION OF THE PRECONDITIONS OF THE STRUGGLE OF THE MOUNTAINEERS OF THE NORTH-EASTERN CAUCASUS IN THE 20 - 50 YEARS OF THE XIX CENTURY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch13355-65.

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The Article examines the preconditions of the struggle of the mountaineers Sevres-Eastern Caucasus in the 20-50-ies of the XIX century On the basis of analysis of sources and existing literature reveals the principal causes of the struggle of the mountaineers against the colonial policy of tsarism and the local rulers. It stresses that the dissatisfaction of the highlanders was caused by construction on arable land fortresses, device the so-called fortified lines with the Cossack settlements, permanent mobilization of the local population to build roads, fortresses, requirements, burdensome taxes and the heavy duties and activities assigned to mountain communities and possession of the king's officers and the commandant of managers to intervene in the internal life of the highlanders. The article talks about the brutal repression used by the Royal officials in relation to the unhappy mountaineers - the burning of entire villages, destruction of crops and grain reserves, the destruction of the gardens - all this aroused the indignation of the mountaineers and led to the struggle against tsarist oppression and local feudal lords. The article is subjected to criticism the concept of M. M. Bliev, if the mountaineers lived by raids on their neighbors. His thesis is that in the first half of the nineteenth century the mountaineers have experienced a period of expansion of tribal relations, not only clarifies the issue of their struggle in the 20-50 years of the XIX century, but also confuses the history of the peoples of the region. The publication highlights how local authorities based on the Royal arms, brutally oppressed rank and file of the highlanders, were taken from their last horse or bull, the last under the grain in the tax bill. The article presents material about the ill-treatment of Aslan-Khan Kyurinsky and the other lords with their subordinates. The feudal lords levied a population with taxes and duties at its discretion, enriched by direct robbery. Therefore, according to the article, the idea of anti-colonial protest in the minds of the highlanders were merged with the anti-feudal aspirations.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Anti-Colonial Struggle'

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