Academic literature on the topic 'Anti-communist United States France France'
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Journal articles on the topic "Anti-communist United States France France"
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Wang, Tao. "Neutralizing Indochina: The 1954 Geneva Conference and China's Efforts to Isolate the United States." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 2 (April 2017): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00739.
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Based on declassified documents from the People's Republic of China (PRC), Vietnam, and the former Soviet Union, this essay examines China's policy toward the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina in relation to the United States. The article shows that Chinese leaders wanted to neutralize Indochina in order to forestall U.S. military intervention in the conflict, which, if it occurred, would directly threaten the PRC's southern flank. In pursuit of this objective, Chinese officials sought to exploit differences between the United States and its two main allies, Britain and France, and thereby induce U.S. policymakers to agree to end the first Indochina War between France and Vietnam. Because Chinese leaders worried that the United States might respond by trying to foment splits within the Communist camp, they worked to build a united front with the Soviet Union and North Vietnam, both of which shared Beijing's anxiety about U.S. intervention, and to convince the Viet Minh guerrilla leaders to make necessary concessions for a negotiated settlement at Geneva.
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Stone, Marla, and Giuliana Chamedes. "Naming the Enemy: Anti-communism in Transnational Perspective." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 2018): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417735165.
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In this introduction to the special issue on transnational anti-communism, Marla Stone and Giuliana Chamedes present the contours of a comparative approach to the study of anti-communism, raising issues of its origins and impact, and calling for attention to anti-communism as a discrete ideology with a defined set of beliefs and practices. The special issue of six articles, edited by Stone and Chamedes, focuses on anti-communism in the interwar period in a range of locations, including India under British rule, colonial Madagascar, Italy, France, Britain and the United States of America. The essays emphasize comparative issues regarding the emergence and consolidation of anti-communist movements and practices in the 1920s and 1930s, and they argue for the transnational and international character of interwar anti-communism, and for its profound implications for both national and global politics.
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Martin, Garret. "Playing the China Card? Revisiting France's Recognition of Communist China, 1963–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 1 (January 2008): 52–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.1.52.
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On 27 January 1964, France and the People's Republic of China (PRC) officially established diplomatic relations. This was the first time since 1950 that a major power had recognized the PRC. The French initiative caused an international uproar and generated extensive debate about the motivations of French President General Charles de Gaulle. This article uses new archival materials to look closely at de Gaulle's decision and to show how the new links with Communist China fit into France's larger strategy in the Cold War. Although domestic political considerations helped to spur de Gaulle's action, the new documentary evidence makes clear that de Gaulle also was determined to establish France as a major actor on the world scene that could forge a middle path between the United States and the Soviet Union.
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Sudlow, Brian. "Transatlantic Anti-Catholicism: France and the United States in the Nineteenth Century." Modern & Contemporary France 19, no. 4 (November 2011): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2011.622534.
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O'Driscoll, Mervyn. "Explosive Challenge: Diplomatic Triangles, the United Nations, and the Problem of French Nuclear Testing, 1959–1960." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.28.
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France's first nuclear tests in Algeria in 1960 occurred at a critical moment in the Cold War. The United States, Great Britain, and the USSR had suspended their tests in 1958 and had been holding test ban talks in Geneva. British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan faced a vociferous anti-nuclear movement at home and wanted to foster East-West détente. The U.S. State Department wished to prevent Soviet propaganda in the Third World, including the newly independent African and Asian states that strongly opposed French testing. Nonetheless, both Britain and the United States adopted a sympathetic stance toward France in the run-up to the first test in February 1960. Macmillan hoped to move Britain into the European Economic Community and therefore wanted to avoid antagonizing France, whose support for British membership would be crucial. Macmillan also wanted France's backing for a four-power summit to try to achieve East-West détente. Similarly, the United States did not want to alienate France, a key member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
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Neak, Vibol. "A Relation Shaped by Geopolitical Ambitions: The United States and Cambodia during the Cold War." IKAT: The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 3, no. 1 (August 16, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v3i1.44992.
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The diplomatic relation between the United States and Cambodia began during the Cold War, before Cambodia achieved independence from France in 1953. This article examines the political constellation between the two states during the Cold War. The United States had been an ally and a firm supporter of Cambodia at certain times, while also being controversial enemies in other moments. The relationship worsened during the Cold War, and the two countries had gone from allies to enemies. It could be argued that the relationship deteriorated due to several reasons: the US’ foreign policy, which was crafted to contain communism, Cambodia’s failure to be truly neutral as it was often biased to the communist bloc, and the impact of third-party states.
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Williams, Warren. "Flashpoint Austria: The Communist-Inspired Strikes of 1950." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2007): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.115.
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Austria is frequently overlooked by Cold War historians, but this small landlocked country was the site of a number of East-West confrontations during the decade of occupation by the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1955. This article focuses on two of those incidents. In September and October 1950, Austria's Communist Party, supported by Soviet occupation forces, triggered a series of violent demonstrations throughout the country, ostensibly objecting to a new Wage and Price Agreement. Whether these strikes were part of a planned attempt to overthrow the central government is a question still debated. The article assesses the different views on this matter and the evidence available.
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Ménudier, Henri. "L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701019ar.
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Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullists and other politicians participated. An examinationt of the themes of their public statements shows that references to the Third Reich, to trials of former Nazis and to the role that present leaders of the FRG played under Hitler predominated. Criticism of German domestic politics was primarily concerned with the threat to freedoms in the FRG and with the rise of politicians such as Franz Josef Strauss. Comparisons of the economic, commercial and industriel statistics of the Federal Republic of Germany and France fed concerns that prompted once again speculation with respect to German reunification and the association of nuclear weapons with the FRG. In attacking social-democracy the FCP attempted to further undercut Franco-German relations and to accentuate its split with the French Socialist Party. The anti-German campaign did not, in fact, have a great impact on public opinion or government policy. Nevertheless, both the range and persistence of these themes show that xenophobia in general and anti-German sentiment in particular are not on the point of disappearing in France.
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Iancu, Anca-Luminiţa. "Cultural Encounters: Glimpses of the United States in Late Twentieth-Century Romanian Travel Narratives." East-West Cultural Passage 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ewcp-2019-0005.
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Abstract Travel narratives are complex accounts that include a significant layer of factual information – related to the geography, history, and/or the culture of a particular place or country – and a more personal layer, comprising the author’s unique perceptions and rendering of the travel experience. In the last thirty years of transition from a communist to a democratic society, the Romanians have been free to travel to any country they choose; however, during the communist period, especially during the 1980s, travelling to Western, capitalist countries, such as France, Great Britain, Canada, or the United States, was rather limited and fraught with complex issues. Still, Romanian travelers during that time managed to visit the United States, on diplomatic- or business-related exchanges, and published interesting travel stories of their experiences there. Therefore, this essay sets out to capture, from a comparative perspective, the impressions and encounters depicted by Radu Enescu in Between Two Oceans (1986), Ion Dinu in Traveler through America (1991) and Viorel Sălăgean in Hello America! (1992), with a view to analyzing how their descriptions and perceptions of two major urban spaces, New York City and San Francisco, reflect the complexity of the American social and cultural landscape in the late 1970s and mid-1980s.
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Tam, Hao Jun. "Diasporic South Vietnam." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 15, no. 2 (2020): 40–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2020.15.2.40.
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As Vietnam was caught in wartime narrative austerity from the 1950s to the 1970s, followed by the communist state’s intolerance of dissent, Vietnamese writers in the French and American diaspora have offered literary texts that challenge both Vietnamese discursive stricture and dominant perspectives in France and the United States. This essay studies two novel sequences from the diasporic Vietnamese literary archive: Vietnamese French author Ly Thu Ho’s trilogy and Vietnamese American writer Lan Cao’s pair of historical novels. Taking a historicist approach, the essay reveals complex nationalist expressions, aspirations, challenges, and desires in Ly Thu Ho’s and Lan Cao’s works of fiction.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Anti-communist United States France France"
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Spencer, Freeze Rixa Ann. "French food vs. fast food José Bové takes on McDonald"s /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2002. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1029182528.
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McPherson, Jared L. "Indefinite Detention as a Democratic Counterterrorism Policy." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416091531.
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Laroche, Loïc. "Le Monde et les États-Unis de 1944 à nos jours." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H023/document.
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Le journal «Le Monde est un témoin voire un acteur de la vie de la République et de ses relations avec ses partenaires étrangers, à commencer par le plus important et le plus influent d’entre eux : les États-Unis d’Amérique. Cette thèse analyse d’une part l’image de ce pays dans les articles du «Monde». Elle s’intéresse à la place consacrée aux États-Unis, à leur relation avec le reste du monde, à leur image économique et à leur niveau de développement, à la description de leur société et de leur peuple, à l’image de leur système démocratique et enfin à l’image de leur puissance. Cette thèse étudie d’autre part la relation entre les États-Unis et la rédaction du «Monde» au sens large, c’est-à-dire journalistes et direction, durant les soixante-dix années écoulées depuis sa création, au fil des administrations présidentielles américaines. Elle montre comment les directeurs successifs et les principaux rédacteurs concernés connaissent et apprécient ce pays, comment est réalisée la couverture de l’Amérique par le journal. Elle étudie les rapports entre la rédaction du «Monde» et les autorités américaines, comment celles-ci accueillent, informent, essaient d’influencer ouvertement ou non le journal et ses équipes. Au delà, elle montre comment la direction du «Monde» s’inspire des États-Unis et de leur presse. Elle étudie enfin la ligne éditoriale du journal sur les États-Unis. Trois grandes périodes se dessinent, la première correspond à la direction d’Hubert Beuve-Méry qui marque durablement le journal de son souci d’indépendance matérielle et éditoriale. Ses successeurs essaient de maintenir son héritage tandis que l’Amérique divise la rédaction. Après la chute du mur de Berlin, une nouvelle génération, moderne, transforme le regard du journal sur l’Amérique, alors que le numérique révolutionne les médiasThe newspaper «Le Monde» gives testimony, and is almost an actor, of the French Republic and its relations to foreign partners, the most important and influential of which is the United States of America. On one hand we will look into the image given by this country throughout « Le Monde »’s articles. We will consider how the United States are being covered, the way they relate to the rest of the world, the way their economy is valued, their level of development, the description of their society and their people, the image given by their democracy and their power. On the other hand we will watch the acquaintances between the United States and « Le Monde »’s editorial staff in a broad way, that is journalists and directors, from its foundation along the seventy following years and the various US administrations, which will show how the successive directors of the newspaper and the main journalists have had a genuine knowledge and esteem for this country. We will also learn the way America is covered through the designing of the newspaper. We will see how the editorial staff and the american authorities intermate, the way the latter greet and convey informations in an attempt to influence, openly or not, «Le Monde»’s protagonists ans beyond this, how the directors of the newspaper are inspired by the United States and the american press. Last but not least, we will look into the editorial line «Le Monde» choses to refer to the United States. Three major periods will emerge, the first one of which corresponds to Hubert Beuve-Méry’s management with a longlasting concern ever since for financial and editorial independance. His successors will try to keep on with his heritage while America is dividing the editorial staff. After the fall of the Berlin wall the new generation will modify the vision « Le Monde » had of America whereas the digital technologies start revolutionizing the media
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Perlman, Susan M. Friedman Max Paul. "Shock therapy the United States anti-communist psychological campaign in Fourth Republic France /." Diss., 2006. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-02232006-184138.
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Thesis (M. A.)--Florida State University, 2006.Advisor: Max Paul Friedman, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of International Affairs. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 9, 2006). Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 102 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
Books on the topic "Anti-communist United States France France"
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Fields, A. Belden. Trotskyism and Maoism: Theory and practice in France and the United States. New York: Praeger, 1988.
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Trotskyism and Maoism: Theory and practice in France and the United States. New York: Praeger, 1986.
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Transatlantic anti-Catholicism: France and the United States in the nineteenth century. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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French anti-Americanism (1930-1948): Critical moments in a complex history. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2007.
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Kuisel, Richard F. The French way: How France embraced and rejected American values and power. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2012.
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Confronting America: The Cold War between the United States and the communists in France and Italy. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011.
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The American enemy: The history of French anti-Americanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.
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The reign of terror in America: Visions of violence from anti-Jacobinism to antislavery. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Hanson, Charles P. Necessary virtue: The pragmatic origins of religious liberty in New England. Charlottesville, Va: University Press of Virginia, 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Anti-communist United States France France"
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Lamont, Michéle. "The rhetorics of racism and anti-racism in France and the United States." In Rethinking Comparative Cultural Sociology, 25–55. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511628108.002.
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Kuisel, Richard F. "Anti-Americanism in Retreat: Jack Lang, Cultural Imperialism, and the Anti-Anti-Americans." In The French Way. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691151816.003.0002.
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This chapter details the rise of anti-Americanism in France, in particular French socialist minister of culture Jack Lang's attack against American popular culture. Lang began by refusing to attend the American film festival at Deauville in September 1981; several months later he gave a notorious address denouncing American cultural imperialism at a UNESCO conference in Mexico City; and then he tried to organize a global “crusade” to combat cultural imports from the United States. Lang was a flamboyant young politician whose movie-star good looks, iconic pink jacket, dramatic initiatives, and hyperactive ways won him both admiration and ridicule. He presided over the Ministry of Culture from 1981 to 1986 and again from 1988 to 1993.
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Poast, Paul. "An Important Agreement." In Arguing about Alliances, 135–68. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501740244.003.0006.
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This chapter studies the 1948–49 negotiations that produced the North Atlantic Treaty. This case is useful to explore because previous scholarship on these negotiations emphasized the need to overcome entrapment concerns. However, by drawing on a host of sources, the chapter demonstrates that entrapment concerns were not more important than the parties' efforts to overcome incompatibilities in the strategic component of their ideal plans, namely, the geographic scope of the treaty. The parties agreed that the Soviet Union constituted a threat, but they disagreed on the geographic reach of that threat. The French were gravely concerned about Soviet influence in southern Europe, especially the possibility that Italy could enter the communist bloc. For the British and Americans, the primary concern was coercive Soviet threats toward states in northern Europe, especially Norway. The United States had a viable outside option of unilateral action and, therefore, could afford to walk away. Whether France or any other participant perceived itself as also having an attractive outside option is less clear. What is clear is that the participants were unwilling to test this possibility: France's threats to walk away induced its negotiation partners, believing that France had an attractive outside option, to concede to its demands.
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Keßler, Mario. "Ossip K. Flechtheim (1909-1998)." In Transatlantic Radicalism, edited by Frank Jacob and Mario Keßler, 221–48. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859609.003.0010.
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The political scientist Ossip Kurt Flechtheim (1909-1998) lived in different countries on both sides of the Atlantic: Germany, France, Switzerland, and the United States. He specialized in various fields of research: contemporary history, political science, and future studies, and he taught and wrote in several languages. Flechtheim belonged to three different parties of the left: before 1933 he was a member of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). After his return to Berlin in 1952 he had joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which he then left in 1962. From 1979 until his death Flechtheim was a member of the Alternative Liste that was part of the ecological Green Party. Flechtheim’s work, which includes nearly twenty books and a great number of edited volumes, is devoted to crucial problems of the twentieth and the twenty-first century: to war and peace, democracy and dictatorship, fascism and anti-fascism, the north-south conflict, and capitalism and Communism in its various forms. The last chapter of the volume gives a biographical overview and tries to explain how Flechtheim’s life’s path between Europe and America influenced his thinking as a versatile scholar and radical socialist.
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"Barnstorming Frenchmen: the impact of Paris Université Club’s US tours and the individual in sports diplomacy." In Sport and diplomacy, edited by Lindsay Sarah Krasnoff, 130–46. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0008.
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Meet Martin Feinberg, the sole American basketball player on the storied Paris Université Club (PUC) roster in 1956. That December, Feinberg organized a team tour through the American Midwest, the first such journey undertaken by a French basketball club. PUC’s travels (including a 1962 visit) were not subsidized by the U.S. Government, thus not “official” exchanges. The trips were nevertheless strong examples of sport’s ability to carry social and political messages with deep consequences. Basketball was first played in Europe in 1893 in a small sports hall located at 14, rue de Trévise, in Paris, France. Basketball, however, remained a niche endeavor in a country that favored British sports, notably football and rugby. The young PUC players who traveled to the United States were thus not the “typical” representatives of their generation. Yet, many of them, even the more anti-American Socialists, came away with favorable impressions of France’s sister republic in most matters, save that of race relations. “Barnstorming Frenchmen” examines how the earliest French-American basketball exchanges created lasting impressions on young players in ways traditional diplomacy and diplomats rarely could. Set against the larger context of post-war French anxieties and reconstruction, French-American Cold War diplomacy, and race relations in both countries, these trips are noteworthy.
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Barnett, Michael N. "The Making of a Prophetic People." In The Star and the Stripes. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691165974.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the period from the mid-nineteenth century to the turn of the century, when American Jews were absorbed by the task of acculturation. As American Jews grew more settled, accepted, and confident, they began asking the US government to use its growing power to stop the persecution of Jews abroad. In the long run, American Jews placed their faith in the same sort of liberalism and rule of law that had been so good to them. Because illiberal states that were tormenting Jews were unlikely to become converts to liberalism, the Jews of France, Britain, and the United States hoped that their governments would impose these reforms. Additionally, they were antinationalists and anti-Zionists. In their view, the answer to the Jewish Problem was not a Jewish homeland in some godforsaken backwater in the Middle East where they were not wanted. Zionism was unrealistic and could potentially lead to questions American Jews would prefer were never asked.
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Hale, Meredith McNeill. "Satires on Domestic Subjects." In The Birth of Modern Political Satire, 121–85. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836261.003.0004.
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This chapter examines five satires on the subject of domestic politics. Orange-Amsterdam opposition dominated Dutch politics for much of the seventeenth century and the States Party faction, led by the republican-leaning Amsterdam regents, was driven by two primary concerns: the interruption to trade, particularly with France, caused by William III’s invasion of England and subsequent military exploits; and the curbing of William’s dynastic ambition, which was seen as a direct threat to Holland’s supremacy within the United Provinces. All of De Hooghe’s satires under consideration here are Orangist in viewpoint and accuse Amsterdam of colluding with France in order to maintain lucrative trade alliances and marginalize William III politically. The function of De Hooghe’s satires is the primary focus of this discussion and, to this end, the critical role played by factionalism in Dutch politics of this period will be considered. It will be argued that De Hooghe’s domestic satires were intended for a specific segment of Holland’s governing elite, those in the ‘middle party’ who did not align themselves fully with either the States Party or the Orangist ends of the political spectrum. The chapter concludes that pragmatic considerations were a critical impetus for the domestic satires: for Orangists, the fact that William III needed the financial support of Amsterdam for his military campaigns; and, for the Amsterdam regents, as is articulated in an anonymous anti-Williamite satire, the fear of William III’s monarchical ambitions and the opportunity to consolidate their power in the absence of the Stadhouder-King.
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Baldwin, Peter. "Assimilation." In The Narcissism of Minor Differences. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195391206.003.0015.
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Let Us Move, now, from the otherworldly to the extraterritorial. Until recently, the assimilation of foreigners would not have been considered part of a comparison between Europe and America. America was a land of immigration; Europe was not. That is no longer the case. Overall levels of the foreign-born remain higher in the United States than in all European countries other than Switzerland and Luxembourg (figure 185). The difference is diminishing, however, as increasing numbers of foreigners make Europe their home. But the politics of counting foreigners is curious in Europe. In nations with virulent and powerful anti-foreigner political parties (Denmark, Austria, Norway, the Netherlands, France, and Switzerland) civil servants might wish to downplay the presence of those who could be regarded as an alien element. Bureaucracies in other countries might prefer to upscale the number of foreigners, perhaps to burnish their own multicultural qualifications. Consider the differences between two sets of OECD accounts of foreigners, from 2005 and 2007. The figures in these reports come respectively from 2003 and 2005, though numbers for a decade earlier, i.e., 1993 and 1995, are given as comparisons. As might be expected, in all European countries the number of foreigners increased between 2003 and 2005. But in some nations, the reported number of foreigners grew so startlingly over a two-year period that it must be due to a rejiggering of the figures rather than to any actual inflow. In many cases, too, the numbers for 1995 given in the later publication are higher than those given for 2003 in the earlier one. For example, the Austrian figures for the foreign part of the population in 1995 presented in 2007 are 11.2%, while those for 2003 presented in 2005 are only 9.4%. Similar discrepancies hold for Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, and several other nations. The mystery only deepens if we look at what precisely the OECD claims to measure. In 2005, it was Europe’s “foreign population.” Of the nations we are looking at, only the numbers from the United States are for “foreign-born.” In 2007, however, also the European figures are for “foreign-born,” except those for Greece, Italy, and Spain, which are for “foreign.” “Foreign-born” is, of course, a narrower and more precise category than “foreign.” Excepting only lapses of record keeping, “foreign-born” can be determined by standard-issue statistics.
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Goldsmith, Jack, and Tim Wu. "Introduction: Yahoo!" In Who Controls the Internet? Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195152661.003.0004.
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Marc Knobel is a French Jew who has devoted his life to fighting neo-Nazism, a fight that has taken him repeatedly to the Internet and American websites. In February 2000, Knobel was sitting in Paris, searching the Web for Nazi memorabilia. He went to the auction site of yahoo.com, where to his horror he saw page after page of swastika arm bands, SS daggers, concentration camp photos, and even replicas of the Zyklon B gas canisters. He had found a vast collection of Nazi mementos, for sale and easily available in France but hosted on a computer in the United States by the Internet giant Yahoo. Two years earlier, Knobel had discovered Nazi hate sites on America Online and threatened a public relations war. AOL closed the sites, and Knobel assumed that a similar threat against Yahoo would have a similar effect. He was wrong. AOL, it turned out, was atypical. Located in the Washington, D.C. suburbs, AOL had always been sensitive to public relations, politics, and the realities of government power. It was more careful than most Internet companies about keeping offensive information off its sites. Yahoo, in contrast, was a product of Silicon Valley’s 1990s bubble culture. From its origins as the hobby of Stanford graduate students Jerry Yang and David Filo, Yahoo by 2000 had grown to be the mighty “Lord of the Portals.” At the time, Yahoo was the Internet entrance point for more users than any other website, with a stock price, as 2000 began, of $475 per share. Yang, Yahoo’s billionaire leader, was confident and brash—he “liked the general definition of a yahoo: ‘rude, unsophisticated, uncouth.’” Obsessed with expanding market share, he thought government dumb, and speech restrictions dumber still. Confronted by an obscure activist complaining about hate speech and invoking French law, Yang’s company shrugged its high-tech shoulders. Mark Knobel was not impressed. On April 11, 2000, he sued Yahoo in a French court on behalf of the International League against Racism and Anti-Semitism and others. Yahoo’s auctions, he charged, violated a French law banning trafficking in Nazi goods in France.
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Gasteuil, Quentin. "A Comparative and Transnational Approach to Socialist Anti-Colonialism." In Workers of the Empire, Unite, 133–64. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859685.003.0006.
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From the 1930s to the 1950s, Fenner Brockway (1888-1988) and Marceau Pivert (1895-1958), both ‘left-wing’ socialists, were deeply committed to anti-colonialism. Brockway lived mostly in the United Kingdom and Pivert in France, but their involvement was not restricted by national boundaries. Regarding colonial issues, both men conceived of the militant activities they pursued in transnational terms. This was a feature of their distinct internationalist approach of politics. Their relationship was part of a wider European network of militants, and their strife against colonial imperialism was embodied in various collective forms of action. The Brockway–Pivert connection thus illustrates the way two anti-colonialist stances met and interacted on different scales and levels. The ideas, the initiatives and the practices of this specific form of socialist anti-colonialism are at the heart of this chapter.
Conference papers on the topic "Anti-communist United States France France"
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Kim, Sang-Do, Cheong-Hee Lee, Suk-June Yoon, Hae-Kwan Jeong, Sung-Chul Kang, Mun-Sang Kim, and Yoon Keun Kwak. "Variable Configuration Tracked Mobile Robot for Demining Operations." In ASME 2004 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2004-57196.
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This paper introduces a link-type tracked mobile robot developed for demining operations. The robot consists of three parts: a front frame, a rear frame, and a body. The front frame is connected to the rear frame by a rotational passive adaptation mechanism, which is a driving mechanism of the robot. This passive adaptation mechanism enables the proposed robot good adaptability to uneven terrain including stairs. The link structure gives rise to a small, simple, and energy efficient vehicle. In addition, the new demining system adaptable to the proposed tracked mobile robot is discussed on how to clear small anti-personnel mines with a non-explosive method. Both the motion of the demining rake and the design parameters of the demining unit are analyzed. Finally, a presentation follows on how the new demining system can unearth small anti-personnel mines with a non-explosive method.