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1
Wang, Tao. "Neutralizing Indochina: The 1954 Geneva Conference and China's Efforts to Isolate the United States." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 2 (April 2017): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00739.
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Based on declassified documents from the People's Republic of China (PRC), Vietnam, and the former Soviet Union, this essay examines China's policy toward the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina in relation to the United States. The article shows that Chinese leaders wanted to neutralize Indochina in order to forestall U.S. military intervention in the conflict, which, if it occurred, would directly threaten the PRC's southern flank. In pursuit of this objective, Chinese officials sought to exploit differences between the United States and its two main allies, Britain and France, and thereby induce U.S. policymakers to agree to end the first Indochina War between France and Vietnam. Because Chinese leaders worried that the United States might respond by trying to foment splits within the Communist camp, they worked to build a united front with the Soviet Union and North Vietnam, both of which shared Beijing's anxiety about U.S. intervention, and to convince the Viet Minh guerrilla leaders to make necessary concessions for a negotiated settlement at Geneva.
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Stone, Marla, and Giuliana Chamedes. "Naming the Enemy: Anti-communism in Transnational Perspective." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 2018): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417735165.
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In this introduction to the special issue on transnational anti-communism, Marla Stone and Giuliana Chamedes present the contours of a comparative approach to the study of anti-communism, raising issues of its origins and impact, and calling for attention to anti-communism as a discrete ideology with a defined set of beliefs and practices. The special issue of six articles, edited by Stone and Chamedes, focuses on anti-communism in the interwar period in a range of locations, including India under British rule, colonial Madagascar, Italy, France, Britain and the United States of America. The essays emphasize comparative issues regarding the emergence and consolidation of anti-communist movements and practices in the 1920s and 1930s, and they argue for the transnational and international character of interwar anti-communism, and for its profound implications for both national and global politics.
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Martin, Garret. "Playing the China Card? Revisiting France's Recognition of Communist China, 1963–1964." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 1 (January 2008): 52–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.1.52.
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On 27 January 1964, France and the People's Republic of China (PRC) officially established diplomatic relations. This was the first time since 1950 that a major power had recognized the PRC. The French initiative caused an international uproar and generated extensive debate about the motivations of French President General Charles de Gaulle. This article uses new archival materials to look closely at de Gaulle's decision and to show how the new links with Communist China fit into France's larger strategy in the Cold War. Although domestic political considerations helped to spur de Gaulle's action, the new documentary evidence makes clear that de Gaulle also was determined to establish France as a major actor on the world scene that could forge a middle path between the United States and the Soviet Union.
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Sudlow, Brian. "Transatlantic Anti-Catholicism: France and the United States in the Nineteenth Century." Modern & Contemporary France 19, no. 4 (November 2011): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2011.622534.
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O'Driscoll, Mervyn. "Explosive Challenge: Diplomatic Triangles, the United Nations, and the Problem of French Nuclear Testing, 1959–1960." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.28.
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France's first nuclear tests in Algeria in 1960 occurred at a critical moment in the Cold War. The United States, Great Britain, and the USSR had suspended their tests in 1958 and had been holding test ban talks in Geneva. British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan faced a vociferous anti-nuclear movement at home and wanted to foster East-West détente. The U.S. State Department wished to prevent Soviet propaganda in the Third World, including the newly independent African and Asian states that strongly opposed French testing. Nonetheless, both Britain and the United States adopted a sympathetic stance toward France in the run-up to the first test in February 1960. Macmillan hoped to move Britain into the European Economic Community and therefore wanted to avoid antagonizing France, whose support for British membership would be crucial. Macmillan also wanted France's backing for a four-power summit to try to achieve East-West détente. Similarly, the United States did not want to alienate France, a key member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
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Neak, Vibol. "A Relation Shaped by Geopolitical Ambitions: The United States and Cambodia during the Cold War." IKAT: The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 3, no. 1 (August 16, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v3i1.44992.
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The diplomatic relation between the United States and Cambodia began during the Cold War, before Cambodia achieved independence from France in 1953. This article examines the political constellation between the two states during the Cold War. The United States had been an ally and a firm supporter of Cambodia at certain times, while also being controversial enemies in other moments. The relationship worsened during the Cold War, and the two countries had gone from allies to enemies. It could be argued that the relationship deteriorated due to several reasons: the US’ foreign policy, which was crafted to contain communism, Cambodia’s failure to be truly neutral as it was often biased to the communist bloc, and the impact of third-party states.
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Williams, Warren. "Flashpoint Austria: The Communist-Inspired Strikes of 1950." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2007): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.115.
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Austria is frequently overlooked by Cold War historians, but this small landlocked country was the site of a number of East-West confrontations during the decade of occupation by the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union from 1945 to 1955. This article focuses on two of those incidents. In September and October 1950, Austria's Communist Party, supported by Soviet occupation forces, triggered a series of violent demonstrations throughout the country, ostensibly objecting to a new Wage and Price Agreement. Whether these strikes were part of a planned attempt to overthrow the central government is a question still debated. The article assesses the different views on this matter and the evidence available.
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Ménudier, Henri. "L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen." Études internationales 11, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701019ar.
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Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullists and other politicians participated. An examinationt of the themes of their public statements shows that references to the Third Reich, to trials of former Nazis and to the role that present leaders of the FRG played under Hitler predominated. Criticism of German domestic politics was primarily concerned with the threat to freedoms in the FRG and with the rise of politicians such as Franz Josef Strauss. Comparisons of the economic, commercial and industriel statistics of the Federal Republic of Germany and France fed concerns that prompted once again speculation with respect to German reunification and the association of nuclear weapons with the FRG. In attacking social-democracy the FCP attempted to further undercut Franco-German relations and to accentuate its split with the French Socialist Party. The anti-German campaign did not, in fact, have a great impact on public opinion or government policy. Nevertheless, both the range and persistence of these themes show that xenophobia in general and anti-German sentiment in particular are not on the point of disappearing in France.
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Iancu, Anca-Luminiţa. "Cultural Encounters: Glimpses of the United States in Late Twentieth-Century Romanian Travel Narratives." East-West Cultural Passage 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ewcp-2019-0005.
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Abstract Travel narratives are complex accounts that include a significant layer of factual information – related to the geography, history, and/or the culture of a particular place or country – and a more personal layer, comprising the author’s unique perceptions and rendering of the travel experience. In the last thirty years of transition from a communist to a democratic society, the Romanians have been free to travel to any country they choose; however, during the communist period, especially during the 1980s, travelling to Western, capitalist countries, such as France, Great Britain, Canada, or the United States, was rather limited and fraught with complex issues. Still, Romanian travelers during that time managed to visit the United States, on diplomatic- or business-related exchanges, and published interesting travel stories of their experiences there. Therefore, this essay sets out to capture, from a comparative perspective, the impressions and encounters depicted by Radu Enescu in Between Two Oceans (1986), Ion Dinu in Traveler through America (1991) and Viorel Sălăgean in Hello America! (1992), with a view to analyzing how their descriptions and perceptions of two major urban spaces, New York City and San Francisco, reflect the complexity of the American social and cultural landscape in the late 1970s and mid-1980s.
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Tam, Hao Jun. "Diasporic South Vietnam." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 15, no. 2 (2020): 40–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2020.15.2.40.
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As Vietnam was caught in wartime narrative austerity from the 1950s to the 1970s, followed by the communist state’s intolerance of dissent, Vietnamese writers in the French and American diaspora have offered literary texts that challenge both Vietnamese discursive stricture and dominant perspectives in France and the United States. This essay studies two novel sequences from the diasporic Vietnamese literary archive: Vietnamese French author Ly Thu Ho’s trilogy and Vietnamese American writer Lan Cao’s pair of historical novels. Taking a historicist approach, the essay reveals complex nationalist expressions, aspirations, challenges, and desires in Ly Thu Ho’s and Lan Cao’s works of fiction.
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Gunther, Scott. "MAKING SENSE OF THE ANTI-SAME-SEX-MARRIAGE MOVEMENT IN FRANCE." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 131–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370206.
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This article examines the political style and rhetoric of the Manif pour tous (MPT), the main organization opposing same-sex marriage in France, from summer 2013 to the present. It exposes how the MPT’s style and rhetoric differ from those of their American counterparts, and what this tells us about the different strategies of political movements in France and the United States generally. It is based on an analysis of the language used by activists whom I interviewed in 2014 and 2015 and on a discourse analysis of the MPT’s website, Facebook page, Twitter feed, and press releases since 2013. This analysis of the distinctive features of the MPT brings to light underlying concerns about French identity in the face of globalization. In other words, for the MPT and its members, what is at stake is not just same-sex marriage but the very definition of Frenchness.
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McLeod, Mark W. "Trương Định and Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, 1859–64: A Reappraisal." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1993): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000151x.
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By any measure, Trương Định (1820–64) was one of the leading figures of nineteenth-century Vietnamese resistance to French colonialism. As such, he has received a good deal of scholarly attention in Vietnam, France, the United States, and elsewhere. This article analyses the anti-colonial movement led by Trương Định in southern Vietnam during the years 1859–64, focusing on the questions of Trương Định's relationship to the Vietnamese imperial government at Huế and his motivation for continuing the anti-French struggle after Huế had made peace with France in 1862. Its organization is as follows: first, the historical context is summarized; second, Trương Định's resistance movement and its relationship to the Huế court are analyzed; third, various explanations of Trươg Định's motivation are considered and my own hypothesis is offered.
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Thomas, Martin. "France Accused: French North Africa before the United Nations, 1952–1962." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001059.
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In the decade after 1952 France faced sustained United Nations criticism of its colonial policies in north Africa. As membership of the UN General Assembly expanded, support for the non-aligned states of the Afro-Asian bloc increased. North African nationalist parties established their permanent offices in New York to press their case for independence. Tracing UN consideration of French North Africa from the first major General Assembly discussion of Tunisia in 1952 to the end of the Algerian war in 1962, this article considers the tactics employed on both sides of the colonial/anti-colonial divide to manipulate the UN Charter's ambiguities over the rights of colonial powers and the jurisdiction of the General Assembly in colonial disputes.
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Meunier, Sophie, and Christilla Roederer-Rynning. "Missing in Action? France and the Politicization of Trade and Investment Agreements." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 312–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2616.
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Negotiations for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) and for the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada have provoked massive mobilization throughout Europe, both on the streets and online. Yet France, long at the epicenter of anti-globalization and anti-Americanism, has played a surprisingly modest role in the mobilization campaign against these agreements. This article asks why France did not contribute to anti-TTIP mobilization and, more broadly, how patterns of French mobilization over trade have changed over the past two decades. Using comparative-historical analysis, we explore to what extent this puzzling French reaction can be traced to changing attitudes towards the US, agenda-shaping by the French government, and transformations in the venues and techniques of social mobilization. We thus contribute to the growing literature on the politicization of trade agreements and offer insights into the links between domestic and international politics.
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Bakhle, Janaki. "Music as the Sound of the Secular." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 1 (January 2008): 256–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000121.
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Few debates have maintained as persistent and passionate a level of interest and international scope—whether in the United States, France, or Turkey—as that around secularism. A cursory glance at the titles alone of books and articles on the subject tells us that this is a debate in which serious personal and political stakes are invested. At the very least the debate has been generated by the recognition that a new language of politics is needed to understand the role of religious self-expression in the public sphere. The received wisdom about distinctions between the putatively mutually exclusive domains of public and private, or sacred and secular, simply does not hold water any more. The secularism debate also raises issues of fundamental significance to the very “personality of the state,” as Talal Asad has characterized it. In France, the laicite debate has highlighted how the claim of a minority population to don items of clothing (a right denied by the secular government in Turkey with a majority Muslim population), which it sees as fundamental to its religious self-expression, has challenged the state's own image as a secular republic. In the United States, controversy has been ignited by challenges to the boundary line between private religious practice and the public domain of the state, whether it relates to school prayer or the ongoing battles between evolutionists and anti-evolutionists.
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Hargrove, Erwin C. "Introduction." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 1 (January 2003): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0004.
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The purpose of this issue is to explore the possible political futures of parties and movements of the “democratic left” in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, the European Union, Poland, and Russia. The task could not proceed without clear definition, or definitions, of the “democratic left” because of national variations. There is “liberalism” or “progressivism” in the United States of many hues, but with no “social democracy” or politically viable socialism to the left. Socialism, in the old sense, of ownership of the means of production, has died in Britain, and the present government of “New Labour” refers to itself as the “Third Way” between capitalism and socialism. But there is much controversy at home whether “social democracy” has been also jettisoned in favor of a kind of “neoliberalism” that has embraced markets and trimmed social security. The large, democratic parties of the left in France and Germany derive from traditions of “social democracy” that have challenged many capitalist values and institutions, whether from Marxist or non-Marxist perspectives, and sought to establish a state and society organized around principles of social justice. These parties may win national elections but are torn between old left politics and the need to form larger coalitions in order to win. One might ask, Why include Poland and Russia? The purpose was to ask if new democratic forms of “social democracy” could be discerned in the ashes of defunct communist systems that might bear some resemblance to the politics of Western Europe.
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Svik, Peter. "The Czechoslovak Factor in Western Alliance Building, 1945–1948." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2016): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00622.
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This article assesses the role of the Czechoslovak coup d’état in February 1948 in the establishment of the Brussels Pact a month later and formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in April 1949. The article places these developments in the larger context of post-1945 national security policymaking in several countries, weighing the impact of the Czechoslovak coup on relations among seven countries on national security issues at the outset of the Cold War: Czechoslovakia, France, the United Kingdom, the three Benelux countries, and the United States. The article shows that the only proper way to evaluate the effect of the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia on the formation of the Western alliance is by looking at the considerations present in each country and seeing how they interacted with one another. The Czechoslovak factor varied in its magnitude from country to country.
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Dubois, Pierre, and Laura Lasio. "Identifying Industry Margins with Price Constraints: Structural Estimation on Pharmaceuticals." American Economic Review 108, no. 12 (December 1, 2018): 3685–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20140202.
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We develop a structural model to investigate the effects of pharmaceutical price regulation on demand and on manufacturers’ price-setting behavior in France. We estimate price-cost margins in a regulated market with price constraints and infer whether these constraints are binding, exploiting cost restrictions across drugs, which come from observing the same drugs in potentially price-constrained markets (France) and in markets where prices are unregulated (United States and Germany). Our counterfactual simulations suggest that price constraints generated modest savings for anti-ulcer drugs in 2003–2013 (2 percent of total expenses), relative to a free pricing scenario, and shifted consumption from generic to branded drugs. (JEL C51, D24, I18, L13, L51, L65)
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Haubrich, Dirk. "September 11, Anti-Terror Laws and Civil Liberties: Britain, France and Germany Compared." Government and Opposition 38, no. 1 (2003): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00002.
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AbstractThe attacks on the United States of America in September 2001 have spurred a rapid implementation of new Anti-Terrorism legislation around the world. In an effort to, ostensibly, safeguard against the repetition of similar events on their own territories, many democracies have taken far-reaching legislative steps that might threaten the ideal of liberty on which their societies have traditionally been built. This article examines the laws introduced in Britain, France and Germany to establish the extent to which civil liberties in eight different categories have been curtailed. It concludes that, despite the otherwise similar characteristics of the countries studied, the legal provisions differ significantly in scope and depth, a fact that might be explained by: the different levels of threat perception; Britain's history of anti-terror legislation; and the respective power balances between judiciaries and legislatures.
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Baird, Ian G. "Lao Buddhist Monks' Involvement in Political and Military Resistance to the Lao People's Democratic Republic Government since 1975." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 3 (August 2012): 655–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812000642.
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There is a long history of Theravada Buddhist monk involvement in militarism in mainland Southeast Asia. Here, I examine recent Lao monk support for political and military activities directed against the communist Lao People's Democratic Republic government and its Vietnamese supporters since 1975. Monks have not become directly involved in armed conflict, as monastic rules do not allow participation in offensive violent acts, or arms trading, but they have played various important roles in supporting armed resistance against the Lao government. Some monks assisting insurgents have been shot in Thailand. Now most of the Lao insurgent-supporting monks live in the United States, Canada, and France, where a few continue to assist the political resistance against the Lao government, arguing that providing such support does not contradict Buddhist teachings. This article demonstrates how Lao Buddhist monks have negotiated religious conduct rules in the context of strong nationalistic convictions.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Milner, Helen. "Resisting the protectionist temptation: industry and the making of trade policy in France and the United States during the 1970s." International Organization 41, no. 4 (1987): 639–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027636.
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Why were advanced industrial states able to keep their economies relatively open to foreign trade in the 1970s and the early 1980s, despite declining U.S. hegemony and increasing economic difficulties? This article argues that an international-level change affected domestic trade politics and contributed to the maintenance of a liberal trading system. Examining the United States and France, the argument proceeds in two steps, showing first how domestic trade politics were changed and second how this change affected the policy process. Initially, I argue that aspects of the increased international economic interdependence of the postwar period altered domestic trade politics by creating new, anti-protectionist preferences among certain firms. Firms with extensive international ties through exports, multinational production, and global intra-firm trade have come to oppose protectionism, since it is very costly for them. Evidence for these new preferences was apparent among both American and French industries. Despite different contexts, firms in the two countries reacted similarly to the growth of interdependence. Next, I ask whether firms' preferences affected trade policy outcomes and show how these preferences were integrated into the policy process in both countries. Trade policy structures in neither country prevented firms' preferences from affecting the policies adopted. Even in France, a so-called “strong” state, firms' preferences were a key influence on policy. In the trade policy area then, the French and American states did not appear to differ greatly in their susceptibility to industry influence, even though their policy processes were different.
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Glinoer, Anthony. "Proletarian and Revolutionary Literature in a Transnational Perspective (1920–1940)." Journal of World Literature 6, no. 1 (November 12, 2020): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-20201004.
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Abstract Simultaneously an emblematic and ambiguous case of engaged literature, proletarian and revolutionary writings from 1920–1940 have been the focus of numerous studies: whether they be in Germany, France, the United States or Soviet Russia, the principal actors have been identified, certain works have been republished, and the ways in which these movements were first encouraged and then dismantled by the Communist International in the interest of the only accepted socialist realism have been demonstrated. However, the transnational and even global dimensions of this movement and the profound similarities among institutional processes carried out in different countries have been overlooked. Drawing on little-known critical sources from the Francophone world, this article reworks the terrain and presents the state of institutional sites of proletarian and revolutionary literature. To this end, small groups, magazines, and associations will be considered in order to shed new light on this era when, across the globe, workers turned into writers.
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Dück, Elena, and Robin Lucke. "Same Old (Macro-) Securitization? A Comparison of Political Reactions to Major Terrorist Attacks in the United States and France." Croatian International Relations Review 25, no. 84 (April 1, 2019): 6–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2019-0001.
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Abstract After the November 2015 terror attacks in Paris, the French government reacted swiftly by declaring a state of emergency. This state of emergency remained in place for over two years before it was ended in November 2017, only after being replaced by the new anti-terror legislation. The attacks as well as the government’s reactions evoked parallels to 9/11 and its aftermath. This is a puzzling observation when taking into consideration that the Bush administration’s reactions have been criticized harshly and that the US ‘War on Terror’ (WoT) was initially considered a serious failure in France. We can assume that this adaption of the discourse and practices stems from a successful establishment of the WoT macro-securitization. By using Securitization Theory, we outline the development of this macro-securitization by comparing its current manifestation in France against the backdrop of its origins in the US after 9/11. We analysed securitizing moves in the discourses, as well as domestic and international emergency measure policies. We find extensive similarities with view of both; yet there are differing degrees of securitizing terrorism and the institutionalisation of the WoT in the two states. This suggests that the WoT narrative is still dominant internationally to frame the risk of terrorism as an existential threat, thus enabling repressive actions and the obstruction of a meaningful debate about the underlying problems causing terrorism in the first place.
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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.
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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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Dupuis-Déri, Francis. "Histoire du mot «démocratie» au Canada et au Québec. Analyse politique des stratégies rhétoriques." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (June 2009): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090398.
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Résumé.L'étude des discours des «pères fondateurs» du Canada moderne révèle qu'ils étaient ouvertement antidémocrates. Comment expliquer qu'un régime fondé dans un esprit antidémocratique en soit venu à être identifié positivement à la démocratie? S'inspirant d'études similaires sur les États-Unis et la France, l'analyse de l'histoire du mot «démocratie» révèle que le Canada a été associé à la «démocratie» en raison de stratégies discursives des membres de l'élite politique qui cherchaient à accroître leur capacité de mobiliser les masses à l'occasion des guerres mondiales, et non pas à la suite de modifications constitutionnelles ou institutionnelles qui auraient justifié un changement d'appellation du régime.Abstract.An examination of the speeches of modern Canada's “founding fathers” lays bare their openly anti-democratic outlook. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on the examples of similar studies carried out in the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term “democracy” in Canada shows that the country's association with “democracy” was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the regime. Instead, it was the result of the political elite's discursive strategies, whose purpose was to strengthen the elite's ability to mobilize the masses during the world wars.
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Kazantsev, S. V. "Sanctions and Foreign Direct Investment: Damage to Russia and Sanctioning Countries." World of new economy 14, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2020-14-1-44-53.
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The volume and dynamics of foreign investments are formed under the influence of many conditions and circumstances. The author of this article examines the impact of one class of factors that determine the dynamics and geographical structure of Russia’s foreign direct investment inflows outflows. These are anti-Russian sanctions imposed by a group of States in 2014 to isolate the Russian Federation in the field of politics, finance and economy, science and technology, information and culture. For these countries, Russia is not a priority investment target. The share of the Russian Federation varied from two to five per cent, and rarely exceeded 10 per cent of the total volume of these countries foreign direct investment net outflows in 2007–2018. The author presented in this article the positive and negative aspects of foreign direct investment, their dynamics before and after the imposition of sanctions. In particular, the author shows that the reduction in the foreign direct investment net inflows from Russia to the sanctioning countries was less significant for the leading EU States — Germany, France and United Kingdom — than for many other sanctioning countries The cuts in Russia’s foreign direct investment net outflows had almost no impact on the United States who was the main initiator of anti-Russian sanctions.
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Briscoe, James R., and Chloé Huvet. "Saint-Saëns, Debussy, and Superseding German Musical Taste in the United States1." Les musiques franco-européennes en Amérique du Nord (1900-1950) : études des transferts culturels 16, no. 1-2 (April 25, 2017): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1039617ar.
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In an interview published in the October 21, 1908, issue of the Boston Transcript, Debussy had been asked to comment on American musical life. He remarked, “The distinction of a country like [the United States] is that it imbibes from all sources... it is less German bound than are the countries who hear little or no other music through chauvinism or antipathies.” This paper examines the roles of Camille Saint-Saëns (1835-1921) and Claude Debussy (1862-1918) in driving such a modernist evolution. Saint- Saëns performed with and conducted the New York Symphony in 1906, including his symphonic poem Le rouet d’Omphale and playing solo piano in his Africa, Fantaisie pour piano et orchestre. He thereafter appeared in both Chicago and San Francisco, and critics could already hear the modernist aesthetic in formation. When conductor Frederick Stock, a stalwart champion of French music, led Prélude à “L’après- midi-d’un faune” in Chicago in December 1908, the symbolist dimensions of the new music were grasped by both critics and audiences, and Paul Rosenfeld wrote: “We should look to France for the latest gospel [of the new musical advancement] […] Claude Debussy has broken through the limitation of the old, and shall we say he has found new musical dimensions?” Contemporaneously, the premiere of Pelléas et Mélisande in New York dramatically impressed the new hearing on American audiences. To be sure, anti-German feelings after 1910, brought with the Great War, promoted such a shift from the aesthetics of the Gilded Age, but the new French music had itself led the way since just after 1900. By 1923, Carl Van Vechten, in Music after the Great War, wrote, “It is not from the German countries that the musical invention of the past two decades has come. It is from France.”
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Marin, Séverine Antigone. "DID THE UNITED STATES SCARE THE EUROPEANS? THE PROPAGANDA ABOUT THE “AMERICAN DANGER” IN EUROPE AROUND 1900." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 1 (January 2016): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000584.
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During a brief period—1898 to 1907—the “American danger” proved a powerful slogan in Europe. Propaganda campaigns were launched that targeted the new ambitions of the emerging economic power. Historians have studied this episode but only as one among many examples of anti-Americanism embedded in European intellectual traditions. This paper insists on the distinctive character of this episode. It refutes the notion of anti-Americanism as the explanation most relevant to this episode and even questions the possibility of opposing Europe to the United States at a time of constant transnational circulation inside the “Atlantic world.” Disputing the idea that a common fear of American superiority united Europeans, the study reveals how people in England, France, and Germany used the “American danger” to put forward their own ideas of the national interest, which explains why the theme did not meet with the same success in each of these countries. Finally, the author offers the hypothesis that the “American danger” was less the expression of fear—as the Yellow Peril could be—and more a rallying cry for economic circles motivated by defense of their sectional interests and by a desire for national union in a time of deep political division.
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YAMAMOTO, Takeshi. "Bilateral or Trilateral? Japan, the EC and the United States in the “Year of Europe”." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-37.
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It is perhaps a little known fact that Henry Kissinger mentioned Japan several times in his [in]famous “Year of Europe” speech of 1973. He intended to include Japan in the “New Atlantic Charter”, making it a US-EC-Japan triangular framework in the hope of preventing Japan drifting in an undesirable direction during the era of détente. Europe, and France in particular, however, disliked Kissinger’s initiative because they perceived it to be a US attempt to dominate its allies. Instead, the EC proposed direct negotiations with the Japanese government leading to a bilateral Japan-EC declaration in order to avoid America being at the top of the triangle. Japan faced with a dilemma. In the end, the idea of bilateral Japan-EC and US-EC declarations along with a trilateral US-EC-Japan declaration proved impossible due to a deterioration in US-EC relations. The Japanese government had to retreat not only from the Kissinger exercise but also from the idea of a bilateral declaration with the EC because pursuing the latter without a US-EC declaration would, it was feared, be perceived as anti-American behaviour.
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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.
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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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Schultz, Nancy L. "Timothy Verhoeven: Transatlantic Anti-Catholicism: France and the United States in the Nineteenth Century. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010; pp. ix + 230." Journal of Religious History 37, no. 4 (December 2013): 577–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12108.
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Marx, Paul. "Anti‐elite politics and emotional reactions to socio‐economic problems: Experimental evidence on “pocketbook anger” from France, Germany, and the United States." British Journal of Sociology 71, no. 4 (March 27, 2020): 608–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12750.
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Engels, Jens Ivo. "Corruption as a Political Issue in Modern Societies: France, Great Britain and the United States in the Long 19th Century." Public Voices 10, no. 2 (December 8, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.149.
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The so-called “long 19th century”, from the French Revolution to the First World War, ranks as the crucial phase in the genesis of the modern world. In the Western countries this period was characterized by the differentiation of the public and the private spheres, the birth of the modern bureaucratic state and the delegitimation of early modern practices such as clientelism and patronage. All these fundamental changes are, among other things, usually considered important preconditions for the modern perception of corruption.This paper will concentrate on this crucial phase by means of a comparative analysis of debates in France, Great Britain and the United States, with the aim to elucidate the motives for major anti-corruption movements. The questions are: who fights against corruption and what are the reasons for doing so? I will argue that these concerns were often very different and sometimes accidental. Furthermore, an analysis of political corruption may reveal differences between the political cultures in the countries in question. Thus, the history of corruption serves as a sensor which enables a specific perspective on politics. By taking this question as a starting point the focus is narrowed to political corruption and the debates about corruption, while petty bribery on the part of minor civilservants, as well as the actual practice in the case of extensive political corruption, is left aside.
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HAINES, JOHN. "Living troubadours and other recent uses for medieval music." Popular Music 23, no. 2 (May 2004): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143004000133.
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This essay aims to expand on existing narratives of medieval music performance by exploring recent interpretations of the troubadours. Recent advances in the field of ethnomusicology, popular music and medieval music reception suggest the need to view medieval music performance in ways other than the conventional narrative of early music performance. This article focuses on the troubadours, originally song-makers in the late medieval Midi, or South of France. Based on my interviews with recent ‘living troubadours’ in the United States and France, I present evidence for multifarious musical interpretations of the art de trobar, or medieval troubadour art. Living troubadours under consideration here include Eco-Troubadour Stan Slaughter from Missouri and Occitan rap group Massilia Sound System from Marseille. The latter claim a special distinction as living descendants of the original troubadours; the former views himself as more remotely related to medieval music. And while all the different musicians considered here offer widely contrasting interpretations of the medieval art de trobar, they do have in common certain recent musical influences, along with a view of folk music as an open-ended, and musically flexible category. All of these artists are also united in their belief that the essence of folk song is an urgent message which, though it may range from recycling to anti-centralist politics, consistently controls the musical medium. What the groups considered here have in common with traditional early music groups is their creative use of contemporary influences to evoke for their audience the Middle Ages.
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Riches, Daniel. "The Rise of Confessional Tension in Brandenburg's Relations with Sweden in the Late-seventeenth Century." Central European History 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569161043419262.
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Thediplomatic and religious climate in Protestant Northern Europe during the era of Louis XIV was filled with competing and at times contradictory impulses, and the repercussions of Louis's expansionist and anti-Protestant policies on the relations between the Protestant states were varied and complex. Taken in conjunction with the ascension of Catholic James II in Britain in February 1685 and the succession of the Catholic House of Neuburg in the Palatinate following the death of the last Calvinist elector in May of that year, Louis's reintroduction of the mass ins the “reunited” territories and his increasing persecution of the Huguenots in France added to an acute sense among European Protestants that the survival of their religion was threatened. It is a well-established theme in the standard literature on seventeenth-century Europe that the culmination of Louis's attack on the Huguenots in his revocation of the Edict of Nantes in October 1685 galvanized the continents Protestant powers in a common sense of outrage and united them in a spirit of political cooperation against France. Indeed, such an astute contemporary observer as Leibniz was to write in the early 1690s that it appeared now “as if all of the north is opposed to the south of Europe; the great majority of the Germanic peoples are opposed to the Latins.” Even Bossuet had to declare that “your so-called Reformation … was never more powerful nor more united. All of the Protestants have joined forces. From the outside, the Reformation is very cohesive, more haughty and more menacing than ever.”
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Hernández, Tanya Katerí. "Racial Discrimination." Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law 3, no. 1 (January 15, 2019): 1–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522031-12340005.
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Abstract This fifth volume in the Brill Research Perspectives in Comparative Discrimination Law surveys the field of comparative race discrimination law for the purpose of providing an introduction to the nature of comparing systems of discrimination and the transnational search for effective equality laws and policies. This volume includes the perspectives of racialized subjects (subalterns) in the examination of the reach of the laws on the ground. It engages a variety of legal and social science resources in order to compare systems across a number of contexts (such as the United States, Canada, France, South Africa, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Israel, India, and others). The goal is to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of various kinds of anti-discrimination legal devices to aid in the study of law reform efforts across the globe centered on racial equality.
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Kazantsev, Yuriy. "State-political and people's collaborationism in Europe in the Second World War period." E3S Web of Conferences 210 (2020): 16006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021016006.
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Impedance coatings of cylindrical bodies’ synthesis in order to The authors of the article made an attempt to reveal the main causes and motives of mass collaboration in European countries during the Second World War. Mentally, European man has recognized himself as part of a single space for centuries, under one-man rule: the Roman Empire, the Empire of Charlemagne, and the Holy Roman Empire. The imperial idea initially suggested the European peoples’ unification under the auspices of a strong center. The second component of the European mentality was built on the idea of Eurocentrism, proclaiming the superiority of European nations over others, and Western European civilization over the rest of the world. The ruling elite of the German Empire made plans to create "Middle Europe", proclaimed in 1871, which incorporated the economic union of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Poland and trimmed France. In 1923, a new idea was published in the manifesto of an Austrian political scientist, Kudenhove-Kalergi - "pan-Europe." The author meant a new, political, single space, spoke about pan-Europe. At the beginning of 1925 the United States of Europe appeared as a more recent idea. These were concrete steps towards creating a united Europe. On the eve of the war years and during that period, leaders and population of European countries were increasingly inclined to take joint actions with Hitler to create a new European device to be able to oppose communist expansion. Mentally, Europe was ready to create a strong core that organized the European space.
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Luckin, Bill. "Motorists, Non-drivers and Traffic Accidents between the Wars." Transfers 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2012.020202.
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This international overview focuses on the conflict between drivers and non- drivers in Britain, France, the United States, Germany, and Sweden during the interwar period. It suggests that on neither side of the Channel did pro-pedestrian movements make a major impact on national safety legislation. In the U.S.A. automobile-manufacturing interest groups undermined what they perceived to be threatening neighborhood opposition to the onward rush of the automobile. In Germany, which had earlier experienced high levels of anti-car activity, Hitler-inspired commitment to modernization nevertheless led, by the mid-1930s, to the consolidation of punitive measures against erring drivers. In Sweden, however, there appears to have been a high degree of complementarity between pro-motorism and policies designed to minimize dangerous driving. The paper concludes that an understanding of this “deviant“ position may be deepened through scrutiny of the values associated with the Swedish Social Democratic Workers' Party (SAP). A similar approach might be applied to the other nations discussed in the article.
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Wertheim, Stephen. "The League of Nations: a retreat from international law?" Journal of Global History 7, no. 2 (July 2012): 210–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000046.
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AbstractDuring the First World War, civil society groups across the North Atlantic put forward an array of plans for recasting international society. The most prominent ones sought to build on the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907 by developing international legal codes and, in a drastic innovation, obligating and militarily enforcing the judicial settlement of disputes. Their ideal was a world governed by law, which they opposed to politics. This idea was championed by the largest groups in the United States and France in favour of international organizations, and they had likeminded counterparts in Britain. The Anglo-American architects of the League of Nations, however, defined their vision against legalism. Their declaratory design sought to ensure that artificial machinery never stifled the growth of common consciousness. Paradoxically, the bold new experiment in international organization was forged from an anti-formalistic ethos – one that slowed the momentum of international law and portended the rise of global governance.
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Harrod, Andrew E. "Hidden Hands and Cross-Purposes: Austria and the Irreconcilable Conflict between Neutrality and Market Laws." Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000646.
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Austria emerged in 1955 from a ten-year occupation administered by the four major powers of the successful anti-Third Reich coalition of World War II—France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States—as a united, independent state. The 15 May 1955 State Treaty signed by these countries and Austria spared Austria the fate of Cold War division suffered by Austria's neighbor to the north (in the ultimate East-West breakdown of Germany's parallel postwar quadripartite occupation). Paving the way for Austria's good fortune was a political quid pro quo agreed between Austrian leaders and their Soviet counterparts in Moscow the previous April. In the 15 April 1955 Moscow Memorandum, Austria consented to becoming a permanently neutral state modeled on Switzerland. This neutrality precluded a possible Austrian membership in NATO in exchange for a long-delayed Soviet assent to an end of Austria's occupation regime with a concomitant abandonment of the Soviet occupation zone and the withdrawal of all occupation troops. After the completion of this withdrawal, a fully sovereign Austria made good on its pledge with the passage on 26 October 1955 of a constitutional law declaring Austria to be “permanently neutral” and foreswearing all military alliances.
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Pasquier, Michael. "Transatlantic Anti-Catholicism: France and the United States in the Nineteenth Century. By Timothy Verhoeven. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. ix + 231 pp. $80.00 cloth." Church History 80, no. 4 (November 18, 2011): 948–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711001594.
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Benson, Rodney, and Tim Wood. "Who Says What or Nothing at All? Speakers, Frames, and Frameless Quotes in Unauthorized Immigration News in the United States, Norway, and France." American Behavioral Scientist 59, no. 7 (February 26, 2015): 802–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764215573257.
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Determining the speakers and arguments that dominate the news has long been a core task of media sociology. Yet systematic evidence linking the two—who says what or nothing at all—is lacking in news analysis, especially on the important issue of immigration. In this article, we analyze quoted sources and issue frames in U.S., French, and Norwegian news coverage of unauthorized immigration during 2011 and 2012. Supporting claims of transnational media homogenization, we find most quotes are “frameless,” that is, do not contain any substantial arguments addressing the problems, causes, or solutions associated with immigration. Of those quotes that do offer frames, problem frames are far more common than causes and solutions. Across nations and media types, government sources dominate the news, focusing on problems for society, while pro-immigration associations and unaffiliated individuals help account for overall greater attention to problems for immigrants. On the other hand, providing limited support for structural variation, less narrative-driven French media featured fewer frameless quotes and also tended to offer more cause and solution frames than U.S. or Norwegian media; dominant frames varied notably across nations; and elite right newspapers were more likely to quote anti-immigration speakers and emphasize problems for society than other types of outlets. We also find that the mediated immigration “debate” is often only a series of opposed monologues; even ideologically diverse groups such as unaffiliated citizens tend to be linked to a small range of frames, suggesting that “who says what” is not a reflection of society, but rather the outcome of journalistic practices and sources’ rhetorical tactics.
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Lamont, Michèle, and Sada Aksartova. "Ordinary Cosmopolitanisms." Theory, Culture & Society 19, no. 4 (August 2002): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276402019004001.
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In contrast to most literature on cosmopolitanism, which focuses on its elite forms, this article analyzes how ordinary people bridge racial boundaries in everyday life. It is based on interviews with 150 non-college-educated white and black workers in the United States and white and North African workers in France. The comparison of the four groups shows how differences in cultural repertoires across national context and structural location shape distinct anti-racist rhetorics. Market-based arguments are salient among American workers, while arguments based on solidarity and egalitarianism are used by French, but not by American, workers. Minority workers in both countries employ a more extensive toolkit of anti-racist rhetoric as compared to whites. The interviewed men privilege evidence grounded in everyday experience, and their claims of human equality are articulated in terms of universal human nature and, in the case of blacks and North Africans, universal morality. Workers' conceptual frameworks have little in common with multiculturalism that occupies a central place in the literature on cosmopolitanism. We argue that for the discussion and practice of cosmopolitanism to move forward we should shift our attention to the study of multiple ordinary cosmopolitanisms.
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Bennett, Charles L., Lauren E. Frohlich, Kathryn R. McCaffrey, June M. McKoy, Glenn E. Ramsey, and Julia S. Lindenberg. "National Responses to HIV Versus HCV-Infection from Virally Contaminated Blood Products among Persons with Hemophilia (PWH): More Different Than Alike." Blood 106, no. 11 (November 16, 2005): 3213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v106.11.3213.3213.
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Abstract Background: 95% of HIV- and HCV-infections among PWHs occurred with use of contaminated blood products prior to 1985. Overall, 20% to 90% of PWHs in developed countries have HIV- and/or HCV-infection. We compared country-specific public health approaches, judicial activities, and compensation for these viral infections. Methods: Reports from hemophilia organizations, national ministries of health, published articles, and the World Federation of Hemophilia were reviewed. Results: Except for the United States, the number of PWHs who developed HCV-infection from contaminated blood products was 1.5 to 3-fold as great as for HIV-infection- as a result of delayed use of heat-treated blood products, importation in late 1984 of HCV-infected non-heat treated blood products from the United States, and failure to use surrogate laboratory marker hepatitis screening tests. Compensation funds for HIV-infected PWHs were established in Japan ($521,000 at Dx); France ($305,000 at Dx; $102,000 for AIDS); the United States ($115,000 at Dx); Ireland ($106,000 at Dx); the United Kingdom ($55,000 at Dx); Australia ($48,000 at Dx); Canada ($13,000 at Dx/$18,000/yr); Germany ($12,000/yr for HIV; $24,000/yr for AIDS); and Italy ($6,000/yr; $82,000 at death). Compensation has also been provided to HCV-infected PWHs in Ireland ($266,000 at Dx); Canada ($251,000 at Dx); the United Kingdom ($33,000 at Dx; $42,000 if w/liver damage); and Italy ($10,000/yr; $37,000 at death). Conclusions: In most developed countries, despite a greater number of HCV-versus HIV-infected PWHs, markedly less attention has been paid to HCV-infected PWHs. All countries should review HCV-related blood safety decisions made in the 1980s and consider providing compensation to HCV-infected PWHs. A comparison of national responses to HIV and HCV infections from blood products Country -PWH (thousands) % PWH with HIV:HCV Man-dated HIV ELISA (date) Man-dated heat Rx factor (date) Anti-HBc marker screening (date) Nat’l Funds for HIV/HCV among PWHs (year) Nat’l Panels for HIV/HCV decisions (year) USA-20 50%:30% Mar 85 Oct 84 Oct 84 96/none 95/none Italy- 8.7 23%:55% Mar 85 Jul 85 None 92/98 92/05 GDR- 6 47%:90% Oct 85 Oct 85 None 95/none 94/none UK-6 28%:80% Oct 85 Jun 85 None 88/03 87/05 France-4 50%:90% Aug 85 Oct 85 None 89/none 91/none Japan-3.4 60%:90% Nov 86 Jun 86 None 88/none 96/none Canada-2 40%:88% Nov 85 Jul 85 None 89/98 97/none Australia-1.5 31%:90% May 85 Jan 85 None 89/none 88/none Ireland-0.3 36%:76% Oct 85 Feb 85 None 91/97 91/97
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Tereszkiewicz, Filip. "The Politicization of European Union Trade Policy: Radical-Left Euroskeptic Opposition to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership." Journal of Economic Integration 36, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 409–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2021.36.3.409.
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This study aims to analyze the correlation between radical-left Euroskeptic (RLE) activity and European Union (EU) trade policy by focusing on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). At the beginning of TTIP negotiations, the agreement was not high on political agendas and was not a major concern within European society. Thus, its salience was low. This initial lack of interest stemmed from the fact that the TTIP, as an economic and technical issue, did not draw public attention. This study shows that RLEs profoundly affected public opinion on the TTIP by increasing its salience during the European parliamentary elections in 2014 in France and Germany. Second, RLEs involved social actors and non-governmental organizations in anti-TTIP campaigns and channeled European anxieties into the STOP TTIP European Citizens’ Initiative. Third, RLEs used this proposed agreement between the EU and the United States to increase polarization within European society and ideological cleavages within the European Parliament. Finally, we can assume that an anti-TTIP campaign promoted by radical-right Euroskeptics would have had different drivers. Thus, my findings have implications for understanding the correlation between RLE activity and the politicization of EU trade policy, and they suggest some avenues for future research.
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MCNUTT, JENNIFER POWELL, and RICHARD WHATMORE. "THE ATTEMPTS TO TRANSFER THE GENEVAN ACADEMY TO IRELAND AND TO AMERICA, 1782–1795." Historical Journal 56, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000660.
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ABSTRACTEarly in 1782, republican rebels in Geneva removed the city's magistrates and instituted a popular government, portraying themselves as defenders of liberty and Calvinism against the French threats of Catholicism and luxury. But on 1 July 1782, the republicans fled because of the arrival at the city gates of invading troops led by France. The failure of the Genevan revolution indicated that while new republics could be established beyond Europe, republics within Europe, and more especially Protestant republics in proximity to larger Catholic monarchies, were no longer independent states. Many Genevans sought asylum across Europe and in North America in consequence. Some of them looked to Britain and Ireland, attempting to move the industrious part of Geneva to Waterford. During the French Revolution, they sought to establish a republican community in the United States. In each case, a major goal was to transfer the Genevan Academy established in the aftermath of Calvin's Reformation. The anti-religious nature of the French Revolution made the attempt to move the Academy to North America distinctive. By contrast with the Irish case, where religious elements were played down, moving the Academy to North America was supported by religious rhetoric coupled with justifications of republican liberty.
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Nettelbeck, Colin. "Timothy Verhoeven . Transatlantic Anti‐Catholicism: France and the United States in the Nineteenth Century . (Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History.) New York : Palgrave Macmillan . 2010 . Pp. ix, 230. $80.00." American Historical Review 116, no. 2 (April 2011): 417–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.2.417.
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Myagkov, M. Yu. "USSR in World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-7-51.
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The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of global conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western democracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military missions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circumstances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a graduate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a decisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the enemy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.
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Mishchenko, Vladimir, Peter Foshchiy, and Iryna Gorobets. "PROBLEMS OF STABILITY OF FINANCIAL STATUS OF CONFECTIONERY ENTERPRISES." Energy saving. Power engineering. Energy audit., no. 1-2(155-156) (May 23, 2021): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20998/2313-8890.2021.01.05.
Full textAbstract:
The article justifies the relevance of solving the problem of financial status stability of confectionery industry enterprises. It is shown that according to the most recent figures, the volume of the world confectionery market for 2016-2018 increased by 3.2% and was approximately US$ 157.64 billion. The average annual growth rate of confectionery products consumption during 2016-2018 was at 2.1% and reached 15.15 million tons at the end of 2018. The world experience of ensuring the stability of confectionery industry enterprises is addressed. Based on a review, the 10 largest countries account for about 76% of the world market of confectionery sales. Countries with high stable consumption are: the United Kingdom, France, and the United States. Russia and China are countries with a potentially large market, i.e they have the opportunity to significantly expand their domestic confectionery products markets by increasing the stability of their financial status and stimulating the effective demand from the population. The common problems of the industry functioning are highlighted and the algorithm of their description is offered. It was found that there is no leader for all the examined indicators, many companies are losing profits and profitability, enterprises are losing bargaining power and are virtually in a pre-crisis situation. It is proposed to introduce value-driven management and preventive anti-crisis dynamic management.