Academic literature on the topic 'Anti-fascist movements'
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Journal articles on the topic "Anti-fascist movements"
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Silvennoinen, Oula. "‘Home, Religion, Fatherland’: Movements of the Radical Right in Finland." Fascism 4, no. 2 (November 23, 2015): 134–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00402005.
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This article charts the history of fascism in Finland and looks for the causes of its failure. Like most of its European contemporaries, Finnish nationalism was radicalized in similar processes which produced successful fascist movements elsewhere. After the end of the Great War, Finnish nationalists were engaged first in a bitter civil war, and then in a number of Freikorps-style attempts to expand the borders of the newly-made Finnish state. Like elsewhere, these experiences produced a generation of frustrated and embittered, radicalized nationalists to serve as the cadre of Finnish fascist movements. The article concentrates on the Lapua movement, in which fascist influences and individuals were in a prominent position, even though the movement publicly adopted a predominantly conservative anti-communist outlook centred on the values of home, religion and fatherland.
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Zammarchi, Enrico. "‘If I see a black dot, I shoot it on sight!’: Italian rap between anti- and neo-fascisms." Global Hip Hop Studies 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ghhs_00022_1.
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This article explores the connections between anti-fascism and hip hop in Italy between the 1990s and today. In the first part, I look at how several bands affiliated with the posse movement of the early 1990s relied on the network of students and of young people hanging out in the centri sociali (squatted centres) to spread their political messages. Picking up the baton from the militant singer-songwriters of the 1970s, Italian posses often mixed rap with other foreign musical influences such as reggae and punk, frequently rapping about the lack of anti-fascist activism among the youth and denouncing the gradual abandonment of anti-fascist ideals by members of the parliamentary Left. In the second part of the article, I discuss how, in the late 2000s, a new generation of anti-fascist hip hop artists emerged, with rappers such as Kento and Murubutu being among the most influential representatives of a subgenre known as ‘letteraturap’ (literature-rap). Kento and Murubutu’s narrative skills show their opposition to Fascism through the use of fictional characters, using short stories that are rich of metaphors to illustrate the importance of resisting to contemporary forms of fascism. Lastly, this article explores the gradual appropriation of hip hop culture by neo-fascist groups such as CasaPound. Understanding hip hop’s potentialities to recruit large numbers of young people, CasaPound organized street art conventions on graffiti, and promoted the emergence of hip hop crews like Rome’s Drittarcore. I conclude the article by analysing the efficacy of anti-fascist rap in earlier decades and considering CasaPound’s attempt to appropriate some of hip hop culture’s disciplines, ultimately showing not only a general crisis in political ideologies and cultural values, but also the power of neo-fascist movements to manipulate and reinvent subcultural formations to influence the youth.
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Braskén, Kasper. "'Whether black or white – united in the fight!' Connecting the resistance against colonialism, racism, and fascism in the European metropoles, 1926-1936." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 126–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334834.
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This article focuses on the ways in which anti-colonialism, anti-racism, and anti-fascism were intertwined within the Third Period, and the extent to which these ideals were already being drawn together in the preceding era of the United Front. Drawing heavily on the articles and imagery of Willi Münzenberg's Arbeiter-Illustrierte-Zeitung, the piece demonstrates the ways in which communist anti-fascist campaigning around the world facilitated the development of sophisticated anti-racist arguments which aimed at undermining the ideological basis of fascist movements and colonial rulers alike. It evidences the extent to which communists felt that countering the pseudoscience of race could play an important role in numerous facets of their campaigning. Furthermore, it highlights the attempts by activists and writers to develop a conception of anti-fascism and anti-colonialism as mutually-reinforcing strategies which could be deployed in tandem, and the ways that this ideological interweaving was drawn into campaigns both against the Nazis' use of racial science to justify anti-Semitic policy, and fascist Italy's invasion of Ethiopia based on Social Darwinist precepts.
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Priorelli, Giorgia. "‘The founders of a European era’? The Fascist and Falangist plans for Italy and Spain in the new Nazi order." Modern Italy 24, no. 3 (April 25, 2019): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.15.
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At the dawn of the Second World War, the successes of the Axis seemed to herald the realisation of a new anti-Bolshevik and anti-democratic European order dominated by Nazi-fascist powers. Italian Fascists and Spanish Falangists enthusiastically welcomed plans for the ‘new civilisation’ in which they were determined to participate as protagonists. This article sheds light on the roles projected for the respective countries in the New European Order in the postwar period, according to the black and the blue shirts. It also investigates the ideological and cultural foundations of the Fascist and Falangist projects related to the new continental configuration, identifying similarities and differences between them. Considering the scarcity of comparative writings about fascist movements in the Mediterranean area, the present research fills a historiographic gap.
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GARCÍA, HUGO. "Transnational History: A New Paradigm for Anti-Fascist Studies?" Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 563–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000382.
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Anti-fascism – a hallmark of the left since the 1930s, and a vague term for active opposition to Italian fascism, German Nazism and similar movements in the interwar period – used to be studied as a brief episode in the history of European nation states. The available syntheses read like collections of national studies with a clear European or Western focus. However, methodological nationalism may soon become a thing of the past – the last few years have brought a transnational turn in anti-fascist studies, which this special issue tries both to illustrate and to discuss.
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Marino, Katherine M. "Rosa Rayside and Domestic Workers in the Fight against War and Fascism." Pacific Historical Review 93, no. 3 (2024): 332–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2024.93.3.332.
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This article explores connections between domestic worker activism and anti-fascism in the United States—two topics that historians have usually considered separately. Through the lens of Black domestic worker and organizer Rosa Rayside, we see the strong links between the two political movements. In 1934, after co-founding the New York Domestic Workers Union (DWU), Rayside attended the World Congress of Women against War and Fascism in Paris. That congress defined fascism broadly, around nationalism, racism, repression of radicals, denial of civil liberties, capitalist and imperialist greed and warmongering, and threats to women. Notably, the congress specifically identified challenging U.S. racism and defending labor rights for domestic workers as part of a global anti-fascist fight. Influenced by this congress, and by communist organizing in Harlem during the Great Depression, Rayside and the DWU drew on anti-fascism ideologically and organizationally in the years that followed. Rayside worked to include domestic workers in labor and social security legislation, testifying before U.S. Congress in 1935 and helping to form the anti-fascist National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936. Although their immediate legislative achievements were limited, the strategies that Rayside and the DWU pioneered—collaborating with community and political organizations, spearheading legislation, and shaping understandings of Black women’s “triple oppression” based on race, class, and gender—were vital to the Black anti-fascist movement in the United States and shaped gains by domestic workers in later decades.
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Serbulo, Leanne C. "Anatomy of a Violent Protest Wave: Understanding the Mechanisms of Escalation and De-Escalation in Far-Right and Anti-Fascist Street Clashes." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-02020004.
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Abstract With the rise of right-wing populist ideologies and ensuing social polarization, political violence has become more widespread. Between 2017 and 2019, far-right extremists and anti-fascists engaged in more than twenty violent protest clashes in Portland, Oregon, USA. Through a protest event analysis of those clashes supplemented with a case study of the protest wave, this paper explores how the mechanisms of radicalization and de-radicalization operate when two violent protest movements collide and interact with state security forces. The three-way interaction among a movement, counter-movement, and the police can produce unanticipated outcomes. For example, rather than de-escalating the situation, police underbidding resulted in an increase in violence between the two movements. Understanding how the mechanisms of radicalization and de-radicalization function in a movement/counter-movement protest cycle can provide insight into the ways in which a movement’s strategy and their adversaries’ responses to it can increase or decrease levels of violence.
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Cameselle-Pesce, Pedro. "Italian-Uruguayans for Free Italy: Serafino Romualdi's Quest for Transnational Anti-Fascist Networks during World War II." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.107.
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AbstractIn 1941, the well-known international Cold War actor Serafino Romualdi traveled to South America for the first time. As a representative of the New York-based Mazzini Society, Romualdi sought to grow a robust anti-fascist movement among South America's Italian communities, finding the most success in Uruguay. As Romualdi conducted his tour of South America, he began writing a series of reports on local fascist activities, which caught the attention of officials at the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), a US government agency under the direction of Nelson Rockefeller. The OCIAA would eventually tap Romualdi and his growing connections in South America to gather intelligence concerning Italian and German influence in the region. This investigation sheds light on the critical function that Romualdi and his associates played in helping the US government to construct the initial scaffolding necessary to orchestrate various strategies under the umbrella of OCIAA-sponsored cultural diplomacy. Despite his limited success with Italian anti-fascist groups in Latin America, Romualdi's experience in the region during the early 1940s primed him to become an effective agent for the US government with a shrewd understanding of the value in shaping local labor movements during the Cold War.
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Luxmoore, Matthew. "“Orange Plague”: World War II and the Symbolic Politics of Pro-state Mobilization in Putin’s Russia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 822–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.48.
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AbstractThis article examines the symbolic politics of three pro-state movements that emerged from the “preventive counterrevolution” launched by the Kremlin in response to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. In 2005, youth movement Nashi played upon war memory at its rallies and branded the opposition “fascist”; in 2012, the Anti-Orange Committee countered opposition protests with mass gatherings at Moscow’s war commemoration sites; in 2015, Antimaidan brought thousands onto Russia’s streets to denounce US-backed regime change and alleged neo-Nazism in Kiev. I show how evocation of the enemy image, through reference to the war experience, played a key role in the symbolism of the preventive counterrevolution. Interviews with activists in these movements discussing their symbolic politics reveal an opposing victim/victor narrative based on an interplay of two World War II myths—the “Great Victory” and the “fascist threat.” Moving beyond approaches that view the Soviet and Russian World War II cult as a triumphalist narrative of the Great Victory over fascism, I conclude that its threat component is an understudied element.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Brazilian Integralism: A Right-Wing Radical Utopia in the Age of Fascism." Latin-American Historical Almanac 42 (June 29, 2024): 112–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2024-42-1-112-147.
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The 20s-30s of the 20th century have gone down in history as "the time of fascism", which is quite true for European countries. A unique phenomenon for the countries of the "South" was the emergence of a mass fascist movement in Brazil - Integralism, which proposed a new model of state-hood and economic system based on nationalism, authoritari-anism, and corporatism common to all fascist movements. Meanwhile, this movement had a number of striking differ-ences from its European counterparts: multiculturalism, non-ethnic and non-racial nationalism, and anti-imperialism. Inte-gralism was Brazil's first truly mass nationwide political movement in its history, whose main difference was the regionalization of politics and the disunity of the elites of the different provinces of the country, thus presenting a model of integration and nationwide modernization of the country. This article analyzes the ideological, political and programmatic foundations of Integralism, its political aspirations and practices.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Anti-fascist movements"
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Parenteau, Ian. "The anti-fascism of the Canadian volunteers in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0018/MQ54636.pdf.
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Peters, Tim. "Der Antifaschismus der PDS aus antiextremistischer Sicht." Wiesbaden VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2655603&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
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Rizi, Fabio Fernando. "Benedetto Croce and Italian fascism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56264.pdf.
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Lynn, Denise M. "Women on the march gender and anti-fascism in American communism, 1935-1939 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Carle, Emmanuelle. "Gabrielle Duchêne et la recherche d'une autre route : entre le pacifisme féministe et l'antifascisme." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85894.
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Our work is a feminist biography of Gabrielle Duchene (1870-1954), feminist activist, unionist, pacifist, antifascist, fellow traveller of the French Communist Party and an innovator as a propagandist. She represents one of the few personalities of the interwar period to symbolize the ideological congruence of these movements and to have tried to find a solution, another way, to the clash of their contradictions. All along her engagement, Gabrielle Duchene will make non-conventional choices. The objective of our research is to analyze her atypical reactions in order to put the multi-marginalization process into context and to understand all the influences in the creation of her amalgamated pacifism. The term 'multi-marginalization' is employed to name the exclusion or mistrust toward Gabrielle Duchene, openly expressed or not, by more than one social or political group. These exclusions generally come from the non-conformist reactions of Gabrielle Duchene. The example of her support to the Feminist Pacifist Congress held at The Hague, in 1915, is revealing: her choice is rejected by the majority of the French bourgeois feminists. What Gabrielle Duchene proposes to transcend the divisions with is her amalgamated pacifism: the fusion of the feminist, pacifist, antifascist (procommunist) principles, allowing to reconcile the points of view and the different methods of action in a common goal.One of the most important factors of Gabrielle Duchene's activism is the impact of the Russian experience and the communist control on her integral pacifism. From 1927 to 1931, she develops a tinged pacifism, characterized by a change of rhetoric, influenced by the manipulation mechanisms put into place by the communists. As of 1932, she takes part in the antifascist movement, controlled by the communists, without however abandoning her feminist pacifism. The analysis of the different periods of activism of Gabrielle Duchene allows us to consider women's activities, still largely unexplored, in antifascist and communist history, and to demonstrate the convergence between the antifascist and the feminist pacifist movements in the 1930s. Moreover, our research takes a 'gendered' perspective. We use gender as an analytical tool, and not as an analytical category, in order to understand our subject as a sexualized being, whose activist and social experiences are defined by the inequalities resulting from this differentiation.
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Marín, Valencia Alberto. "Españoles en la resistencia francesa 1940-1945." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667201.
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La prestigiosa historiadora Geneviève Dreyfus-Armand, gran conocedora del exilio de los republicanos españoles, en un ciclo de conferencia sobre las “Memorias del Olvido”, organizadas por la F.A.C.E.E.F Federación de Asociaciones y Centros de Españoles Emigrantes en Francia, denunciaba:
“Durante mucho tiempo la participación de los españoles en la Segunda Guerra mundial -en particular en la Resistencia- al lado de los franceses, fue un hecho poco conocido. Ha sido generalmente olvidado por los historiadores mismos y, en todo caso ampliamente ausente en la memoria colectiva francesa […] Las razones de este «olvido histórico» radican principalmente en la manera en que Francia escribió su propia historia de esos años. En los recuerdos predominantes de la postguerra los franceses desconocieron la participación de los extranjeros en la Resistencia, para hacer prevalecer la imagen de un amplio consenso nacional contra la ocupación nazi, guiados por un jefe prestigioso [De Gaulle] o un partido de vanguardia [PCF]. Pero los mecanismos de esta disimulación, de este olvido, revisten un carácter particular en el caso de los españoles”(1)
En este párrafo está perfectamente reflejada la razón de elegir este tema para mi Tesis. El objetivo de la tesis es conseguir el máximo de información bibliográfica y especialmente documental de archivos, que me permita extraer conclusiones, razonadas y aceptables, sobre cómo se desarrolló y la importancia absoluta y relativa de la participación de los republicanos españoles en la Resistencia francesa, tanto Interior como Exterior. El estudio de la Resistencia Interior, dada su amplia dimensión geográfica, se centra particularmente en el Sur de Francia, donde se concentraron una gran parte de los exilados republicanos (2, 3), y por tanto donde la participación española fue más activa, lo que permite realizar una extrapolación razonada de la participación global.
Parto de la hipótesis de que la participación española existió tanto en la Resistencia Interior como en la Exterior. Que la misma no fue numerosa en valores absolutos, pero si en valor relativo ya que el porcentaje sobre el total de exilados españoles fue superior al porcentaje de participación de la población francesa. Que su participación influyó relativamente poco en la liberación de Francia, aunque tuvo actuaciones concretas brillantes. Que el pueblo francés desconoce esta participación, ya que la historiografía francesa la ha ignorado, salvo escasas excepciones. / NOTAS:
(1) Dreyfus-Armand, 1995, 73
(2) Javier Rubio en su libro "La emigración de la Guerra Civil 1936.1939", muestra un mapa (el 8 pág. 277) donde se identifica claramente que a finales de 1939 los Departamento que más refugiados tenían eran los del sur de Francia: Pirineos Orientales y Hérault, cada uno con más de 25.000 refugiados, y Ariege y Aude, entre 10.000 y 25.000. El resto de los Departamentos, en su gran mayoría, se mueven entre 500 a1.000 refugiados.
(3) Serge Ravanel que fue jefe de las Fuerzas Francesas Libres FFI de la Región 4, Toulouse, dice que la resistencia española nació en el Sur de Francia, en intervención (5:00-6:06) en el reportaje: 1940-1945. Españoles en la tormenta. resistencia en Francia. Video: Uned Documentales https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g6kLKxOHINU (7/10/2016)
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Moran, Gimeno Neus. "El CADCI. Guerra i memòria espoliada (1936-1939)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666878.
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Aquesta recerca es centra en l’anàlisi del Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera, CADCI, durant la guerra civil. Des de la seua fundació el 1903, l’entitat expressava la via nacional de la vindicació laboral per als treballadors mercantils. La seua estratègia s’anà adaptant a les noves demandes dels dependents, cada cop més proletaritzats i conscients de formar part de la classe obrera. A partir dels anys trenta, la realització de mesures de força pioneres per al sector i l’augment del prestigi de l’entitat, situaran el CADCI al capdavant de les organitzacions mercantils catalanes. Aquesta activitat unida a la participació en la insurrecció del 6 d’Octubre, feu que el Centre tingués un paper rellevant dintre del moviment antifeixista i obrerista. L’anàlisi de l’esforç de guerra de l’entitat mercantil ens ajuda a constatar aquesta rellevància i estudiar acuradament l’evolució de la multiplicitat de funcions endegades per tal d’atendre als treballadors i treballadores del comerç, tan al front com a la rereguarda. Durant la guerra, l’entitat comptà amb milers d’afiliats, passant dels 23.000 afiliats de juliol de 1936 als més de 50.000 un any després. A finals del 1938, 11.000 associats, el 22% de la seua militància, estaven al front. D’altra banda, es plantejà la possibilitat de fer del CADCI la tercera central sindical catalana. L’opció s’esvairia en ratificar-se l’adhesió a la regional d’UGT el juliol de 1937. A partir d’aleshores i fins al final de la guerra, el Centre seguí funcionant amb independència de la Regional, situant en l’eix prioritari d’acció al seu Secretariat Militar i en especial al Comitè d’Ajut al Combatent dirigit per les treballadores mercantils.
Aprofundir en la història del CADCI ens permet investigar per què patí la triple repressió franquista executada sobre l’entitat, els associats i el seu estatge social. L’apropiació militar de l’edifici ubicat al número 10 de la Rambla de Santa Mònica, s’efectuava el 26 de gener de 1939, només ser ocupada Barcelona. Poques setmanes després era escorcollat pel personal de l’Oficina de la Delegación del Estado para la Recuperación de Documentos, DERD. L’organisme s’encarregava de localitzar, requisar i controlar tota la documentació que aportés dades sobre els enemics amb l’objectiu d’identificar, amb la major celeritat possible, al màxim nombre de persones i entitats que hagueren participat o col·laborat amb la República per poder processar-les i depurar-les. La finalitat repressiva marcà la conservació del patrimoni documental requisat, doncs fou eliminat tot allò que es considerà inútil per a l’extracció d’informació sobre persones desafectes. Una part de la documentació sostreta és la que conforma el fons restituït al CADCI entre 2008 i 2014, en aplicació de la Llei 21/2005, procedent del Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica de Salamanca. Les 1.213 unitats de catalogació, més de 105.000 documents foliats, són la base documental de la nostra investigació.
L’estatge social no ha estat retornat. La seua història motiva i estructura bona part de la recerca. A través de les seues quatre clausures estudiem l’evolució del Centre, l’augment del suport popular i l’enfortiment de la xarxa vincular que fou clau per superar els períodes de clandestinitat. A la vegada, analitzem els precedents de l’accionar repressiu i el procés de resignificació de l’edifici que, durant la guerra, es consolidà com un lloc de commemoració i símbol de la resistència antifeixista. La recerca estudia les implicacions de recuperar-lo com a lloc de memòria i d’història. Amb aquesta finalitat es proposen una sèrie d’intervencions per a aquest espai que allotja la multiplicitat dels relats de la història del moviment obrer català.The research focusses on the analysis of the CADCI, Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera (Autonomic Centre of Dependents of Commerce and Industry– Workers Organization), during the civil war. From its founding in 1903, the organization expressed the national route of labour vindication for mercantile workers. Its strategy evolved along with the demands of its dependants, increasingly proletarianized and aware of belonging to the working class. Beginning in the thirties, the carrying out of pioneering measures for the sector and the increase in prestige of the organization, put CADCI at the head of the Catalan mercantile organisations. This activity coupled with its participation in the insurrection of the 6th of October, led to the centre reinforcing its role within the anti-fascist workers movement. As a result, during the war, the organisation would have thousands of members and at one point it was considered it could become the third union federation. An analysis of its war effort allows us to confirm this relevance and study the multiplicity of functions carried out in order to attend to workers on the frontline as well as in the rear-guard. An in-depth study of the history of CADCI allows us to analyse the reasons for it suffering the triple Francoist repression carried out on the organisation, its associates and its headquarters. The military appropriation of the building, located at Rambla de Santa Mónica number 10, was carried out on the 26th of January 1939, immediately following the occupation of Barcelona. A few weeks later it was searched by the DERD (State Delegation for Document Recovery). Part of the documentation taken is what makes up the content restored to the organisation between 2008 and 2014, by application of the law 21/2005, from the CDMH (Historical Memory Documentary Centre) in Salamanca. These 1213 catalogued items are the documentary base of this investigation. The headquarters has not been returned. Its history motivates and structures a good part of the research. Through its four forced shutdown we study the evolution of the centre, its increase in popular support and the strengthening of its networks that were key to it surviving periods in the underground. At the same time, we analyse the precedents of the repressive action and the resignification process of the building that was consolidated as a place of commemoration and a symbol of the anti-fascist resistance during the war. The research looks at the implications of recovering it as a site of memory and history. For this purpose, a series of interventions are proposed for this space that houses the multiplicity of stories of the history of the Catalan labour movement.
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Lambe, Ariel. "Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8HD7SS9.
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This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers--more than from any other Latin American country--traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba's internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists--like many others--feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism's spread. Second, despite their recent anticolonial struggle against Spain, Cubans cared deeply about its fate for reasons of personal, familial, and cultural affinity. They interpreted the Republic as a "new" Spain representative of liberation and the Nationalists as seeking return to the "old" Spain of colonial oppression. Third, pro-Republican Cubans defined antifascism in Cuban terms. People of many different backgrounds and views united around a definition of antifascism closely related to their shared domestic political goals: freedom from strongman governance, independence from neocolonial control, and attainment of economic and social justice. Radical, moderate, and even largely nonpolitical individuals and groups in Cuba found in antifascism and support for the Spanish Republic a rallying cry with broad appeal that allowed them to strengthen solidarity at home and abroad. Cubans defined antifascism in both negative and positive terms, as a movement against fascism but also toward unity, democracy, sovereignty, and justice.
Books on the topic "Anti-fascist movements"
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(London, England) Archives Department Hackney. Fascist and anti-fascist archives from the Hackney Archives Department. East Ardsley, Wakefield, West Yorkshire: Microform Academic Publishers, 1999.
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Haug, Wolfgang Fritz. Vom hilflosen Antifaschismus zur Gnade der späten Geburt. Hamburg: Argument, 1987.
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Kamphuis, J. K. Schilder, een gereformeerd anti-fascist: De strijd van prof. dr. K. Schilder (1890-1952) tegen het nationaal-socialisme (fascisme) en de Nationaal Socialistische Beweging (NSB). Ermelo: Uitgeverij Woord en Wereld, 1990.
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Chevtaev, A. G. Stalin, Ruzvelʹt, Cherchillʹ: Sozdanie, borʹba i pobeda antifashistskoĭ koalit︠s︡ii, 1940-1945. Ekaterinburg: Izd-vo Uralʹskogo universiteta, 2009.
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Antifa, Projektgruppe, ed. Antifa: Diskussionen und Tips aus der antifaschistischen Praxis. Berlin: Edition ID-Archiv, 1994.
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Santato, Virgilio. Un intellettuale nell'antifascismo: Francesco Viviani, (1891-1945), dall'"Italia Libera" a Buchenwald. Rovigo: Minelliana, associazione culturle, 1987.
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Aldrighi, Clara. Antifascismo italiano en Montevideo: El diálogo político entre Luigi Fabbri y Carlo Rosselli. [Montevideo, Uruguay]: Universidad de la República, Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, Departamento de Publicaciones, 1996.
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Organisation, Antifaschistische Aktion/Bundesweite, ed. Tipps und Tricks für Antifas: Reloaded. Münster, Germany: Unrast Verlag, 2009.
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Schlör, Joachim. In einer Nazi-Welt lässt sich nicht leben: Werner Gross, Lebensgeschichte eines Antifaschisten. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde, 1991.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Anti-fascist movements"
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Neumayer, Christina. "Nationalist and Anti-Fascist Movements in Social Media." In The Routledge Companion to Social Media and Politics, 296–307. New York, NY: Routledge, 2016.: Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315716299-22.
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Merrill, Samuel. "Following The Woman with the Handbag: Mnemonic Context Collapse and the Anti-fascist Activist Appropriation of an Iconic Historical Photograph." In Social Movements, Cultural Memory and Digital Media, 111–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32827-6_5.
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Dardi, Marco. "Il fascismo immaginario di Odon Por." In Studi e saggi, 119–48. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-455-7.05.
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A minor but frequent editorialist and contributor to the Fascist press over the 1930s, Odon Por reached the apex of his visibility when he joined Ezra Pound in the attempt to promote policies based on Major Douglas’s Social Credit and Silvio Gesell’s Stamp Scrip. Drawing on various archival sources, the chapter reconstructs Por’s international background, the political protections that allowed him to occupy comfortable positions in the regime’s institutions, and his ideological itinerary from revolutionary syndicalism to guild socialism and from here to a fascism which was more imagined than real. His case is a typical illustration of the appeal that the Italian corporatist model held for anti-capitalist movements in inter-war Europe.
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Salzbrunn, Monika, and Birgit Ellinghaus. "How Does “Migrant” and “World” Music Change Local and National Cultures? An Insight from the Cologne Carnival, Related Antiracist Networks and Recent Cultural Politics." In IMISCOE Research Series, 117–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39900-8_7.
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AbstractNina Glick Schiller and Ayse Çağlar have invited migration scholars to constructively question the transnational paradigm by “locating migration”. Based on our work on the dynamics of the Cologne carnival, this chapter assesses the impact of “migrant” and “world” music on local and national cultural policies.Cologne’s history has always been shaped by migration, even though the enrichment of the music and carnival scene, thanks to migrants, has been recognised and celebrated only for a couple of decades. Over the last 30 years, Cologne’s carnival as well as the broader music scene in Cologne has undergone profound changes: new repertories pertaining to different social and religious references, updated lyrics of songs, hybrid styles with sources from musicians with multiple origins and links between the anti-Nazi resistance movements and current anti-fascist initiatives. Diversification processes have been initiated both top-down and bottom-up, leading to resilient changes concerning the use of musical references and the visibility of new cultural actors. We analyse the creativity and openness of the cultural scene of Cologne, taking into consideration political consciousness, decision-making and the re-shaping of institutions and the short- and long-term strategies and effects of cultural politics. Starting from a local case study, we broaden our perspective to regional dynamics and put these in a broader national and supranational context.
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Thomlinson, Natalie. "White Anti-Racist, Anti-Fascist and Anti-Imperialist Feminism, c. 1976–1980." In Race, Ethnicity and the Women’s Movement in England, 1968–1993, 132–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137442802_5.
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Zaharia, Gheorghe. "The Birth and Growth of Romania’s Anti-fascist Resistance Movement." In British Political and Military Strategy in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe in 1944, 151–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19379-0_9.
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Conti, Fulvio. "Gli studi superiori a Firenze dal primo Novecento alla nascita dell’Università." In Dialoghi con la società, 99–118. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0282-4.10.
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The article describes the history of higher education in Florence from the beginning of the twentieth century until the mid-1920s, when the ancient Institute of Higher Studies, founded in 1859, was transformed into a modern University. The development of the university institution is reconstructed through the detailed analysis of the annual reports presented by the superintendents of the Institute and making use of the unpublished documents preserved in the historical archives of the University. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the number of enrolled students and graduates, as well as to the expansion of the training offer made possible by the opening of new faculties and new laboratories. Finally, the article focuses on some important professors, such as the physicist Antonio Garbasso who was also mayor of Florence, and the historian Gaetano Salvemini who was one of the leaders of the anti-fascist movement and, due to his political positions, in 1925 he was forced to leave the University to emigrate to the United States.
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Rieber, Alfred J. "Anti-Fascist Resistance Movements in Europe and Asia During World War II." In The Cambridge History of Communism, 38–62. Cambridge University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316459850.003.
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Gottlieb, Julie. "Women’s Print Media, Fascism, and the Far Right in Britain Between the Wars." In Women's Periodicals and Print Culture in Britain, 1918-1939. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474412537.003.0035.
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Women were well represented as leaders, activists, and as contributing journalists in the various fascist movements in Britain between the wars. The first movement to adopt the fascist name in Britain, the British Fascisti (1923–35), later the British Fascists (BF), founded by Miss Rotha Lintorn-Orman, published the British Fascist and the British Lion in which women’s issues and the activities of women in the movement were generously covered (Durham 1998; Gottlieb 2000). Although the much more successful British Union of Fascists (BUF, 1932–40) was male-led and male-dominated, its publications – Fascist Week, Blackshirt, Action, and its academically oriented Fascist Quarterly – also covered women’s issues and provided women’s pages. Further, for a short time in 1933–4, the BUF published the cyclostyled Woman Fascist, the news-sheet of the BUF’s Women’s Section, at that time under the leadership of former suffragette ‘Slasher’ Mary (Mary Richardson). Indeed, the influence of three former suffragettes on the evolution of the BUF’s women’s policy was decisive, and these veterans of the Pankhursts’ Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) entered into heated polemics with anti-fascist feminists inside and outside the pages of these publications. The BUF’s women’s policy and its stance on feminist-identified issues, from equal pay and the abolition of the marriage bar to the relationship between women and peace/pacifism, was more nuanced and sophisticated than we may imagine. The movement emphasised that its women’s policies differed from those of the Italian Fascist and Nazi German regimes (Passmore 2003). While distancing itself from Nazi reaction and violent misogyny, the BUF claimed it rejected ‘the sex war as it does the class war: as it does the whole political theory of division. It is by unity of purpose alone that our nation can struggle through to great things’ (Blackshirt 5 Oct 1934: 9). This essay surveys the content and the evolving themes and concerns as framed in these print media, with specific reference to women’s issues, the space accorded to women’s political engagement, and the attempted reconciliation between the ultimately irreconcilable creeds of fascism and feminism.
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Acosta, Andrea L. "Recoding the Bot: ARMY and Digital Transgression." In Bangtan Remixed, 221–28. Duke University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478059615-020.
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Andrea L. Acosta’s contribution, “Recoding the Bot: ARMY and Digital Transgression,” reflects on the equivalencies that are often made between the online “bot” and ARMY, usually to discredit BTS’s popularity as the result of mechanistic, horde behavior. Parsing the deeply racialized figure of the “bot” illuminates the very human investments behind digital strategies of resistance and anti-surveillance that have sparked solidarities with Black Lives Matter and anti-fascist movements. Rather than refuting or rejecting the bot label, she is interested in what the metaphor of the bot—and the idea of a human passing for one—can offer when understood as a deliberate strategy for online organization and behavior. Fans harness bot behavior to manipulate algorithms to their own ends: achieving higher YouTube views or better music chart positions, censoring detractors—even facilitating political protest.
Reports on the topic "Anti-fascist movements"
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Blazakis, Jason, and Colin Clarke. From Paramilitaries to Parliamentarians: Disaggregating Radical Right Wing Extremist Movements. RESOLVE Network, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.2.
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The global far right is extremely broad in nature and far from monolithic. While the “far right” is often used as an umbrella term, using the term runs the risk of over-simplifying the differences and linkages between white supremacist, anti-immigration, nativist, and other motivating ideologies. These beliefs and political platforms fall within the far-right rubric, and too often the phrase presents a more unified image of the phenomena than is really the case. In truth, the “far right” and the individual movements that comprise it are fragmented, consisting of a number of groups that lack established leadership and cohesion. Indeed, these movements include chauvinist religious organizations, neo-fascist street gangs, and paramilitary organs of established political parties. Although such movements largely lack the mass appeal of the interwar European radical right-wing extreme, they nevertheless can inspire both premeditated and spontaneous acts of violence against perceived enemies. This report is intended to provide policymakers, practitioners, and the academic community with a roadmap of ongoing shifts in the organizational structures and ideological currents of radical right-wing extremist movements, detailing the difference between distinct, yet often connected and interlaced echelons of the far right. In particular, the report identifies and analyzes various aspects of the broader far right and the assorted grievances it leverages to recruit, which is critical to gaining a more nuanced understanding of the potential future trajectory of these movements.