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Journal articles on the topic 'Anti-fascist movements'
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1
Silvennoinen, Oula. "‘Home, Religion, Fatherland’: Movements of the Radical Right in Finland." Fascism 4, no. 2 (November 23, 2015): 134–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00402005.
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This article charts the history of fascism in Finland and looks for the causes of its failure. Like most of its European contemporaries, Finnish nationalism was radicalized in similar processes which produced successful fascist movements elsewhere. After the end of the Great War, Finnish nationalists were engaged first in a bitter civil war, and then in a number of Freikorps-style attempts to expand the borders of the newly-made Finnish state. Like elsewhere, these experiences produced a generation of frustrated and embittered, radicalized nationalists to serve as the cadre of Finnish fascist movements. The article concentrates on the Lapua movement, in which fascist influences and individuals were in a prominent position, even though the movement publicly adopted a predominantly conservative anti-communist outlook centred on the values of home, religion and fatherland.
2
Zammarchi, Enrico. "‘If I see a black dot, I shoot it on sight!’: Italian rap between anti- and neo-fascisms." Global Hip Hop Studies 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ghhs_00022_1.
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This article explores the connections between anti-fascism and hip hop in Italy between the 1990s and today. In the first part, I look at how several bands affiliated with the posse movement of the early 1990s relied on the network of students and of young people hanging out in the centri sociali (squatted centres) to spread their political messages. Picking up the baton from the militant singer-songwriters of the 1970s, Italian posses often mixed rap with other foreign musical influences such as reggae and punk, frequently rapping about the lack of anti-fascist activism among the youth and denouncing the gradual abandonment of anti-fascist ideals by members of the parliamentary Left. In the second part of the article, I discuss how, in the late 2000s, a new generation of anti-fascist hip hop artists emerged, with rappers such as Kento and Murubutu being among the most influential representatives of a subgenre known as ‘letteraturap’ (literature-rap). Kento and Murubutu’s narrative skills show their opposition to Fascism through the use of fictional characters, using short stories that are rich of metaphors to illustrate the importance of resisting to contemporary forms of fascism. Lastly, this article explores the gradual appropriation of hip hop culture by neo-fascist groups such as CasaPound. Understanding hip hop’s potentialities to recruit large numbers of young people, CasaPound organized street art conventions on graffiti, and promoted the emergence of hip hop crews like Rome’s Drittarcore. I conclude the article by analysing the efficacy of anti-fascist rap in earlier decades and considering CasaPound’s attempt to appropriate some of hip hop culture’s disciplines, ultimately showing not only a general crisis in political ideologies and cultural values, but also the power of neo-fascist movements to manipulate and reinvent subcultural formations to influence the youth.
3
Braskén, Kasper. "'Whether black or white – united in the fight!' Connecting the resistance against colonialism, racism, and fascism in the European metropoles, 1926-1936." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 126–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334834.
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This article focuses on the ways in which anti-colonialism, anti-racism, and anti-fascism were intertwined within the Third Period, and the extent to which these ideals were already being drawn together in the preceding era of the United Front. Drawing heavily on the articles and imagery of Willi Münzenberg's Arbeiter-Illustrierte-Zeitung, the piece demonstrates the ways in which communist anti-fascist campaigning around the world facilitated the development of sophisticated anti-racist arguments which aimed at undermining the ideological basis of fascist movements and colonial rulers alike. It evidences the extent to which communists felt that countering the pseudoscience of race could play an important role in numerous facets of their campaigning. Furthermore, it highlights the attempts by activists and writers to develop a conception of anti-fascism and anti-colonialism as mutually-reinforcing strategies which could be deployed in tandem, and the ways that this ideological interweaving was drawn into campaigns both against the Nazis' use of racial science to justify anti-Semitic policy, and fascist Italy's invasion of Ethiopia based on Social Darwinist precepts.
4
Priorelli, Giorgia. "‘The founders of a European era’? The Fascist and Falangist plans for Italy and Spain in the new Nazi order." Modern Italy 24, no. 3 (April 25, 2019): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.15.
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At the dawn of the Second World War, the successes of the Axis seemed to herald the realisation of a new anti-Bolshevik and anti-democratic European order dominated by Nazi-fascist powers. Italian Fascists and Spanish Falangists enthusiastically welcomed plans for the ‘new civilisation’ in which they were determined to participate as protagonists. This article sheds light on the roles projected for the respective countries in the New European Order in the postwar period, according to the black and the blue shirts. It also investigates the ideological and cultural foundations of the Fascist and Falangist projects related to the new continental configuration, identifying similarities and differences between them. Considering the scarcity of comparative writings about fascist movements in the Mediterranean area, the present research fills a historiographic gap.
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GARCÍA, HUGO. "Transnational History: A New Paradigm for Anti-Fascist Studies?" Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (October 14, 2016): 563–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000382.
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Anti-fascism – a hallmark of the left since the 1930s, and a vague term for active opposition to Italian fascism, German Nazism and similar movements in the interwar period – used to be studied as a brief episode in the history of European nation states. The available syntheses read like collections of national studies with a clear European or Western focus. However, methodological nationalism may soon become a thing of the past – the last few years have brought a transnational turn in anti-fascist studies, which this special issue tries both to illustrate and to discuss.
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Marino, Katherine M. "Rosa Rayside and Domestic Workers in the Fight against War and Fascism." Pacific Historical Review 93, no. 3 (2024): 332–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2024.93.3.332.
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This article explores connections between domestic worker activism and anti-fascism in the United States—two topics that historians have usually considered separately. Through the lens of Black domestic worker and organizer Rosa Rayside, we see the strong links between the two political movements. In 1934, after co-founding the New York Domestic Workers Union (DWU), Rayside attended the World Congress of Women against War and Fascism in Paris. That congress defined fascism broadly, around nationalism, racism, repression of radicals, denial of civil liberties, capitalist and imperialist greed and warmongering, and threats to women. Notably, the congress specifically identified challenging U.S. racism and defending labor rights for domestic workers as part of a global anti-fascist fight. Influenced by this congress, and by communist organizing in Harlem during the Great Depression, Rayside and the DWU drew on anti-fascism ideologically and organizationally in the years that followed. Rayside worked to include domestic workers in labor and social security legislation, testifying before U.S. Congress in 1935 and helping to form the anti-fascist National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936. Although their immediate legislative achievements were limited, the strategies that Rayside and the DWU pioneered—collaborating with community and political organizations, spearheading legislation, and shaping understandings of Black women’s “triple oppression” based on race, class, and gender—were vital to the Black anti-fascist movement in the United States and shaped gains by domestic workers in later decades.
7
Serbulo, Leanne C. "Anatomy of a Violent Protest Wave: Understanding the Mechanisms of Escalation and De-Escalation in Far-Right and Anti-Fascist Street Clashes." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-02020004.
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Abstract With the rise of right-wing populist ideologies and ensuing social polarization, political violence has become more widespread. Between 2017 and 2019, far-right extremists and anti-fascists engaged in more than twenty violent protest clashes in Portland, Oregon, USA. Through a protest event analysis of those clashes supplemented with a case study of the protest wave, this paper explores how the mechanisms of radicalization and de-radicalization operate when two violent protest movements collide and interact with state security forces. The three-way interaction among a movement, counter-movement, and the police can produce unanticipated outcomes. For example, rather than de-escalating the situation, police underbidding resulted in an increase in violence between the two movements. Understanding how the mechanisms of radicalization and de-radicalization function in a movement/counter-movement protest cycle can provide insight into the ways in which a movement’s strategy and their adversaries’ responses to it can increase or decrease levels of violence.
8
Cameselle-Pesce, Pedro. "Italian-Uruguayans for Free Italy: Serafino Romualdi's Quest for Transnational Anti-Fascist Networks during World War II." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.107.
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AbstractIn 1941, the well-known international Cold War actor Serafino Romualdi traveled to South America for the first time. As a representative of the New York-based Mazzini Society, Romualdi sought to grow a robust anti-fascist movement among South America's Italian communities, finding the most success in Uruguay. As Romualdi conducted his tour of South America, he began writing a series of reports on local fascist activities, which caught the attention of officials at the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), a US government agency under the direction of Nelson Rockefeller. The OCIAA would eventually tap Romualdi and his growing connections in South America to gather intelligence concerning Italian and German influence in the region. This investigation sheds light on the critical function that Romualdi and his associates played in helping the US government to construct the initial scaffolding necessary to orchestrate various strategies under the umbrella of OCIAA-sponsored cultural diplomacy. Despite his limited success with Italian anti-fascist groups in Latin America, Romualdi's experience in the region during the early 1940s primed him to become an effective agent for the US government with a shrewd understanding of the value in shaping local labor movements during the Cold War.
9
Luxmoore, Matthew. "“Orange Plague”: World War II and the Symbolic Politics of Pro-state Mobilization in Putin’s Russia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 822–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.48.
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AbstractThis article examines the symbolic politics of three pro-state movements that emerged from the “preventive counterrevolution” launched by the Kremlin in response to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. In 2005, youth movement Nashi played upon war memory at its rallies and branded the opposition “fascist”; in 2012, the Anti-Orange Committee countered opposition protests with mass gatherings at Moscow’s war commemoration sites; in 2015, Antimaidan brought thousands onto Russia’s streets to denounce US-backed regime change and alleged neo-Nazism in Kiev. I show how evocation of the enemy image, through reference to the war experience, played a key role in the symbolism of the preventive counterrevolution. Interviews with activists in these movements discussing their symbolic politics reveal an opposing victim/victor narrative based on an interplay of two World War II myths—the “Great Victory” and the “fascist threat.” Moving beyond approaches that view the Soviet and Russian World War II cult as a triumphalist narrative of the Great Victory over fascism, I conclude that its threat component is an understudied element.
10
Schelchkov, Andrey. "Brazilian Integralism: A Right-Wing Radical Utopia in the Age of Fascism." Latin-American Historical Almanac 42 (June 29, 2024): 112–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2024-42-1-112-147.
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The 20s-30s of the 20th century have gone down in history as "the time of fascism", which is quite true for European countries. A unique phenomenon for the countries of the "South" was the emergence of a mass fascist movement in Brazil - Integralism, which proposed a new model of state-hood and economic system based on nationalism, authoritari-anism, and corporatism common to all fascist movements. Meanwhile, this movement had a number of striking differ-ences from its European counterparts: multiculturalism, non-ethnic and non-racial nationalism, and anti-imperialism. Inte-gralism was Brazil's first truly mass nationwide political movement in its history, whose main difference was the regionalization of politics and the disunity of the elites of the different provinces of the country, thus presenting a model of integration and nationwide modernization of the country. This article analyzes the ideological, political and programmatic foundations of Integralism, its political aspirations and practices.
11
Scalia, Antonino. "The Manifold Partisan." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359235.
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Abstract This article examines how the Italian Communist Party and the Italian revolutionary Left connected internationalism to anti-fascism in the main internationalist campaigns that marked the high point of internationalist mobilizations between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s, and considers to what extent this tradition is still relevant today. In particular, this article focuses on the movements of solidarity with the Vietnamese and Palestinian national liberation struggles and against the Greek and Chilean dictatorships. At various moments in time and depending on the particular campaign, multiple leftist actors bridged the gaps between anti-fascism and anti-imperialism in a variety of ways by relying on their peculiar relationships with the anti-fascist tradition. Furthermore, the actions of international and foreign individuals and organizations, the activities of anti-fascist veterans and neofascists, and the specific context of Italian and international political conjunctures influenced the nature of such “bridging” and the resonance between these frames of anti-fascism and anti-imperialism.
12
Hogg, James. "“Fascism Can Only Grow in Secrecy”: Greek and Yugoslavian Anti-Fascism in Melbourne’s “Long 1960s”." Labour History 126, no. 1 (May 2024): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2024.8.
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Studies of post-war anti-fascism in Australia have recently generated new insights into the continuities and transformations of post-war fascist and anti-fascist organisations. However, despite this upsurge in scholarship, the 1960s remain neglected. This article revises this absence through a case study of the Committee for the Restoration of Democracy in Greece (CRDG), the Yugoslav Settlers’ Organisation (YSA), and its successor, The Committee for Democracy in Australia (CDA). It draws on press reports, left-wing publications, and security files to suggest the anti-fascisms of Melbourne in the 1960s were influenced by a parallel politics of anti-imperialism. It shows how both organisations were influenced by the historical experience of resisting fascism, particularly the concept of a “united front” that facilitated a pan-left struggle against fascism and wider systems of oppression and domination. In doing so, this article contributes to the growing historiography on varieties of anti-fascism and their overlap with related emancipation movements.
13
Acciai, Enrico. "Albanian Transnational Fighters: From the Spanish Civil War to the European Resistance Movements (1936–1945)." War in History 27, no. 3 (July 5, 2019): 346–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344519829777.
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This article investigates the trajectories of a small group of Albanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War after leaving Spain, in early 1939. By focusing on the way in which Albanian veterans reached the European resistance movements between 1941 and 1943, we both enhance and problematize our understanding of the European resistance movement as a transnational phenomenon with its roots in the Spanish Civil War. This article aims to contribute further to a better understanding of the longue durée of the anti-fascist fight between 1936 and the end of the Second World War.
14
Øhrgaard, Per. "Et naivt forsøg på forståelse – dansk samling og Tyskland." Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fsp-2016-0012.
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Abstract In the 1930s, one of several small anti-parliamentarian, more or less authoritarian movements in Denmark was “Dansk Samling” (Danish Unity, see note 3), by its critics labeled as fascist or even nazi, in its self-understanding above all Christian and national and thus strongly opposed to any import of German ideology. In 1938, some of its members attended a meeting in Lübeck, and later that same year the movement’s periodical published “greetings to Germany” - a rather naive attempt at reaching a dialogue, but still without giving in on crucial matters.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Radical Nationalist and Philo-Fascist Movements in Argentina in the 1930s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028286-3.
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As in many Western countries, in Argentina in the interwar period, an influential right-wing radical movement arose, close in its ideological and political characteristics to European fascism. Initially, it was an intellectual movement that was able to form a political movement that took an important place in Argentine politics, the extreme expression of which was the military-civilian coup of J. F. Uriburu in 1930. In the ideological baggage of the philo-fascists there were theses about the totalitarian state, about the struggle against liberalism and democracy, about the corporate state structure, anti-imperialism and anti-Semitism. The peculiarity of Argentina was such a phenomenon as clero-fascism, a trend that arose from the union of nationalism and Catholic integrism under the banner of right-wing authoritarianism, philo-fascism and clericalism. An attempt to launch right-wing, corporatist reforms during the Uriburu dictatorship failed primarily because of the reluctance of the Argentine ruling elite to change the development model. As a result, philo-fascist groups and movements were pushed out of the political scene, marginalized, but at the same time they retained intellectual and social influence in the country, which was reflected in the following years with the advent of Peronism in the political life of Argentina.
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Scholtyseck, Joachim. "Fascism—National Socialism—Arab “Fascism”: Terminologies, Definitions and Distinctions." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 242–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a2.
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Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at the conclusion of the Second World War. They flourished in industrialized societies and aimed—in novel and twisted ways—at reversing the liberalization of 19th-century Europe. They emphasized power, national rebirth, military order and efficiency; and they were, in the case of Germany, driven by anti-Semitism and racism, resulting in totalitarian rule with genocidal consequences. National-socialist and fascist movements and regimes required the atmosphere and culture of liberal democracy as a foil—and liberal democracy was virtually nonexistent in the Near and Middle East. The preconditions for fascism were thus lacking. Colonial rule was still in place, traditional culture still prevailed in these mainly rural societies, and their small bourgeois parties showed greater allegiance to their clans than to liberal and secular ideologies.
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Frusetta, James, and Anca Glont. "Interwar fascism and the post-1989 radical right: Ideology, opportunism and historical legacy in Bulgaria and Romania." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 4 (October 30, 2009): 551–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.001.
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Do contemporary Bulgarian and Romanian radical right movements represent a legacy of interwar fascism? We argue that the key element is not that interwar movements provided legacies (of structures, ideologies, or organizations) but rather a symbolic “heritage” that contemporary movements can draw upon. The crucial legacy is, rather, the Socialist era, which in asserting its own definitions of interwar fascism created a “useable past” for populist movements. The Peoples’ Republics created a flawed historical consciousness whereby demonized interwar rightist movements could be mobilized after 1989 as historical expressions of “anti-Communist” — and, ergo, positive symbols among those of anti-Communist sentiment. Although radical right parties in both countries may cast themselves as “heirs” to interwar fascism, they share little in common in terms of ideology. Their claims to a fascist legacy is, rather, a factor of how their respective Socialist states characterized the past.
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Glazov, Alexandr. "The Comintern Concept of Fascism in Relation to the Socio-Political Situation in Latin America in the Interwar Period, 1920—1930s." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021593-1.
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The author tried to reconstruct the Comintern's view on fascism in Latin America during the period between the VI and VII congresses of the Comintern, when the anti-fascist struggle had not yet become a key activity of the international organization of the communist movement (until August 23, 1939). The author analyzed the speeches of the Cominternists, the top leadership members and high-ranking functionaries, at three forums of communist parties in the Latin America (the June 1929 conference in Buenos Aires, the October conferences of 1930 and 1934 in Moscow). During those conferences the official position of the “headquarters of the world revolution” on the problem of fascism in Latin America was broadcasted. The article shows that the leadership of the Communist International did not see fascist regimes among the existing Latin American governments in terms of their class essence, since the fascist dictatorship was considered in Moscow exclusively as the most rigid form of bourgeoisie government, a class that had yet to come to real power and begin to play a leading role in the economic and political life of Latin American countries. The term “fascisization” in relation to the socio-political situation in the Latin American region was mainly used by the Comintern to characterize the process of borrowing by local repressive and / or authoritarian regimes of fascist methods to dominate and suppress mass movements against semi-feudal remnants and imperialist expansion.
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Griffin, Roger. "Decentering Comparative Fascist Studies." Fascism 4, no. 2 (November 23, 2015): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00402003.
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This article challenges a tendency that grew up in fascist studies in the 1930s to treat Fascism and Nazism as the only authentic expressions of fascism, and to evaluate and understand all other manifestations of the generic force as more or less derivative of them and hence of secondary importance when understanding ‘the nature of fascism’ as an ideology. This has created an artificial location of each fascism as being either at the core or periphery of the phenomenon, and has reinforced a Eurocentrism that leads to parallel movements in Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and South Africa to be neglected. It calls for wider acceptance of the realization that researching movements that did not seize autonomous power, such as the Croatian Ustasha, the Romanian Iron Guard, or the Transylvanian Saxons, can enrich understanding of aspects of Fascism and Nazism, such as the role of racism, eugenics, anti-Semitism and organized Christianity in determining the ideological contents ad fate of a particular fascism.
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PAHIRIA, Oleksandr. "THE ORGANIZATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONALISTS AND THE UKRAINIAN INSURGENT ARMY IN THE CONTEXT OF LIBERATION MOVEMENTS: AN ATTEMPT OF COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 150–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-150-177.
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The article examines the activities of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) through the prism of anti-colonialism theory with the application of the historical-comparative method. Despite the obvious influences of fascism and national-socialism on the OUN ideology and program in the 1930s – early 1940s, the Ukrainian nationalist movement typologically is closer to the category of anti-colonial and national liberation rather than fascist movement. The OUN ideology and program had not been static and dynamically evolved from admiring authoritarian and totalitarian models to the democratic turn in 1943. While on all stages of its activities, the organization pursued one strategic goal and tasks – to fight for Ukraine's independence, to overcome the legacy of foreign rule and colonialism, and to establish a nation-state. The OUN and UPA phenomenon was inherent against the backdrop of similar national liberation and anti-colonial movements in Europe, Asia, and Africa. The article comprises a comparative analysis of ideologies, programs, and the political toolbox of various liberation movements that operates from the common comparative base – the stateless status of the respective nations and their desire to exercise their right to self-determination and to liberate from national subjugation. Most of the liberation movements were radical and practiced violence against their political opponents, and almost all developed a rigid internal discipline and hierarchy. At the same time, such typology does not eliminate all controversial issues surrounding Ukrainian nationalists' history, including the involvement of OUN/UPA members in war crimes and crimes against humanity. Keywords: the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), liberation movements, colonialism, comparative studies
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Бычков and Maksim Bychkov. "F. Poletayev and Italian Resistance Movement." Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 3, no. 3 (September 10, 2014): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6229.
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The article considers participation of Soviet soldiers in
the Italian Resistance on the example of Fyodor Poletayev. The
guerrilla movement which began in Italy is analyzed in the context
of the General history of the country in the 1920–1940-s. The
fascist regime did not have a wide social base. Despite the apparent
inability of the anti-fascist political parties and movements to agree
among themselves and to take radical action to overthrow it, Italian
people have been able to boldly speak out against it. This is reflected
in rapid development of partisan movement, which despite
harsh repression by German occupiers and their Italian allies was
able to conduct intensive work on the liberation of Italy. Soviet
soldiers fought among them. This topic was raised in Soviet historical
and political literature, but has unfortunately dropped out
of public attention recently and therefore requires a sort of resuscitation.
This theme allows identifying the complexity, the diversity
of problems faced by the people of the Soviet Union, and at
the same time shows the role and importance of a common man
on the background of global events.
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Toscano, Alberto. "Fascists, Freedom, and the Anti-State State." Historical Materialism 29, no. 4 (December 9, 2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12342233.
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Abstract Most theorisations of fascism, Marxist and otherwise, have taken for granted its idolatry of the state and phobia of freedom. This analytical common sense has also inhibited the identification of continuities with contemporary movements of the far Right, with their libertarian and anti-statist affectations, not to mention their embeddedness in neoliberal policies and subjectivities. Drawing on a range of diverse sources – from Johann Chapoutot’s histories of Nazi intellectuals to Ruth Wilson Gilmore’s theorisation of the anti-state state, and from Marcuse’s explorations of fascist competitive individualism to debates on neoliberal authoritarianism – this essay sketches the counter-intuitive but disturbingly timely image of a fascism enamoured of freedom and at odds with the state.
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Olechnowicz, Andrzej. "Liberal Anti-Fascism in the 1930s: The Case of Sir Ernest Barker." Albion 36, no. 4 (2005): 636–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054585.
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One of the few achievements the communist left in Britain can still plausibly claim is its anti-fascism in the 1930s and beyond. This has recently been most dogmatically reasserted in a series of publications by David Renton, who calls for a distinction to be made between “anti-fascists” and “non-fascists.” The former are characterized by their “correct” understanding of fascism and reliance on organized, active resistance, often in the streets; whereas the latter contributed very little to fascism's defeat. Such a loaded definition of anti-fascism ensures that only the Communist Party and their acolytes fit the bill. But within the historiography even more “neutral”—and seemingly encompassing—definitions have tended, in practice, to look largely to left-wing organizations.This article will question these perspectives and argue for the significance of a “liberal” anti-fascism, which brought together many Liberal, Conservative and Labour politicians and intellectuals in cross-party pressure groups. What characterized the anti-fascism of these men and women was not resistance to the actions of the BUF, which most regarded as thuggish but insignificant, but resistance to the ideological challenge to English parliamentary democracy represented by continental “totalitarian” movements. The article will begin by considering the compromised nature of the British Communist Party's anti-fascist record and why “liberal” historians have, on the whole, tended to underestimate the extent of liberal anti-fascism. It will then suggest that a truly less exclusionary and partisan approach to anti-fascism should readily include the likes of the liberal Sir Ernest Barker and many in his political and social circle. It will also argue that, even accepting Renton's own, restrictive definition, Barker would still qualify as an anti-fascist, rather than a non-fascist, for he combined a coherent analysis of single-party, totalitarian states with a commitment to organized action through bodies such as the New Estates Community Committee and the Association for Education in Citizenship to remove the pre-conditions of antidemocratic beliefs.
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Langman, Lauren. "From Virtual Public Spheres to Global Justice: A Critical Theory of Internetworked Social Movements." Sociological Theory 23, no. 1 (March 2005): 42–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0735-2751.2005.00242.x.
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From the early 1990s when the EZLN (the Zapatistas), led by Subcommandte Marcos, first made use of the Internet to the late 1990s with the defeat of the Multilateral Agreement on Trade and Investment and the anti-WTO protests in Seattle, Quebec, and Genoa, it became evident that new, qualitatively different kinds of social protest movements were emergent. These new movements seemed diffuse and unstructured, yet at the same time, they forged unlikely coalitions of labor, environmentalists, feminists, peace, and global social justice activists collectively critical of the adversities of neoliberal globalization and its associated militarism. Moreover, the rapid emergence and worldwide proliferation of these movements, organized and coordinated through the Internet, raised a number of questions that require rethinking social movement theory. Specifically, the electronic networks that made contemporary globalization possible also led to the emergence of “virtual public spheres” and, in turn, “Internetworked Social Movements.” Social movement theory has typically focused on local structures, leadership, recruitment, political opportunities, and strategies from framing issues to orchestrating protests. While this tradition still offers valuable insights, we need to examine unique aspects of globalization that prompt such mobilizations, as well as their democratic methods of participatory organization and clever use of electronic media. Moreover, their emancipatory interests become obscured by the “objective” methods of social science whose “neutrality” belies a tacit assent to the status quo. It will be argued that the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory offers a multi-level, multi-disciplinary approach that considers the role of literacy and media in fostering modernist bourgeois movements as well as anti-modernist fascist movements. This theoretical tradition offers a contemporary framework in which legitimacy crises are discussed and participants arrive at consensual truth claims; in this process, new forms of empowered, activist identities are fostered and negotiated that impel cyberactivism.
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Kelemen, Paul. "British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (November 2006): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0004.
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During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in the Middle East, it reversed its earlier opposition to Zionism. During the 1948 war and for some years thereafter it largely ignored the plight of the Palestinians and their nationalist aspirations.
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Sygkelos, Yannis. "The National Discourse of the Bulgarian Communist Party on National Anniversaries and Commemorations (1944–1948)." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985678.
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During the early post-war years (1944–1948), the newly established communist regimes in Eastern Europe followed the Soviet example. They honoured figures and events from their respective national pasts, and celebrated holidays dedicated to anti-fascist resistance and popular uprisings, which they presented as forerunners of the new, bright and prosperous “democratic” era. Hungarian communists celebrated 15 March and commemorated 6 October, both recalling the national struggle for independence in 1848; they celebrated a martyr cult of fallen communists presented as national heroes, and “nationalized” socialist holidays, such as May Day. In the centenary of 1848 they linked national with social demands. In the “struggle for the soul of the nation,” Czech communists also extensively celebrated anniversaries and centenaries, especially in 1948, which saw the 600th anniversary of the founding of Prague's Charles University, the 100th anniversaries of the first All-Slav Congress (held in Prague) and the revolution of 1848, the 30th anniversary of the founding of an independent Czechoslovakia, and the 10th anniversary of the Munich Accords. National holidays related to anti-fascist resistance movements were celebrated in Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia; dates related to the overthrow of fascism, implying the transition to the new era, were celebrated in Romania, Albania, and Bulgaria.
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Sotiris, Panagiotis. "Political crisis and the Rise of the Far Right in Greece." Contemporary Discourses of Hate and Radicalism across Space and Genres 3, no. 1 (October 2, 2015): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.3.1.08sot.
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The electoral rise of Golden Dawn from obscurity to parliamentary representation has drawn attention to its particular neo-fascist discourse. In sharp contrast to the tendency of most far-right movements in Europe to present themselves as being part of the political mainstream, Golden Dawn has never disavowed its openly neo-Nazi references. Its political and ideological discourse combines extreme racism, nationalism and authoritarianism along with traditional conservative positions in favour of traditional family roles and values and the Greek Orthodox Church. The aim of this paper is twofold: on the one hand to situate the ideology and discourse of Golden Dawn in a conjuncture of economic and social crisis, a crisis of the project of European Integration, and examine it as part of a broader authoritarian post-democratic and post-hegemonic transformation of the State in contemporary capitalism; on the other hand to criticize the position suggested recently that Golden Dawn was also the result of the supposedly “national-populist” discourse of the anti-austerity movement. On the contrary, we will insist on the opposition between the discourses and practices of Golden Dawn and the anti-austerity movement in Greece.
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Sallata, Ilir. ""BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 5 (October 4, 2019): 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.
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This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Inkin, V. V. "British Society in the reflection of the press: fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, no. 2 (April 27, 2024): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.
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Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
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Crano, Ricky. "The Joy of Following: Network Fascism and the Micropolitics of the Social Media Image." Deleuze and Guattari Studies 16, no. 2 (May 2022): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/dlgs.2022.0478.
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This article deploys Spinoza’s ethic of joy alongside Deleuze and Guattari’s exposition of micropolitics to expose how fascist desires and affects bloom and circulate through digital communications ecosystems that generally promote a diffusion or decentralisation of power. Beyond the steady barrage of alt-right content conscientiously documented by liberal journalists and progressive watchdogs, a more persistent and widespread fascist impulse permeates the very forms of some of our most banal digitally mediated acts and encounters. Rather than a sole looming authoritarian figurehead, the network itself – particularly with the new image paradigms propelled by apps such as Instagram and TikTok – has become the rallying point for the circulation of fascistic affects, burnished through the art and ethos of following: of rules, routines, protocols, accounts. I contend that a joyful passion accompanies much of this everyday experience of keeping up with one’s feeds, engaging the platforms, participating in the spectacles. This is what Sontag, interrogating the appeal of the Third Reich, calls the ‘joy of followers’, a joy in fascist belonging, which is to suggest that fascist movements thrive not only on the circulation of negative affects like hatred and fear, but also on the profusion of pleasure and affiliation. Deleuze’s Spinoza, resolutely anti-fascist, helps us parse this situation as it plays out in the social media sphere. Spinoza offers a bipartite conceptualisation of joy that allows us to diagnose the pleasures particular to fascist belonging and network belonging alike as passive, partial and indirect. Ultimately, what we today share with historical fascisms is a ubiquitous aesthetic that merges art with life and bodies with information, and a corresponding ethos that cultivates conformism, barbarises critical thought and redirects joyful impulses into reactionary social forms. As fascistic power relations spread anew through digital cultures’ newly evolving modes of visuality, hapticity, vibration and expression, one can observe something of what Deleuze calls ‘sad joy’, a sort of joy rooted in conquest and domination. The aim of this article is to root out such sad joys, to appreciate their appeal, and ultimately to reject them in all their various forms.
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Donert, Celia. "Women's Rights and Global Socialism: Gendering Socialist Internationalism during the Cold War." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000050.
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AbstractThis Special Issue explores the complicated relationship between women's rights and global socialism during the Cold War. This Introduction describes how the articles deal with this relationship in three, partly overlapping, periods. The first set of articles looks at how the ethos of the Popular Front resonated among women's movements in Asia, Latin America, and Europe, and examines the connections between interwar anti-fascist and anti-imperialist feminisms and those that re-emerged after World War II. The second set of articles focuses on the role and development of the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF) and its model of internationalism in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and China in the early Cold War. The final articles centre on the challenges faced by the WIDF from the 1960s, exploring issues such as the anti-apartheid struggles in South Africa, the Portuguese wars of decolonization, and the United Nations Decade for Women (1976–1985). Together with this process of decolonization, this Special Issue also examines how the consequences of postsocialism, in particular for women's rights (the loss of social rights, material security, and substantial challenges to reproductive freedoms), have triggered renewed debates about the history and legacies of communist women's liberation movements in the former socialist world.
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Piotrowski, Grzegorz. "Acting Alone Together: Reconfiguration of the Pro-Migrant and Refugee Activists’ Arena in Poland." Teoria Polityki 7 (June 30, 2023): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440845tp.23.010.17523.
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The sphere of grassroots and civil activism became highly politicized before the 2015 elections. The introduction of the new policies has resulted in higher levels of mobilizations, both supporting and resisting the new policies of the PiS government. For instance, Poland has switched from a country with the highest acceptance rate for refugees in the EU to the one with the lowest rate within around a year sparking a number of anti-migrant and anti-refugee mobilizations and at the same time fueled the growth of initiatives opposing the trend. The narrative about masses of refugees in Poland and at its borders threatening various aspects of Polish culture, civilization, and identity started to keep heat in the bed and have provoked numerous intended and unintended consequences, political and social, so as further campaigns against LGBT community. In this paper I reflect on the development of the anti-fascist and anti-racist movements in Poland in the face of structural changes that are a result of the political shift initiated in 2015.
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Martínez López, Miguel Angel. "Squatters and migrants in Madrid: Interactions, contexts and cycles." Urban Studies 54, no. 11 (March 29, 2016): 2472–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016639011.
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Squatters and migrants use the city space in a peculiar and anomalous manner. Their contributions to the social and political production of urban space are not usually considered crucial. Furthermore, their mutual relationship is under-researched. In this paper I investigate the participation of migrants in the squatting of abandoned buildings. This may entail autonomous forms of occupation but also various kinds of interactions with native squatters. By looking historically at the city of Madrid I distinguish four major forms of interactions. I collect evidence in order to show that deprivation-based squatting is not necessarily the prevailing type. The forms of ‘empowerment’ and ‘engagement’ were increasingly developed while ‘autonomy’ and ‘solidarity’ were continuously present. These variations occurred because of specific drivers within the cycles of movements’ protests and other social and political contexts which facilitated the cooperation between squatters and migrants, although language barriers, discrimination in the housing market and police harassment constrained them too. Therefore, I argue first that two key social organisations triggered the interactions in different protest cycles. Second, I show how, in spite of the over-representation of Latin American migrants, the political squatting movement in Madrid has consistently incorporated groups of migrants and their struggles in accordance with anti-fascist, anti-racist and anti-xenophobic claims and practices. The analysis also provides a nuanced understanding about the ‘political’ implications of squatting when migrants are involved.
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Bray, Mark, Jessica Namakkal, Giulia Riccò, and Eric Roubinek. "Editors’ Introduction." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (October 1, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359223.
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Abstract By taking as a point of departure post-1945 self-proclaimed anti-fascist movements, whose claim to combat fascism has often been discarded as politically irrelevant or bombastic, this introduction invites readers to speculate on the rhetorical value implied in the word fascism. Although the term carries within it an almost abysmal capacity for political oversimplification, we argue that it also possesses an undeniable rhetorical value whose function as a catalyst for action against forms of political, economic, and social oppression deserves our attention. In the first part of this introduction we offer a brief but salient overview on the historiography dedicated to defining fascism and on current debates surrounding the recent rise of the radical right on the world stage. In the second part, we address the relatively smaller attention received by anti-fascism post-1945 and discuss possible reasons for why that has been the case. We conclude by showing how the articles collected in this issue invite us to rethink our definitions of fascism and anti-fascism so that we can better understand our current political time.
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Çınar, Sercan. "A Transnational History of Left Feminism in Turkey (1974–1979): Relations and Exchanges between the IKD and the WIDF." DIYÂR 4, no. 1 (2023): 72–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2023-1-72.
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This article presents a transnational history of left feminism in Turkey between 1974–1979 when international women’s movements gained momentum on a global scale with the designation of 1975 as International Women’s Year (IWY). With this article, my aim is to go beyond methodological nationalism in the established historiography on women’s movements in Turkey. I study in particular the local and international activities of the international activities of the Progressive Women’s Association (İlerici Kadınlar Derneği, IKD), the mass left-feminist organisation between 1975 and 1980 that engaged in left-wing women’s activism all around Turkey. I explore the bilateral relations, connections, exchange, interaction, and collaboration between the IKD and international women’s movements, particularly the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF), which was a global coalition of women of the anti-fascist, pro-communist left. I use the term left feminism that, in my opinion, expands the definition of feminism by going beyond the liberal political goal of individual emancipation. Against the overarching premise that women’s agency cannot be actualised under state-socialism or within communist-socialist women’s organisations, my article shows the overlapping issues between communism and feminism as well as the diverse agendas that constitute history of feminism in twentieth-century Turkey from a transnational perspective.
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Shilliam, Robbie. "From Ethiopia to Bandung with Fanon." Bandung 6, no. 2 (November 5, 2019): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-00602002.
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In this article I attempt to reconcile one of the most influential diplomatic episodes of Third World liberation – Bandung – with one of the most influential thinkers of said liberation – Frantz Fanon. I argue that this reconciliation can be usefully achieved by bringing to the fore the impact of the Ethiopia/Italy conflict (1935–1941) on both Fanon’s thought and the political trajectories of various individuals and movements that ultimately met at Bandung. Specifically, I trace how anti-colonial anti-fascism, an intellectual-activist position which emerged in response to Mussolini’s fascist invasion of Ethiopia, prefigured and prepared the Bandung spirit not only in biographical terms but also in terms of casting an ethics of liberation on a global scale that interwove the fates of metropoles and colonies as well as diverse colonial subjects. I frame my investigation of these influences through Fanon’s concept of Black humanism and his diplomatic injunction on behalf of the wretched of the earth, both of which I also argue can be genealogically connected to anti-colonial anti-fascism. I conclude by suggesting that the accretion of the ethics and practices encountered across these journeys from Ethiopia to Bandung with Fanon might aid in reviving an internationalist spirit for our own constrictive age.
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Tóth, Tamás, György Mészáros, and András Marton. "We should’ve made a revolution: A critical rhapsody of the Hungarian education system’s catching-up revolutions since 1989." Policy Futures in Education 16, no. 4 (January 25, 2018): 465–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210317751268.
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From the perspective of the world-systems theory and post-colonial studies, the 1989 transition in Hungary was a part of the re-integration of former Soviet countries into an inferior position in the world system. The political–economic transition was in no sense a revolution, but a replacement of dictatorial/totalitarian state capitalism with neoliberal global capitalism. In this paper we will analyze how Hungary’s semi-peripheral “catching-up revolution” consisted of stabilizing the neoliberal hegemony in education. As a result, one of the most decentralized, diverse, vertically, and horizontally stratified, and hence extremely selective education systems emerged from the gloomy Central-East European semi-periphery with exemplary diligence in conserving and reproducing social inequalities. Some 27 years after the transition, the teaching staff from Herman Ottó High School in Budapest wrote a public letter analyzing the problems of public education and criticizing the Hungarian government’s interventions, which led to one of the country’s biggest movements since the political–economic transition in 1989. To understand the conditions that led to these situations, wherein education under siege triggered the biggest protests since 1989, we will first describe how the Hungarian education system was affected by the political–economic transition. Second, we will point to a rupture in the post-socialist history of Hungary, namely the neoconservative interventions of Hungary’s post-fascist, far-right government which has been in power since 2010. And lastly, we will try to place the teacher’s movement (and, briefly, the pro-Central European University protests) in this post-socialist rhapsody by showing how they interweave with Hungary’s forever lasting semi-peripheral catching-up revolution. In our conclusion we will try to propose a strategy drawing on Immanuel Wallerstein’s idea of an anti-systemic Rainbow Coalition, by which new social and anti-systemic movements could organize their resistance more effectively.
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van IJzendoorn, Marinus. "Politieke pedagogiek." Pedagogiek 41, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/peda2021.1.006.ijze.
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Abstract Political pedagogy: In search for predictors of susceptibility to antidemocratic orientations The traditional movement toward educational reform at the beginning of the last century emphasized the individual child and his or her experiential world. The current paper addresses the question why reform schools such as Rudolf Steiner’s Waldorf schools could easily be incorporated in the National-Socialist political movement in the thirties of the last century. After the Second World War the crucial issue for pedagogues and educators was how children could be guided to become less susceptible to the ideological temptations of Nazism and of totalitarianism in general. The initiators of the Frankfurter Schule (Horkheimer, Adorno) focussed on psychoanalytic determinants of vulnerability for this totalitarian seduction and introduced the concept of ‘the authoritarian personality’. Instead of psychoanalysis we use here Piaget’s and Kohlberg’s theory and research on moral development to address this same question of susceptibility to anti-democratic racist, sexist, militarist and nationalist movements, following pathfinding work of the second generation Frankfurters Habermas and Lempert. Social-psychological experiments and cultural anthropological studies are consulted to examine what role social-cultural context plays. In most social settings people can be easily nudged into conformism and thus triggered into uncritical acceptance of authoritarian leadership. Individuals with some resilience against such pressures might be characterised with a high level of moral reasoning. Some studies linking moral argumentation to political orientation suggest ways in which a ‘political pedagogy’ might contribute to harnessing such findings for anti-fascist educational applications.
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Tonelli, Anna. "Teresa Noce: an Italian Professional Revolutionary Woman." History of Communism in Europe 11 (2020): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2020114.
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The role of professional revolutionaries is usually reserved for men. One exception is Teresa Noce, a prominent Italian Communist leader in the (residual) quota reserved for women, who was the wife of Luigi Longo, but with an independence that made her existence an original example of militancy and activism. Both underground and within republican Italy, Noce never adapted to what already existed, but fought to subvert the order, especially in the face of exploitation and discrimination. A member of the ICP, Noce fought against fascism, transporting clandestine material, writing articles for anti-fascist papers, promoting strikes by rice weeders and labourers. In France, she directed partisan movements and, in Spain, she was a militant in voluntary groups against Francisco Franco. After the war, she was elected to the Parliament as a “Constituent Mother”. She also revolutionised the world of labour as the first female Secretary General of the textile trade union.
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Nikolic, Kosta. "Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the resistance movements in Yugoslavia, 1941." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950339n.
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During the Second World War a brutal and distinctly complex war was fought in Yugoslavia. It was a mixture of an anti-fascist struggle for liberation as well as an ideological, civil, inter-ethnic and religious war, which witnessed a holocaust and genocide against Jews and Serbs. At least a million Yugoslavs died in that war, most of them ethnic Serbs. In their policies towards Yugoslavia, each of the three Allied Powers (the United States of America, the Soviet Union and Great Britain) had their short-term and long-term goals. The short-term goals were victory over the Axis powers. The long-term goals were related to the post-war order in Europe (and the world). The Allies were unanimous about the short-term goals, but differed with respect to long-term goals. The relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union were especially sensitive: both countries wanted to use a victory in the war as a means of increasing their political power and influence. Yugoslavia was a useful buffer zone between British and Soviet ambitions, as well as being the territory in which the resistance to the Axis was the strongest. The relations between London and Moscow grew even more complicated when the two local resistance movements clashed over their opposing ideologies: nationalism versus communism. The foremost objective of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) was to effect a violent change to the pre-war legal and political order of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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Hartman, Matthew R. "Beyond Climate Denial." Journal for the Study of Religion, Nature and Culture 18, no. 3 (March 30, 2024): 376–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jsrnc.23634.
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Much of the analysis of right-wing environmental thinking and religion in America has, understandably, focused on the history of climate change denial among evangelicals. However, this narrative is incomplete. I identify areas of shared ideology shaping new coalition building on the right, such as growing anti-immigration sentiments drawing on environmental and eco-fascist rhetoric as well as the rapid growth of apocalyptic conspiracy movements that feed on anxieties about the future, in particular a future made more uncertain by the encroaching realities of climate chaos. I argue that underpinning these ideologies is a kind of faith in a particular organization of power informed by a shared ideology of whiteness, which ascribes to a fundamental ordering of society threatened by climate action. In the face of rapidly escalating climate catastrophe, the marriage of environmentalism, nationalism and white supremacy may prove increasingly appealing to those across the spectrum on the American right.
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Álvarez, Rebecca, and Christopher Chase-Dunn. "Forging a Diagonal Instrument for the Global Left: The Vessel." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.947.
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This article takes up Samir Amin’s challenge to rethink the issue of global political organization by proposing the building of a diagonal political organization for the Global Left that would link local, national and world regional and global networks and prefigurational communities to coordinate contention for power in the world-system during the next few decades of the 21st century. The World Social Forum (WSF) process needs to be reinvented for the current period of rising neo-fascist and populist reactionary nationalism and to foster the emergence of a capable instrument that can confront and contend with the global power structure of world capitalism and aid local and national struggles. This will involve overcoming the fragmentation of progressive movements that have been an outcome of the rise of possessive individualism, the precariat, and social media. We propose a holistic approach to organizing a vessel for the global left based on struggles for climate justice, human rights, anti-racism, queer rights, feminism, sharing networks, peace alliances, taking back the city, progressive nationalism and confronting and defeating neo-fascism and new forms of conservative populism.
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Rataj, Jan. ",,Za rasu a národ...''." Lidé města 2, no. 2/4 (September 1, 2000): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/12128112.4063.
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The study is concerned with the causes of the establishment and growth of the neo-Fascist and neo-Nazi branches of the anti-liberal extreme right on the Czech political scene in the 1990s. It documents its traditionalist and anti-democratic system of values which may, if there are favourable conditions, negatively affect the Czech political ethic in an undesirable direction. In the beginning the author deals with the question of discontinuity of Czech Fascism. He describes stages of Czech Fascism between 1922 and 1945. The farce of direct historical continuity is weakened by the fact that compared to its foreign counterparts Czech Fascism remained a politically marginal and numerously weak political current in Czech society. In the Czech politics it never acquired a sizable political weight, never surmounted fragmentation of its organisational framework and ideology, never created a mass national movement, never developed terrorist forms of political work and failed to succeed both in elections and parliamentary work. It was unable to come up with a charismatic leader who would be able to challenge the generally accepted cult of T. G. Masaryk, which had firm links to democratic values. Czech Fascism was at its apex during the conservative authoritarian „second republic" (from 1938 to 1939), when it became part of the ruling elite, thus acquiring a certain portion of power. After the efforts of Czech Fascists to have German Nazis recognise the Czech-German Fascist partnership and to seize the administration in the war-time Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia failed, the peculiar construction of Czech Fascism started to crumble. A part of Czech Fascists identified themselves with the Nazi Germanity and new pan-European ideas. The year 1945 witnessed total discrediting of Czech Fascism and its expulsion from the Czech political scene. The study also presents a basic typological analysis of contemporary extremely right-wing, neo-Fascist and neo-Nazi groupings. It points to indulgent attitudes to their activities, which in Czechoslovakia and subsequently in the Czech Republic survived until the second half of the 1990s, affecting the legislation and attitudes of local authorities. The study also deals with specific causes of the establishment of the ultra-right in the post-communist Czech society. Along with a loss of certainties, brought about by the ascent of individualised liberalism, and the impact of a large array of problems arising from previous results of economic and political transformation, the author highlights the counter-productive semi-official cosmopolitan ideological attacks on the Czechoslovak and Czech national ideas and national identity which are grist to the mill of integral nationalism and biological racism. The care of the study is devoted to an analysis of the value orientation of Czech neo-Fascism and neo-Nazism. The author used an unusual source - political songs of a number of prominent skinhead bands. At present, both the former and current members of skinhead groupings make up a sizable part of the rank and file of all ultra-right organisations. Furthermore, the impact of skinhead songs crosses the bounds of organised movements. The skinhead music performances are the most perfect propaganda of neo-Fascist and neo-Nazi ideology among the young generation. The combat song plays traditionally an extraordinary mobilisation role in the Fascist utilitarian collectivism. Although it is bound with a different music form than the marches of the Fascist era of the 1920s-1940s - at present it is the so-called hard white rock - its texts and content have remained basically the same. A simple text is made dynamic with repeating choruses - tough slogans calling for a violent act against a totally humiliated enemy, mostly for a murder. The mass music productions constantly apply the same psychological scenario activating mass hatred and joint will for a violent attack. The current Czech political elites are castigated for their alleged contempt for the nation and insufficient protection of Czech national interests in Europe. The fear of threat to the nation goes hand in hand with criticism of the system of representative democracy, its mechanisms and political practice. Everything culminates in the central motive of a „new age, new tomorrow, new world," in which a new order is installed, but not without a bloodshed. The new order means a state of strong fist and the only alternative in which an elite will govern for the people. This will include order, quiet, racial certainty and preponderance of Czechs, while the principle of „blood and honour, a single leader and leadership" will gain the upper hand.
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Shin, Dongkyu. "International solidarity for the Anti-Fascist movement and ‘Raised Fist’: From the expression of the left-wing’s Anger in the Weimar Republic to the Symbol of French protest movements." Korean Society For German History 48 (November 30, 2021): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17995/kjgs.2021.11.48.39.
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Gariglio, B., A. A. Muromtseva, and Zh V. Nikolaeva. "«Парадокс русского духа» Пьеро Гобетти." Studia Culturae, no. 55 (June 30, 2023): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-1245-2023-55-26-41.
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During his short life, the Italian anti-fascist intellectual Piero Gobetti (1901–1926) was able to accomplish the incredible. He was the founder, editor and author of three magazines (Energie nove, 1918; La rivoluzione liberale, 1922; Il Baretti, 1924); he managed his own publishing house (Piero Gobetti edizioni), in which 114 volumes were published in 4 years; wrote books, articles, was a translator from russian. In Italy, they recognize his importance as one of the main distributors of Russian culture in Turin in the 1920s. In Russia, they are almost unfamiliar with the publications of P. Gobetti, even with his repeatedly reprinted work entitled «The Paradox of the Russian Spirit» (1926). In this article we try to consider the general cultural aspects and paradoxes of the time and place of this study's appearance in the context of the change of epochs, intellectual movements of those years and in the Italian national context. Looking ahead, we can say that the book, conceived as an analysis of the revolutionary ideology's movement in Russia, or at least it is completed chapters, turned out to be a text about Russian culture, or even, according to Vittorio Strada, about the specific role of the russian «intelligentsia». For a better understanding of the views of P. Gobetti, this issue also provides a translation of his essay «Dostoevsky as a classic and mystic of Russian literature», published in 1921.
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Sciarrino, Blasco. "Allegiance in Exchange for Benefits: The Romanian First World War Veterans’ Movement between Democracy and Authoritarianism, 1930–1937." European History Quarterly 52, no. 4 (September 28, 2022): 720–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221120162.
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This article proposes that, between the two World Wars, the political loyalties of numerous Romanian First World War veterans were significantly affected by these ex-servicemen's sense of entitlement from military service. Having fought to protect their nation in the course of the conflict, many ex-combatants believed they deserved to be granted a variety of economic and symbolic rewards by the Romanian kingdom, in many cases allying themselves with political forces which promised to award them these benefits. To see their rights recognized, they also created a social movement, through which they lobbied state institutions. As, in the early 1930s, state veterans' policies experienced several shortcomings as the result of the Great Depression, sizeable segments of the former soldiers' movement began supporting a plethora of far-right movements and associations. Importantly, these extremist organizations secured the backing of various ex-servicemen mainly by promising to protect and increase the latter's benefits. Notably, in developing ties to discontented ex-combatants, the right was inspired in some instances by foreign authoritarian political models. However, in the middle of the decade, as governments managed to some extent to restore and even improve the ex-servicemen's special economic status, fascist and radical-right groups ceased to expand their reach within the ex-combatants' movement. Consequently, old soldiers did not play a significant role in the eventual collapse of Romanian democracy. By indicating that the former fighters’ sense of entitlement acted as a prominent radicalizing influence over many of them, this article provides an innovative perspective on the extremist political trends which affected numerous ex-servicemen in interwar Europe. Furthermore, by highlighting that Romanian radical veterans were at times inspired by developments occurring beyond their country's borders, the article helps confirm that transnational factors played a role in the anti-parliamentary activism of European former soldiers.
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Ozhiganova, Anna, and Anna Tessmann. "Esotericism and Politics in Early Post-Soviet Russia: Forms of Political Participation." Polish Journal of the Arts and Culture New Series, no. 17 (1/2023) (May 2023): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24506249pj.23.009.19002.
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The political orientation and participation of esoteric groups and movements remain under-researched and restricted by many stereotypes. There is an oversimplifying tendency to classify all esoteric groups as extreme right-wing and proto-fascist or, by contrast, as counter-cultural, left-wing, anti-authoritarian, and progressive. An equally persistent stereotype, often expressed by insiders, is that esotericism is beyond politics, immersed in thinking only about eternal or spiritual issues. In this paper, analysing the practices and discourses of Russian esotericists of the first decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union, we will show that the forms of interaction between the esoteric and political spheres are much more complex and ambiguous. What were esoteric groups like in the times of political cataclysms, namely during the Soviet collapse and subsequent turbulences of the 1990s? Which political participation and exclusion forms were practised inside Russian esoteric communities? Analysing the 1990s esoteric biweekly newspaper Anomaly, published in St Petersburg (1990–2019), we have identified two types of esoteric civic activity, which we call esoteric citizenship (actions and political statements performed by esotericists) and metaphysical politics (esoteric forms of political participation, such as predictions, divination, channelling, and utopian projection). We consider these concepts helpful in describing different variants of esoteric civic participation while being aware that the boundaries between both are rather flexible.
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Leal, Rene. "The Rise of Fascist Formations in Chile and in the World." Social Sciences 9, no. 12 (December 14, 2020): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9120230.
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This essay examines the contemporary crisis in Chile in the context of the rise of the global far right. What led to the popular uprising in Chile in October 2019, and what forces are represented by its violent state repression? Fascist formations are currently developing in various nations; Umberto Eco’s concept of Ur-Fascism is useful in tracing the range of fascisms and their characteristics. These include populism, nationalism, racism, and syncretic traditionalism. In Chile, the racism of the far right is directed against its indigenous people more than immigrants. The ‘unfinished business’ of capitalist development here is the historical background of the oppressive relationship established by the ‘West’ over the ‘Rest’, in Stuart Hall’s terms. Fascism emerges periodically, temporarily resolving crises of accumulation through runaway activity of capital, entailing suppression of the working class and its organization. Neoliberalism has been the latest form of this exacerbation, but as its contradictions have intensified, its ideology no longer manages to mask the exploitation and secure consent. Neoliberalism, trialed in Chile after the 1973 coup under United States hegemony, became globally entrenched following the collapse of Soviet-bloc socialism and the ensuing weaknesses and crises of the organized left and the decay of social democracy. Neoliberal ideology has sustained capital at the same time as neoliberal policies have augmented the precarity of subordinated classes. As this becomes apparent with the sharpening of contradictions, the anachronistic relationship between liberalism and democracy has been deeply damaged. It becomes clear that capital’s profitability is privileged over the needs and wishes of the people. In this framework, to explore the rise and meaning of fascism is thus to examine the condition and possibilities of modernity and its limits. Modernity is besieged by pressurs coming from premodern esentialist conceptions of the world and also by the postmodernist’s view of chaos and fragmentation of a spontaneous social order; neoliberalism becomes compatible with both. Fascism lacks a coherence, but is anchored emotionally to archetypal foundations. Its very eclecticism embraces a wide range of anti-socialist and anti-capitalist discourses, which have enabled it to take root in mass movements. Its ideological resolution of the contradiction between capital and labor is temporary: the intensifying of capital accumulation activates its opposition, to the point where the distorting effect of ideology is unveiled and contradictions appear as class struggle. The longstanding imposition of neoliberalism in Chile, and the runaway activity of capital which it supported have has been rejected and partially defeated by the October 2019 rebellion in Chile. The far right has backed down but has not been defeated. The plebiscite of 25 October 2020 has delivered the people’s verdict on neoliberalism. However, in the different global and national circumstances of 2021, the fascists still among us may yet seek to reassert the order that they sought in 1973.
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Crochick, José Leon. "Personalidade autoritária e personalidade antidemocrática: adesão a regimes autoritários e a movimentos totalitários." Educação e Filosofia 37, no. 81 (March 27, 2024): 1689–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v37n81a2023-70306.
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Resumo: O objetivo deste texto é, com base em obras de Hannah Arendt e de Theodor W. Adorno, destacar o que pode estar proporcionando, em nossos dias, a adesão individual a movimentos e a regimes totalitários. Para isso, de início, dar-se-á destaque à diferenciação feita por Arendt, em Origens do Totalitarismo, entre regimes autoritários, tal como o fascismo, e o totalitarismo, que como defende essa autora, caracterizou o nazismo e o stalinismo, para, em seguida, ressaltar modificações históricas do final do século XIX às décadas da primeira metade do século XX, conforme aqueles autores, que resultaram no isolamento dos indivíduos e na constituição de indivíduos autoritários e antidemocráticos, resultados esses devidos ao declínio da autoridade, da tradição e do pensamento, este último reduzido a repetições formais independentes de conteúdo. Por fim, propõe-se explicitar algumas das condições que permanecem, nos dias de hoje, que possibilitam formas distintas de violências expressadas pelos indivíduos autoritários e antidemocráticos, propícias a movimentos totalitários, a regimes fascistas e formalmente democráticos. Palavras-chave: Formação; Totalitarismo; Personalidade Antidemocrática Authoritarian personality and anti-democratic personality: adherence to authoritarian regimes and totalitarian movements Abstract: The purpose of this text is, based on the works of Hannah Arendt and Theodor W. Adorno, to highlight what may be providing, in our days, individual adherence to totalitarian movements and regimes. For this, at first, emphasis will be given to the differentiation made by Arendt, in Origins of Totalitarianism, between authoritarian regimes, such as fascism, and totalitarianism, which, as this author defends, characterized Nazism and Stalinism, to , then highlight historical changes from the end of the 19th century to the decades of the first half of the 20th century, according to those authors, which resulted in the isolation of individuals and the constitution of authoritarian and anti-democratic individuals, results due to the decline of authority, of tradition and of thought, the latter reduced to formal repetitions independent of content. Finally, it is proposed to explain some of the conditions that remain today, which allow different forms of violence expressed by authoritarian and anti-democratic individuals, conducive to totalitarian movements, fascist and formally democratic regimes. Keywords: Formation; Totalitarianism; Anti-Democratic Personality Personalidad autoritaria y personalidad antidemocrática: adhesión a regímenes autoritarios y movimientos totalitarios Resumen: El propósito de este texto es, a partir de los trabajos de Hannah Arendt y Theodor W. Adorno, resaltar lo que puede estar proporcionando, en nuestros días, la adhesión individual a los movimientos y regímenes totalitarios. Para ello, en un primer momento, se hará hincapié en la diferenciación que hace Arendt, en Los orígenes del totalitarismo, entre regímenes autoritarios, como el fascismo, y el totalitarismo, que, como defiende esta autora, caracterizó al nazismo y al estalinismo, para luego destacar históricamente cambios desde finales del siglo XIX hasta las décadas de la primera mitad del siglo XX, según esos autores, que se tradujeron en el aislamiento de los individuos y la constitución de individuos autoritarios y antidemocráticos, resultados debidos a la decadencia de la autoridad, de la tradición y del pensamiento, este último reducido a repeticiones formales independientes del contenido. Finalmente, se propone explicar algunas de las condiciones que subsisten en la actualidad, que permiten diferentes formas de violencia expresadas por individuos autoritarios y antidemocráticos, propicias para movimientos totalitarios, fascistas y regímenes formalmente democráticos. Palabras Clave: Formación; Totalitarismo; Personalidad Antidemocrática Data de registro: 01/08/2023 Data de aceite: 24/01/2024
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Wilkin, Peter. "The Rise of ‘Illiberal’ Democracy: The Orbánization of Hungarian Political Culture." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.716.
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This article examines the rise of the political right and far-right in Hungarian political culture. It highlights the contribution that world-systems analysis can bring to an historical sociological understanding of the concept of political culture, with a particular focus on contemporary Hungary. Many commentators are asking: how it can be that 30 years of democratic transition has led to the dominance in Hungary of a politics of intolerance, illiberalism and ethno-Nationalism, as manifested in both the current government, Fidesz, and the neo-fascist party, Jobbik. This paper argues that the correct way to frame the question is to ask: why, given the legacy of authoritarian social and political movements that have shaped Hungary’s modern history, should a stable, liberal, political culture emerge after communism? Instead what the paper shows is that the goals of classical liberalism and a liberal political culture have long been destroyed by three factors: capitalism; the nation-state; and the persistence of traditional and sometimes irrational forms of social hierarchy, prejudice and authority. Hungary’s current Orbánisation reflects an on-going tension between liberal and illiberal tendencies, the latter being part of the foundations of the modern world-system. Rather than viewing Hungary as a dangerous exception to be quarantined by the European Union, it should be recognised that the political right in Hungary is linked to broader trends across the world-system that foster intolerance and other anti-enlightenment and socially divisive tendencies. Political cultures polarised by decades of neoliberal reforms and in which there is no meaningful socialist alternative have reduced Hungary’s elite political debates to the choice of either neoliberalism or ethnonationalism, neither of which is likely to generate socially progressive solutions to its current problems.