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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Anti-feminism'
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Vaziri, Anita. "Design for intersectionality : Feminism and anti racism approach." Thesis, KTH, Arkitektur, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-254681.
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Wahlström, Sofie. "Feminism and Anti-Feminism in Harmony? : A Critical Discourse Analysis of Postfeminism in Women's Magazines." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-131106.
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This essay investigates postfeminist discourses in women’s magazines with the use of Fairclough’s (2014) critical discourse analysis (CDA). Additionally, it presents consumers’ perceptions of women’s magazines in order to explore how women’s magazines might influence readers’ constructions of identity. Postfeminism is mainly defined by Gill (2007, 2009) and McRobbie (2004) as an idea of feminism and antifeminism combined with the use of neoliberal views. Previous research conducted between 1990 and 2009 has stated that women’s magazines follow a postfeminist discourse and therefore give a contradictory message to their readers, emphasising the importance of individuality and empowerment as well as promoting a traditional feminine image. The magazines analysed in this essay were the January 2016 issue of Elle Magazine US and the February 2016 issue of Elle Magazine UK. The magazines follow a postfeminist discourse, and it is constructed with the use of wording and modality. To complement the CDA, an interview with a target group of women’s magazine readers was conducted. Findings indicate that the magazines both largely follow a postfeminist discourse, constructed through the use of rhetorical features such as wording and modality, and readers believe magazines affect their identity construction negatively. The article is concluded with a discussion on what the aim of a postfeminist discourse is.
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Witwit, May. "An evaluation of anti-feminist attitudes in selected professional Victorian women." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/294460.
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The Victorian era paved the way for the emancipation of the modern British woman. The women who fought for the parliamentary vote, especially those who were imprisoned and experienced the torture of forcible feeding, eventually won their cause. Women who opposed enfranchisement did so for their own reasons. Both sides of the suffrage campaign claimed the majority was on their side and struggled to prove it. This thesis argues that those women who opposed were a subaltern group and compares them with the colonised subjects of the British Empire. The emancipation of women ran against the interests of the state which treated the cause as an insurgent movement. The political leaders spared no effort to thwart the liberation of women and the middle-and upper-class Anti-Suffrage women sided with ruling class interests. This work divides women into three sub-sections; resistance, colonised public and collaborators. Eliza Lynn Linton, Flora Shaw, Janet Hogarth and Gertrude Bell are well known middle-class Victorian women for whom the emancipation was of more benefit than opposition. The study throws a fresh look at these women by tying the notion of the collaborative elite with the State's exploitation of the intellectual subaltern. Linton, Shaw, Hogarth and Bell are studied in detail as case studies for this theory. Through the textual analysis of selected works, published articles, public and private correspondence, available diaries, biographies and autobiographies it emerges that although these women were ardent 'Antis' in public they were feminists in private. The thesis explains the reasons behind their public opposition to the emancipation of women.
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Ruiz, Roberto. "Nietzsche philosopher, philogynist, anti-feminist /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Wilson, Michael Andrew. "HIV/AIDS Health Policy, Feminism, Backlash, and Anti-LGBT Attitudes in Uganda." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464705500.
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Watts, Anna. "Women learning about sex : lessons from the old and new (anti)feminism in Poland." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2013. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/women-learning-about-sex(20f844fc-ee96-4975-a7b4-3db002f82b73).html.
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This research study explores popular sex advice texts, such as teenage and women’s magazines, not only as resources for sexual learning and the construction of sexual identities but also as potential sites where the formulation, (re)production and contestation of the dominant discourses of femininity and female sexuality take place. My examination is set within the unique and novel cultural context of Poland; a country with a long-standing tradition of dissent and an unusual location of struggle between the discourses of global neo-liberalism juxtaposed against the ideals of former socialism and the powerful tradition of Catholicism. Poland is also a location where after the systemic change in 1989, feminist activism has enjoyed an increasing popularity. This research project is a feminist-informed examination of the discourses of female sexuality in popular culture and media that involves analyses of popular Polish sex advice materials as well as semi-structured interviews with young women in Poland, some of whom identified themselves as feminists. Apart from exploring topics relating to romantic relationships, the interviews also looked into the issues of sex education, sexualisation of culture, as well as feminist identification and consciousness. The text materials analysed included excerpts from archival Polish teenage magazines Bravo and Bravo Girl! and the popular psychology magazine for women, Charaktery. The analytical approaches deployed here utilised selected tools developed within discursive psychology (Edley 2001) and the textual analysis developed by Fairclough (2003). Discursive narratives of un-readiness threaded through the participants’ accounts around the themes of sex education, sexualisation and romantic love. Other girls, but predominantly not the participants themselves when they were younger, were constructed as too sexually uneducated, sexualised and misguided by the media in their understanding of what it takes to form intimate and fulfilling romantic and sexual relationships. The positive self-presentation as a sophisticated, discerning, free-thinkingand articulate individual was achieved through the juxtaposition with other persons that lacked these qualities. The social context in which these identities and counter identities were constructed was often perceived as in need of intervention and improvement, especially within the participants’ accounts around sex education in Poland and the role of the newly-emergent media in the promotion of gender discrimination.
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Evans, Melissa Albie. "Investigating the feminist significance of Lars von Trier's representation of women in his Golden Heart Trilogy (1996/1998/2000) and Antichrist (2009)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1011634.
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Despite critics‟ negative appraisal of Lars Von Trier's Antichrist (2009) for its ostensible misogyny, a deep thematic resonance exists between its representation of women as historical victims of patriarchal discourse, and the positive representations of women as Christ-like figures found in his Golden Heart Trilogy (1996/1998/2000). Arguably, it is important to recognize this, because these films together comprise an exercise in cinematic resistance to the narratives of the „backlash‟ against women's rights, thematized by Susan Faludi in her Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women; resistance which is undermined when these films are considered disparate or incongruous.
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Allen, Ardith Matilda. "The deradicalization of Columbus, Ohio's antirape movement, 1972-2002." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211996569.
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Verklan, Elizabeth, and Elizabeth Verklan. "Objects of Desire: Feminist Inquiry, Transnational Feminism, and Global Fashion." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/624282.
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This dissertation examines the conventions used to frame and represent sweatshops in and to the U.S. Employing qualitative research methods this dissertation examines U.S. anti-sweatshop discourse, analyzing how the sweatshop and the sweatshop worker are made into exceptional objects of inquiry, and considers what kinds of truths and subjects are garnered from them. This dissertation argues that U.S. anti-sweatshop discourse frames sweatshops as an inherently foreign problem, and that this framing contributes to U.S. exceptionalism and savior ideology. This framing positions U.S. subjects as the primary agents of change whose relation to sweatshops is crucial to their eradication, and renders causal blame upon the racialized poor within the U.S. I argue that this framing undergirds the proliferation of new ethical markets that reproduce dislocation, dispossession, and displacement within U.S. borders via retail gentrification. Ultimately, this dissertation asks what truths are made possible through a mobilizing discourse whose foundational premise is contingent on the imagery of the sweatshop and the sweatshop worker.
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Pleyel, Jessica Carolyn. "To(get)her." Thesis, University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3166.
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This thesis examines the route I took to produce a live activist performance in which twenty-six self-identifying women collaborated to destroy wax assault rifles with domestic products. These guns act as a metaphor for the violence that happens to many women on a daily basis. One in four women will encounter domestic violence, and one in six women will be raped in their lifetimes in the United States. Not only are many of our bodies attacked mentally, physically and sexually, but also the government stakes claim on our bodies. With 138 representatives voting against the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), and many of those same representatives also voting against stricter gun regulations it is apparent that these politicians do not see it problematic that women's bodies are targets. When the women come together, their connections are empowering, fierce, sometimes gentle, and always meaningful. As women, we may be targeted, but when we are together, and our voices are loud -- and in unison, we are strong.
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Mietka, Helena Budzynska. "White Feminist Tears: Understanding Emotion, Embracing Discomfort, Exploring Dominant Femininities At Scripps College, and Stepping Towards a Critical White Anti-Racist Feminism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/656.
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In this thesis, I trace my personal journey and the precursors of unlearning and conversation necessary to start to move towards anti-racism. With a focused look on specific aspects of feminist history, Scripps College as a place was historically contextualized. This allowed for an exploration of its student body, a look at the ways in which traditional gender meanings and expectations necessarily operate within that space. White students who claim the label feminist add complexity to that space, though their reactions to conversations of race can be traced back to the historic and gender over-determined systems of domination and victimhood that produce caustic white feminist tears. Finally, different ways of having difficult conversations are discussed, along with detailed understandings of why those conversations are necessary. In conclusion, I try to envision a kind of feminism that I would like myself and my peers to continue to work for, and emphasize again the sort of education that one must undergo in order to continue their awareness and work.
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Åhlfeldt, Lina. "Vem vill dö för en metafor? : En undersökning av religiöst språkbruk från ett feministiskt perspektiv." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-317788.
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The purpose of this essay is to examine how God-talk can be used to say something reality depicting and potentially true, and at the same time contribute to a feminist aim where women and men are equally qualified in their talk about God. A pure shift from male to female metaphors and properties applied to God is rejected. Religious language that is used from a radical semantic realistic or radical semantic anti-realistic point of view is also rejected since those positions are not in line with the feminist aims. Metaphors are of value when examining how to speak about God. It is examined if, and in that case how, metaphors can express truths and say something reality depicting. It is argued that a theory of metaphors based on semantic modest anti-realism contributes with something more distinct than a theory of metaphors based on realism does. This distinction highlights the different uses in language between an analogical way and a modest anti-realistic use of metaphors. The three classical “ways” in religious language – univocal, analogical, and equivocal language – are possible to use from a feminist perspective of religious language. It is argued, however, that religious language that is supposed to be in line both with a feminist agenda and be able to contribute to our understanding of God, ourselves, and express truths must be based on a semantic modest realism or semantic modest anti-realism. Analogical language is the one and only religious “way” that is compatible with both semantic modest realism and semantic modest anti-realism. For that reason, it is argued, the analogical language has an advantage over univocal and equivocal language. Finally, four criteria are set up that a good feministic metaphor must achieve, and some remarks about the research of feminism and religious language still to examine is made.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur vi kan tala om Gud på ett sätt som kan vara verklighetsbeskrivande samtidigt som det gynnar feminismen och kvinnors och mäns lika rätt att tala om Gud. Ett rent skifte från manliga till kvinnliga metaforer om Gud avvisas. Religiöst språk som används ur en radikalt semantiskt realistiskt eller ett radikalt semantiskt anti-realistiskt utgångspunkt avvisas då dessa inte går i linje med en feministisk agenda. Metaforer är viktiga i undersökningen av hur vi kan tala om Gud. Det undersöks om, och i så fall hur, metaforer kan uttrycka något sant och verklighetsbeskrivande. Det argumenteras för att en metaforteori som utgår från semantisk modest anti-realism kan bidra med något mer distinkt och kreativt än en metaforteori som utgår från semantisk kritisk realism. Denna distinktion tyddliggör skillnaden mellan ett analogt religiöst språk och en semantisk modest anti-realistisk användning av metaforer. Både univokt, analogt och ekvivokt språkbruk kan användas ur ett feministiskt perspektiv. Analysen visar emellertid att ett religiöst språkbruk som ska gynna feminismen och samtidigt kunna uttrycka någonting sant och verklighetsbeskrivande måste utgå från semantisk kritisk realism eller semantisk modest anti-realism. Det analoga språkbruket är det enda religiöst språkbruk som är kompatibelt med både semantisk kritisk realism och semantisk modest anti-realism, varpå det analoga språkbruket har en fördel över univokt och ekvivokt språk. Tillsist ställs fyra kriterier upp som en bra religiös feministisk metafor måste möta. Uppsatsen avslutas sedan med några kommentarer om hur vidare forskning av religiöst språk med feministiskt språkperspektiv kan se ut.
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Schölander, Mikaela. "Kan feminismen och feminister begränsas på grund av hur begreppen definieras? : En diskursanalys av den anti-feministiska diskursens definition av feminism och feminister." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-303445.
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Lilly, Mary. "'The World is Not a Safe Place for Men': The Representational Politics of the Manosphere." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35055.
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This thesis offers an overview of the representational politics of the online antifeminist community known as the ‘manosphere’. It analyzes how gender and gender politics are represented in the discourse, with an eye to how traditional gender constructs, and traditional gendered norms and inequalities, are reproduced.
This project—the first study to focus exclusively on the manosphere—contributes to our understanding of the community in two ways; it addresses a significant gap in the literature on the topic, and it tests the accuracy of the ‘conventional wisdom’ on the manosphere.
Using mixed-methods critical discourse analysis, the study analyzed the discourse of the two primary subcultures of the community, and found that traditional gender norms and relations are reproduced therein, and that for the most part the conventional wisdom is accurate: femininity and women are disparaged, masculinity is imagined to be ‘in crisis’ (constantly under siege by feminizing forces), and feminism is represented as hypocritical and oppressive.
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Aler, Emma. "'All Women Are Like That' : Men Going Their Own Way: Understanding the Interplay Between Online Platforms and Counterpublic Dynamics." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-439214.
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This thesis examines the role of online platforms in relation to anti-progressive counterpublic dynamics. Counterpublicsare understood as alternative discursive arenas that form in response to exclusion from the wider public sphere. The relevance of counterpublics derives both from their ability to influence mainstream political discourse and from how anti-progressive counterpublics have been found to contribute to real-life violence. As the internet becomes an increasingly important venue for political discussion and contestation, the public sphere is extended online. This study explores how platforms can be seen as enabling (or constraining) the dual function of online counterpublics, i.e. as both inward and outward-oriented in relation to opposing publics, by examining the anti-feminist online community known as “Men Going Their Own Way” (MGTOW). The role of platforms is understood in terms of platform affordances, and netnographic methods were used to study these in relation to two online platforms. The results show that the two platforms presented different opportunities for the MGTOW counterpublic to some extent, suggesting that this counterpublic is able to utilise platforms for different purposes. Twitter was found to be particularly suitable for the outward-oriented function, i.e. for interacting with and opposing other publics, while mgtow.com was shown to be fertile ground for the inward-oriented function, and in that sense enabled contact between members in a way that contributed to the development of anti-progressive counterdiscourse.
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Gen, Bethany MunYeen. "In the Shadow of the Carceral State: The Evolution of Feminist and Institutional Activism Against Sexual Violence." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1621882615561857.
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Donaghey, Jim. "Punk and anarchism : UK, Poland, Indonesia." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2016. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/22100.
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This thesis explores the relationships between punk and anarchism in the contemporary contexts of the UK, Poland, and Indonesia from an insider punk and anarchist perspective. New primary ethnographic information forms the bulk of the research, drawing on Grounded Theory Method and an engagement with Orientalism. The theoretical framework is informed by the concept of antinomy which embraces complication and contradiction and rather than attempt to smooth-out complexities, impose a simplified narrative, or construct a fanciful dialectic, the thesis examines the numerous tensions that emerge in order to critique the relationships between punk and anarchism. A key tension which runs throughout the PhD is the dismissal of punk by some anarchists. This is often couched in terms of lifestylist versus workerist anarchism, with punk being denigrated in association with the former. The case studies bring out this tension, but also significantly complicate it, and the final chapter analyses this issue in more detail to argue that punk engages with a wide spectrum of anarchisms, and that the lifestylist / workerist dichotomy is anyway false. The case studies themselves focus on themes such as anti-fascism, food sovereignty/animal rights activism, politicisation, feminism, squatting, religion, and repression. New empirical information, garnered through numerous interviews and extensive participant observation in the UK, Poland, and Indonesia, informs the thick description of the case study contexts. The theory and analysis emerge from this data, and the voice of the punks themselves is given primacy here.
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Sybylla, Roe, and roesybylla@hotmail com. "Making Our Freedom : Feminism and ethics from Beauvoir to Foucault." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 1997. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040629.142154.
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This thesis examines the possibilities for feminism that arise from the work of Michel Foucault, which I explicate by comparison it with humanist existentialism. I begin with The Second Sex, Simone de Beauvoir's application of existentialism to women. I expose the problems that arise in Beauvoir's project. Woman's body is an obstacle to her transcendence, and further, she must abandon her feminine desires and values, and accommodate herself to masculine patterns if she is to overcome her immanence and subordination. To understand why such problems recur in The Second Sex, I turn to Sartre's Being and Nothingness. After examining the conceptions underlying his thought, I conclude that his philosophy is unable to encompass difference, and is therefore antithetical to the feminist project.
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Foucault's philosophy offers solutions to these problems by eliminating consciousness as universal subject of action, and by making subjectivity a product of time, through showing how subjects are formed though the changing effects of power upon bodies. His thought encompasses difference at a fundamental level, through understanding human beings as particular 'events' in time. I argue that Foucault's philosophy does not depend fundamentally, as does Sartre's, upon woman as Other.
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Foucault shows how our particular historical form of rationality, created within power relations, sets limits on what we can think, be and do. He shows how thought can overcome some of these limits, allowing us to become authors of our own actions. Misunderstandings are common, particularly of his conception of power and its relation to subjectivity. Many commentators demand changes that reinstate the concepts he fundamentally rejects. Others do not see the unity of his philosophy. I show its importance to women's emancipation and to a feminist ethics.
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Finally, I compare Foucault's thought with feminism of difference. With the help of Heidegger, I argue that Foucault offers a superior but complementary way to know who we are, through understanding the history of our making. I show how the masculine and the feminine can be reconciled through a reconceptualisation of the relation of sex to time. All told, Foucault is a philosopher of freedom and for him the practice of freedom is an ethics.
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Marcus, Reker Katherine B. "“Why Can’t Run ‘Like a Girl’ Also Mean Win The Race?”: Commodity Feminism and Participatory Branding as Forms of Self-Therapy in the Neoliberal Advertising Space." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/759.
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This thesis proposes a critical study of the techniques and motives behind modern commodity feminist advertising, focusing on the appropriation of the “young girl” as a symbol of the feminist cause. This evolving trend in advertising, building upon new movements of empowerment and the recent proliferation of the online feminist space, is shifting the logics of consumption by marketing feminist ideology and activism through consumer purchasing power. By prompting consumers to believe that their purchases can make a significant change, companies are developing brand loyalty in their key marketing demographics by using the image and rhetoric of the “young girl” to tap into a term I call “anti-nostalgia,” a nostalgia whereby women leverage the inherent sentimentality of childhood with a constructive understanding and rejection of the destructively sexist climate they experienced to combat these sociocultural conditions for future generations. Joining theoretical research on branding, user-generated content, and the neoliberal ideology of the consumer-citizen, I argue that these advertising campaigns, coupled with online spaces for public interaction and participation, effectively create channels for their target consumers to contribute to this commodified form of activism. In reality, however, these “feminist” purchases are simply forms of consumer self-therapy in a modern political climate of systemic gender discrimination.
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Barnes, Darcee D. "A Biographical Study of Elizabeth D. Kane." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2002. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4504.
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This is a biographical study of Elizabeth D. Kane (1836-1909), travel writer and wife of Thomas L. Kane, non-Mormon friend of the nineteenth-century Mormons of Utah. Primary source materials are mainly Elizabeth's fourteen diaries (spanning the years 1853 to 1909), letters and narrative accounts. Elizabeth was greatly influenced by Thomas, while maintaining her independence. She was interested in religion and feminist issues, and those interests, combined with her marital relationship, shaped her life's direction. Thomas Kane's interest in the Mormons also influenced Elizabeth's religious and feminist views, and she initially struggled with accepting Thomas's work for them because of their practice of polygamy. When Elizabeth went to Utah in 1872, her religiosity, feminism, and marriage provided the context in which she wrote her travel accounts, Twelve Mormon Homes (1874) and A Gentile in Utah's Dixie (1995).Elizabeth and Thomas had a companionate marriage. Theoretically they were equal partners, but Thomas often acted as Elizabeth's mentor, introducing her to well-known feminists, encouraging her to attend medical school and develop her writing talents. Religion was important to her, particularly as she tried influencing Thomas to join her Christian (Presbyterian) faith. Elizabeth thought about the Women's Rights movement and wrote her own ideas regarding women's role, endorsing feminist concepts like voluntary motherhood and addressing issues like polygamy and the double moral standard.This study analyzes Elizabeth's travel accounts which provide information on rural Utah and Mormon polygamous women from the perspective of a trusted outsider. During her Utah visit, Elizabeth changed from being resentful of the Mormons because of Thomas's devotion to them, to being friendly towards them. After Thomas's death in 1883, Elizabeth worked as a local leader in the Women's Christian Temperance Union and was a prominent citizen of Kane, Pennsylvania, the town which she and Thomas founded in the 1860s.This study is important to women's history because Elizabeth represents how many nineteenth-century women became more independent and socially conscious. It is significant in Mormon history because of her her travel accounts and because her writings provide information on the important relationship between Thomas L. Kane and the Mormons.
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Jareño, Gila Claudia. "La revue Vindication Feminista (1976-1979) et le féminisme radical espagnol dans un contexte transnational : actrices, échanges et influences." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080103.
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Cette thèse a pour objet l’étude d’une des publications phare de la transition espagnole, la revue Vindicación Feminista. Née quelques mois après la mort du dictateur Francisco Franco, la publication réunit quelques-unes des figures les plus importantes du milieu intellectuel catalan mais aussi des femmes aux trajectoires professionnelles prestigieuses et des militantes anti-franquistes de longue date. Elle se détache tant par la qualité et la diversité des sujets traités que par son esthétique soignée et son intérêt pour les combats des femmes dans le monde. Nous postulons que l’existence d’un objet culturel – la revue Vindicación Feminista –, support d’une pensée féministe radicale semblant déjà bien aboutie en 1976 et 1977, a été rendue possible grâce à un long travail préparatoire durant la dictature. La mise en lumière des biographies des collaboratrices de Vindicación ainsi que des liens unissant les rédactrices entre elles et avec d’autres collectifs et revues étrangères permet de faire ressortir l’existence d’une communauté féministe d’avant-garde et de replacer le mouvement féministe espagnol et notamment le courant radical dans le cadre d’un phénomène plus vaste, transnational, la dénommée « deuxième vague du féminisme ». Mais Vindicación Feminista prend aussi une part active dans les combats pour la restauration des libertés démocratiques de sorte qu’elle peut aussi être interprétée comme étant une revue anti-franquiste à proprement parler. C’est à la croisée de ces deux traditions : anti-franquisme et féminisme de la deuxième vague, que s’élabore le discours de la revueThis thesis aims to study one of the flagship publications of the Spanish transition, the magazine Vindicación Feminista. Established a few months after the death of the dictator Francisco Franco, the publication brings together some of the most important figures of the Catalan intellectual community as well as women with prestigious careers and long-standing anti-Franco activists. The magazine stands out both for the quality and diversity of the subjects discussed, as well as its refined aesthetic and focus on women’s struggles around the world. We submit that the existence of such cultural artefact, which was already consolidated in 1976 and 1977 and supported a radical feminist school of thought, emerged thanks to extensive groundwork laid by feminists during the dictatorship. An examination of the biographies of Vindicación collaborators, and the ties among its editors, other collectives and foreign magazines make it possible to identify the existence of a feminist avant-garde community and to place the Spanish feminist movement, and in particular its radical stream, within the framework of a larger, transnational phenomenon, the so-called “second-wave feminism”. Because Vindicación Feminista also takes an active part in the fight for the restoration of democratic liberties, it can also be interpreted as an anti-Francoist magazine strictly speaking. Indeed, the magazine’s central narrative lies at the cross-roads of these two traditions: second-wave feminism and anti-Franco resistance
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Graves, Kristina Marie. "Stop Taking Our Privileges! The Anti-ERA Movement in Georgia, 1978-1982." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07192006-183041/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. Michelle Brattain, committee chair; Charles Steffen, Hugh Hudson, committee members. Electronic text (113 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Aug. 2, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-113).
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Langenfeld, Elizabeth Irene. "Hitchcock's "Rebecca": A rhetorical study of female stereotyping." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1999. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1718.
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Wing, Bradley W. "Degendering and regendering recomposing masculinities through anti-sexist masculinity projects /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5579.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on July 31, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Njambi, Wairimu Ngaruiya. "Colonizing Bodies: a Feminist Science Studies Critique of Anti-Fgm Discourse." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37491.
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The contentious topic of female circumcision brings together medical science, womenâ s health activism, and national and international policy-making in pursuit of the common goal of protecting female bodies from harm. To date, most criticisms of female circumcision, practiced mainly in parts of Africa and Southwest Asia, have revolved around the dual issues of control of female bodies by a male-dominated social order and the health impacts surrounding the psychology of female sexuality and the functioning of female sex organs. As such, the recently-evolved campaign to eradicate female circumcision, alternatively termed â Female Genital Mutilationâ (FGM), has formed into a discourse intertwining the politics of feminist activism with scientific knowledge and medical knowledge of the female body and sexuality. This project focuses on the ways in which this discourse constructs particular definitions of bodies and sexuality in a quest to generalize the practices of female circumcision as â harmfulâ and therefore dangerous.
Given that the discourse aimed at eradicating practices of female circumcision, referred to in this study as â anti-FGM discourse,â focuses mostly on harm done to womenâ s bodies, this project critiques the assumption of universalism regarding female bodies and sexuality that is explicitly/implicitly embedded in such discourse. By questioning such universals, I look at the ways in which different stories regarding bodies and sexuality can emerge at the gaps of the anti-FGM discourse regarding female circumcision practices. I.e., are there other possible avenues for envisioning bodies which are subjugated and hence eliminated from the view by their rhetoric?
While the main assumption within anti-FGM discourse is that bodies and sexuality are naturally given and therefore universal, contemporary theories in STS and feminism have stressed that bodies and sexualities are figures of historical and political performances, and that knowledge about them is locally situated. These perspectives redirect the typical assumption of bodies and sexuality as simply â biologicalâ to a view of bodies as products of cultural imagination. This project shows that such perspectives have profound implications for understanding female circumcision practices by allowing different body narratives to emerge in the gaps of already established â truths.âPh. D.
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Branfman, Jonathan R. "Millennial Jewish Stars: Masculinity, Racial Ambiguity, and Public Allure." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu155490057529243.
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Langeveldt, Veleska. "(De)legitimizing rape as a weapon of war: patriarchy, narratives and the African Union." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4068.
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Magister Administrationis - MAdminThe African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war
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Zhang, Lu. "Transnational feminisms in translation the making of a women's anti-domestic violence movement in China /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210773765.
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Hopkins, Chandra Owenby. "ANTI-BELLUM: A RECLAMATION OF THE SOUTHERN BELLE." VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd_retro/42.
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This thesis is a written documentation of the original, devised performance piece, ANTI-BELLUM: A RECLAMATION OF THE SOUTHERN BELLE, written in the fall of 2006 by Chandra O. Hopkins. The document tracks the creative process through the stages of: initial inspiration, written development and script formation, creative collaboration in the rehearsal hall, and finally the staging presentation of the piece through production. In addition to this written document, the original, devised script of the production is also included.
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Mapes, Margarethe. "GLOBALIZED BACKLASH: WOMEN AGAINST FEMINISM’S NEW MEDIA MATRIX OF (ANTI) FEMINIST TESTIMONY." OpenSIUC, 2016. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1163.
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Feminisms are oftentimes confronted with dissonance, resistance, and backlash. Invested in criticizing the cultural and institutional emergence of patriarchy and calls to re-order structures of inequality make feminism threatening to status quo power dynamics. “Women Against Feminism”—a social media phenomenon and space for women to post anti-feminist messages—began gaining notoriety in 2013. By 2015, “Women Against Feminism” expanded to multiple social media platforms, gained thousands of anti-feminist submissions, and received ample support and criticism across news outlets. This study explores “Women Against Feminism” as a potential site of 21st feminist backlash, noting nuanced rhetorical strategies that rely on fearing feminism, declarations of interpersonal and intrapersonal love, and co-opting feminist ideology to propagate anti-feminist narratives. I situate backlash as a communicative phenomenon of perception rather than a clear-cut movement reacting toward a stated goal of progress by a social group. In this way, feminist progress functions as an illusory cultural script where backlash reacts toward the perceived enactment of a feminist goal, rather than (although not excluding) the successful feminist execution of that goal. Thus, this study dually investigates what backlash strategies are used while also uncovering how differing audiences perceive feminism. Finally, I set forth a series of suggestive practical methods for feminist engagement across dissonance and difference.
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O'Byrne, Megan Sue. "When the President Talks to God: A Rhetorical Criticism of Anti-Bush Protest Music." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1225216520.
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Meyer, Jennifer. "La genèse du racial-féminisme. Race, classe et genre autour de Pia Sophie Rogge-Börner." Thesis, Lyon, École normale supérieure, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014ENSL0931.
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Dans la lignée des travaux sur l’intersectionnalité, cette thèse s’intéresse aux imbrications des catégories de « race », de classe et de genre ainsi qu’à l’articulation du féminisme, de l’antisémitisme et du racisme dans les écrits de Sophie Rogge-Börner (1878-1955). Ce travail dévoile d’abord les mécanismes de racialisation du rapport de pouvoir entre les sexes à l’œuvre tant dans l’établissement d’une équivalence entre « race » nordique et égalité des sexes que dans la construction du caractère « juif » du patriarcat. Il confronte ensuite le modèle explicatif de l’émergence de la domination masculine comme produit d’un métissage et symptôme d’une dégénérescence avec l’affirmation du caractère construit de la différence de sexe. Il étudie alors les revendications concrètes d’un discours qui faisait de l’émancipation féminine à la fois une potentialité circonscrite par l’appartenance raciale et la condition de réalisation du renouveau racial. Ce faisant, il montre que le recours à des catégories anhistoriques et essentialisées pouvait être au fondement d’un féministe certes égalitariste mais non-universaliste. Enfin, il s’intéresse à la pérennité de ces idées au sein de la Nouvelle Droite. En prenant le contrepied d’une définition normative du féminisme, ce travail montre comment un mouvement politique d’émancipation a pu d’une part produire de nouvelles exclusions et hiérarchisations entre les femmes et d’autre part fournir de nouveaux arguments au discours raciste et antisémite pendant la République de Weimar et le national-socialisme. Il met ainsi au jour une configuration spécifique de l’intrication entre domination de « race » et domination de genreTaking on the extensive debate on intersectionality, this doctoral thesis examines the interlocking of the categories race, class and gender as well as the articulation of feminism, anti-Semitism and racism in the writings of Sophie Rogge-Börner (1878-1955). Firstly, this project exposes the mechanisms of racialization of the power relations between the sexes which were at work in the production of an equivalence between the Nordic “race” and gender equality as well as in the ascribing of a “Jewish” character to patriarchy. The thesis then describes Rogge-Börner’s explanation for the advent of male domination as a result of racial mixing and degeneration and confronts it with her assertion of the constructed character of sexual difference. Furthermore, the project analyses the concrete demands of a discourse which presents female emancipation as a potential limited by racial origin as well as the condition for racial regeneration. The thesis shows that the reference to ahistorical and essentialist categories could be the basis for an egalitarian but non-universalist understanding of feminism. Finally, the project looks at the persistence of these ideas within the New Right.In consciously avoiding a normative definition of feminism, this thesis shows how a political emancipatory movement, on the one hand, produced new exclusions and hierarchies among women and, on the other hand, provided new arguments to the racial and anti-Semitic discourse during the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich. The thesis thus brings to light a specific intricacy of racial and sexual dominance
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Park, Yoon-hee. "Rewriting Woman Evil?: Antifeminism and its Hermeneutic Problems in Four Criseida Stories." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278387/.
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Since Benoit de Sainte-Maure's creation of the Briseida story, Criseida has evolved as one of the most infamous heroines in European literature, an inconstant femme fatale. This study analyzes four different receptions of the Criseida story with a special emphasis on the antifeminist tradition. An interesting pattern arises from the ways in which four British writers render Criseida: Geoffrey Chaucer's Troilus and Crisevde is a response to the antifeminist tradition of the story (particularly to Giovanni Boccaccio's II Filostrato); Robert Henryson's Testament of Cresseid is a direct response to Chaucer's poem; William Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida aligns itself with the antifeminist tradition, but in a different way; and John Dryden's Troilus and Cressida or Truth Found Too Late is a straight rewriting of Shakespeare's play. These works themselves form an interesting canon within the whole tradition. All four writers are not only readers of the continually evolving story of Criseida but also critics, writers, and literary historians in the Jaussian sense. They critique their predecessors' works, write what they have conceived from the tradition of the story, and reinterpret the old works in that historical context.
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Smit, Susanna Johanna. ""Placing" the farm novel : space and place in female identity formation in Olive Schreiner's The story of an African farm and J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace / S.J. Smit." Thesis, North-West University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/873.
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Freytag, Sylvie. "Art et politique en Autriche : l'impact des oeuvres d'Alfred Hrdlicka, de Friedenreich Hundertwasser, de Günter Brus et de Valie Export sur l'Autriche de la Seconde République." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAC007/document.
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La recherche porte sur les relations entre les acteurs politiques et l’art subversif et leur positionnement face à des thèmes récurrents tels l’antisémitisme, l’oubli du passé, la condition de la femme, l’écologie. Partant des théories existantes sur les rapports entre l’art engagé et le politique, il s’agit d’étudier les œuvres de quatre artistes représentatifs à la fois de l’évolution des positions politiques et des techniques nouvelles à travers l’histoire de 1945 à nos jours, dans la IIe République d’Autriche : le sculpteur Alfred Hrdlicka, le peintre et architecte Friedensreich Hundertwasser, l’actionniste viennois Günter Brus, la féministe Valie Export. Ces artistes bousculent l’ordre établi à travers leur art agressif et leurs écrits. Le but est de définir la nature et le degré de leur protestation et de déterminer dans quelle mesure ils ont participé au débat démocratique et à la modernisation de la société autrichienne ainsi qu’à la construction identitaire de l’Autriche après 1945The research relates to the relation between the political actors and subversive art and their respective position on dominant themes such as anti-Semitism, the denial of the Nazi past, the status of women, ecology. From existing theories on relations between engaged art and politics, it is a question of studying the works of art of four artists representative on both policy statements and newer technologies through history from 1945 up to now, in the Second Republic of Austria : the sculptor Alfred Hrdlicka, the painter and architect Friedensreich Hundertwasser, the Viennese actionist Günter Brus, the feminist Valie Export. Each one, in his own way, shakes up the established order through his aggressive art and writings. The aim is to specify the type and level of protest of these artists and to assess to what extent they have participated in the democratic debate and modernisation within Austrian society as well as in the identity building of Austria after 1945
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MacFarland, Susan May. "Anti-war women : the role of the Feminist-Pacifist-Internationalist Movement in American foreign policy and international relations, 1898-1930 /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1990.
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Nardini, Krizia. "Uneven routes of mobilizing "as Men": reconfiguring masculinities among anti-sexist groups of men in Italy and Spain." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667110.
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Partint d'estudis acadèmics de gènere i recerques qualitatives, feministes i etnogràfiques anteriors, aquesta tesi adopta un enfocament socioantropològic alhora que explora una sèrie de reflexions crítiques i creatives sobre les pràctiques i les relacions de gènere derivades del comportament antisexista que adopten avui alguns homes a Itàlia i Espanya. A més, s'ha d'entendre en un context de crisi econòmica neoliberal i de la societat de la informació. Empíricament, el nostre objectiu és analitzar de manera contextualitzada la manera com les pràctiques dels homes es poden reconfigurar materialment i discursivament cap a un canvi positiu. D'altra banda, en l'àmbit teòric, els nostres objectius són tres: en primer lloc, entendre i establir relacions genealògiques entre grups d'homes i les tradicions feministes amb les quals es relacionen; en segon lloc, investigar les vies de la seva política de masculinitat orientada al feminisme, i, en tercer lloc, oferir material aclaridor i contribuir, així, als debats políticament i acadèmicament rellevants en contextos de transformació de les relacions de gènere.Partiendo de estudios académicos de género e investigaciones cualitativas, feministas y etnográficas anteriores, esta tesis adopta un enfoque socioantropológico a la vez que explora una serie de reflexiones críticas y creativas sobre las prácticas y las relaciones de género derivadas del comportamiento antisexista que adoptan hoy algunos hombres en Italia y España. Debe, además, entenderse en un contexto de crisis económica neoliberal y de la sociedad de la información. Empíricamente, nuestro objetivo es analizar de manera contextualizada la manera como las prácticas de los hombres se pueden reconfigurar materialmente y discursivamente hacia un cambio positivo. Por otro lado, en el ámbito teórico, nuestros objetivos son tres: en primer lugar, entender y establecer relaciones genealógicas entre grupos de hombres y las tradiciones feministas con las que se relacionan; en segundo lugar, investigar las vías de su política de masculinidad orientada al feminismo, y, en tercer lugar, ofrecer material aclaratorio y contribuir, así, a los debates políticamente y académicamente relevantes en contextos de transformación de las relaciones de género.
With previous academic gender studies and qualitative, feminist, ethnographical research laying its foundation, this thesis takes on a socio-anthropological approach while exploring a number of critical-creative elaborations on practices and gender relations resulting from contemporary, anti-sexist men¿s engagements in Italy and Spain. Moreover, it must be understood within a context of neoliberal economic crises and the information society. Empirically speaking, we aim to take a contextualized look at how men¿s practices can be materially and discursively reconfigured towards positive change. Meanwhile, on a theoretical level, our objectives are threefold: firstly, to understand and draw genealogical relations between groups of men and the feminist traditions they relate to; secondly, to investigate the pathways of their feminist-oriented masculinity politics; and, thirdly, to offer insightful contributions to politically and academically relevant debates in gender-transformative contexts.
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Westerlund, Ulrika. "Nutida abortmotstånd i Sverige : En ideologianalys av inom- och utomparlamentariska aktörer." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384749.
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I uppsatsen görs en kritisk ideologianalys av det nutida svenska abortmotståndet utifrån ett feministiskt perspektiv. Med hjälp av Carol Lee Bacchis metod ”Vilket är det framställda problemet?” synliggörs hur Kristdemokraterna, Sverigedemokraterna, olika kristna och högerextrema abortmotståndare, samt aktörer i de svenska rättsprocesserna om ”samvetsfrihet” för barnmorskor, framställer problemen med abort. Analysen fortsätter sedan med att belysa vilka kulturellt tillgängliga kommunikationsramar som finns för svenska abortmotståndare, samt synliggör vilka manifesta, respektive latenta ideologier som finns närvarande. I uppsatsen används feministiska teorier om rättigheter samt om nation och reproduktion för att tolka materialet. Resultatet visar att det inom det svenska nutida abortmotståndet finns ett flertal olika framställda problem som kan inrymmas i kommunikationsramar om abort som ett hot mot kvinnor, abort som hot mot människovärdet och de mänskliga rättigheterna, samt abort som ett uttryck för genusideologin och som ett hot mot nationen. I den sista kommunikationsramen finns exempel på latenta ideologier. Det finns inslag av det som brukar benämnas som anti-genusideologi i delar av det svenska abortmotståndet.
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Maraj, Louis Maurice. "Black or Right: Anti/Racist Rhetorical Ecologies at an Historically White Institution." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1524145658002913.
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Lober, Brooke, and Brooke Lober. "Conflict and Alliance in the Struggle: Feminist Anti-Imperialism, Palestine Solidarity, and the Jewish Feminist Movement of the Late 20th Century." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621754.
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This dissertation is focused on research into and consideration of the relationship between a nascent form of Jewish feminism that arose in the United States in the 1970s and 1980s, and the post-1967 Palestine solidarity movement-both of which took shape in the overlap of feminist and anti-imperialist movements of the late 20th century. While restoring an archive of social movement culture, this study reveals the impact of Zionism and anti-Zionism on US feminisms, with attention to the "Question of Palestine" as a site of division and alliance for feminist movements. Utilizing theories and methods from cultural studies, ethnic studies, feminist studies, and related interdisciplinary formations, I consider ideologies and practices of late 20th century feminist movements as they address gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, and nation through and against identity politics. With focus on the lesbian-led, politically leftist, grassroots sector of U.S. Jewish feminism and related feminist formations, I ask how the discourse of identity has been mobilized in contradictory ways, re-mapping feminist alliances and conflicts about race, nation, and colonialism.
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Zhang, Lu. "Transnational Feminisms in Translation: The Making of a Women’s Anti-Domestic Violence Movement in China." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1210773765.
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Purth, Valerie, and Christian Berger. "Frauen*rechte." Universität Leipzig, 2017. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A15941.
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Frauen*rechte beschreiben Grund- und Menschenrechte, die für Frauen* und Mädchen* besonders relevant sind, wie beispielsweise das Recht auf politische Partizipation, auf Bildung, auf Gesundheit oder auf körperliche sowie sexuelle Integrität. Bemühungen um und die Konzeption von Frauen*rechten sind sowohl auf inter- als auch auf nationaler Ebene von Frauen*rechtsbewegungen beeinflusst. Trotz des strukturellen male bias des Rechts kennen sowohl das internationale Menschenrechtsregime als auch nationale Rechtsordnungen Gewaltschutzmechanismen, Geschlechterdiskriminierungsver- oder Gleichstellungsgebote. Kritik gegenüber Frauen*rechten wird aus kulturrelativistischen, universalistisch-feministischen, postkolonialen und queer-feministischen Perspektiven geübt.
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Jackson, Carey-Ann. "An anti-racist feminist analysis of power: a case study of a group of African women in an Eastern Cape township." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002505.
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It is argued that South African feminism in the 1990's risks sabotaging itself as a movement and as a form of social critique because it has (1) not completely eradicated key positivist elements from its ontology and epistemology; (2) inadequately examined a crucial issue in an emancipatory social science, namely power; (3) increasingly opted for relativist and pragmatist perspectives in theorising women's oppression and social transformation. It is further argued that the over-reliance on relativism, standpoint theory and pragmatism is problematic for contemporary feminism. As an alternative, Bhaskar's transformational analysis of power in combination with an anti-racist feminism and social psychology is used to provide a robust framework within which complex social issues may be addressed. In this study, 16 female participants were interviewed about their experiences of living in an impoverished township. Themes identified in the data suggested that the theoretical perspectives used in the study provided insights into the subtleties and complexities of the operation of power in society. These insights enabled productive understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of development initiatives and political decision-making processes in the community, and the survival strategies of its women. It is hoped that research work of this sort could make a real contribution to the ongoing women's emancipation struggle in Port Alfred and similar communities.
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Panichelli, Meg Rose. "The Intersections of Good Intentions, Criminality, and Anti-Carceral Feminist Logic: a Qualitative Study that Explores Sex Trades Content in Social Work Education." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4512.
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This study uses anti-carceral feminist logic to explore the cultural meanings, criminal implications, and neoliberal influence that shape the landscape of social work education about the sex trades in the United States and transnationally. "What are social work instructors teaching students about the sex trades in coursework?" is the question that directs the study, which uses a feminist qualitative methodology inclusive of intersectional feminist epistemology as well as direct content analysis. To answer this question, I analyzed 20 social work course syllabi from sex trade related courses across the contiguous United States and interviewed 20 social work instructors from 14 different states.
Study findings show that course content represents people in the sex trades primarily as victimized cisgender women and girls with a significant focus on sex trafficking, especially within the Global South. While there is some course content that portrays sex trade workers as having complex and autonomous experiences, this material is limited to courses that have "sex" or "sexuality" in the title (i.e. "sex trafficking" or "sexuality and social work" courses). Furthermore, course content that represents the intersectional experiences and impact of systemic violence encountered by trans women of color and LGBTQ+ people is underrepresented in the sample--confined to two course syllabi and visibly absent from remaining syllabi. The sample indicates the prevalence of carceral approaches to the sex trades with an unexamined and racially-biased emphasis upon rescue and/or incarceration. This project provides significant implications for social work education about the necessity of an anti-carceral feminist, intersectional, and consequently, an anti-oppressive approach to teaching about the sex trades.
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Berger, Christian, and Valerie Purth. "Feministische Rechtswissenschaft." Universität Leipzig, 2017. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A15945.
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Feministische Rechtswissenschaft beschäftigt sich mit der Vergeschlechtlichung des Rechts und seiner Diskurse. Sie benennt und analysiert Ungleichheiten aufgrund des Geschlechts, die durch das Recht legitimiert oder hergestellt werden. Feministische Rechtswissenschaft setzt sich mit dem Potenzial von Recht als feministischem und emanzipatorischem Instrument auseinander. Anhand des ‚Dilemmas der Differenz‘ wird deutlich, wie ambivalent rechtliche Bemühungen um Gleichstellung ausfallen. Feministische Rechtswissenschaft knüpft an die Lebenswirklichkeiten von Frauen* an und ist in allen Rechtsgebieten – vom Verfassungsrecht über die Rechtsgeschichte bis hin zu Familien-, Arbeits- und Strafrecht – vertreten.
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Caton, Hannah Noelle. "A Rhetorical Analysis of Modern Day Retro-Sexism: Misogyny Masked by Glamour in Mad Men." University of Findlay / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=findlay1439993165.
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Newby, Alison Michelle. "'Women's sphere' and religious activity in America, 1800-1860 : dynamic negotiation of reality and meaning in a time of cultural distortion." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1992. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:230201.
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The thesis uses the case study of the experience of middle-class northern white women in America during the period 1800-1860 to explore several issues of wider significance. Firstly, the research focuses upon the dynamic relationships between the culturally-constructed categories of public/formal and private/informal power and participation at both the practical and symbolic levels, suggesting ways in which they intersected on the lives of women. Secondly, consideration is given to the validity of the stereotyped view that 'domestic' women were necessarily disadvantaged and dominated relative to those who aspired to public political and economic roles. Thirdly, the relationship of religious belief to these two areas is discussed, in order to discover its relevance to the way in which women both perceived themselves and were perceived by others. In seeking to explore these issues, the research has analysed the patterns of social and cultural change in the era under question, indicating how those changes influenced the perceptions and experiences of both women and men. Their reactions in terms of discourse and activity are located as strategies of negotiation in redefining both social role and participation for the sexes. The rhetoric of 'separate spheres', which was used by men and women to order their mental and physical surroundings, is reduced to its symbolic constituents in order to illustrate that the distinction between male and female arenas was more perceptual than actual. The motivating forces behind the activities and ideas of women themselves are investigated to determine the role of religion in the construction of both female self-images and wider negotiational strategies. The context of nineteenth-century social dynamics has been revealed by detailed analysis of extensive primary sources originated by both women and men for private as well as public consumption. Feminist tools of analysis which enable the conceptualisation of 'meaningful discourse' as including female contributions have further enhanced the specific focus on how women constructed their own world-views and approaches to reality. 'Traditional' approaches and tools are shown to have seriously skewed and misrepresented the reality and variety of both discourse and female experience in the era. Great efforts have been made to allow women to speak in their own words. This has produced an insight into a richness of female social participation and discourse which would otherwise be obscured. The research indicates that women were indeed actors and negotiators during the period. Those women who advocated as primary the duties of women in the domestic and social arenas were by no means setting narrow limitations on female participation in both society and discourse. The religious impulses and eschatological frameworks derived by women (varied as they were) served to order and renegotiate reality and meaning, whilst they produced female roles and influence of great significance. Women were not passive victims of male oppression. Religion can thus be perceived as a positive force which women were able to approach both for its own sake, and for their own particular ends.
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Ritchie, Genevieve Beth. "Consciousness and Praxis: Informal Learning in Social Movements." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/35568.
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The no borders movement has been an important site of anti-imperialist resistance, and as such it provides a valuable point of entry into problematizing the contradictions that constitute the relations of consciousness, praxis and ideology. By tracing the recent history of no borders activism in relation to the intensification of neoliberalism, and the prevalence of diffuse models of power, the analysis illustrates the ways in which critical praxis has been limited by the current milieu. Working from an anti-racist feminist perspective I utilize examples drawn from no borders activism to demonstrate the very real limits of informal and incidental learning in social movements. The analysis argues against the supplanting of consciousness with subjectivity as a way to avoid the problems associated with structuralist analysis. Instead, I have suggested that critical education for social action requires a dialectical engagement with the social relations that we live in, contest and transform.
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Fulfs, Patricia Ann. "The horror of feminism : understanding the second wave through the reception of controversial films." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/8999.
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Given feminists’ longstanding concerns about the ideological effects of media images, and prompted by the lack of, but continued need for, feminist activism today, some feminist scholars have become increasingly interested in how popular media shape public understandings of feminism, represent its issues, and define its history. Communication scholars also appreciate that both media texts and social movements are produced and received within particular historical contexts, and that controversies over either are discursive sites in which cultural and political values clash and their meanings are negotiated. During the 1970s, second-wave feminism, especially its radical wing, was a controversial movement which threatened to disrupt basic relations between women and men and, therefore, has been much maligned by men, women, anti-feminists, and a new generation of self-proclaimed feminists. Yet, the second wave is often portrayed inaccurately. This dissertation thus reviews key works, theories, and events associated with radical feminism as well as the debates between it and other schools of feminist thought–liberal, Marxist/socialist, psychoanalytic, cultural, and various ‘new’ feminisms. Then, employing a context-sensitive form of ideological criticism, I examine three films, their promotional strategies, their mainstream critical and scholarly receptions, and how these elements converged with particular feminist discourses within their shared historical contexts. Specifically, I investigate why the horror films Rosemary’s Baby (1968), I Spit on Your Grave (1978), and Snuff (1976)–which each featured an exposed, vulnerable, violated, or ‘monstrous’ female body–became objects of controversy when they tapped into the contemporaneous feminist issues of reproduction, rape, and pornography, respectively, and how the films’ receptions reveal ways in which people have made sense of feminism and its issues. I contend that these controversies, both individually and when viewed as a series, were symptomatic of the hegemonic negotiations of second-wave feminism and its attempts to publicize discourses about sex, violence, and the female body, negotiations which were occurring both inside and outside the women’s movement. Through these controversial cases, then, we can see feminism’s transformation–from an active movement which criticized the structures of women’s oppression to a discursive and primarily academic enterprise focused more on criticizing itself.text
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Turgeon, André. "La formation du sujet dans la philosophie féministe de Judith Butler." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12495.
Full textAbstract:
Dans Trouble dans le genre, Judith Butler conteste l’aspect identitaire du féminisme, qui selon elle produirait de nouvelles possibilités d’exclusion, basées sur la catégorie même de « femme ». Je ne contesterai pas le mouvement qu’elle adopte, à savoir que la sexualité informe du genre, qui produit le sexe, bien que j’exposerai les difficultés que cela soulève. Mon intérêt se situe dans la vision que Butler a de la formation des sujets individuels et de leur rattachement à des identités collectives, via la performativité du genre. Sa position voulant que le genre soit un acte et l’identité une pratique, je vais expliquer comment elle conçoit l’humain constitué par ses actes et critiquer, avec deux auteures féministes, sa conception du genre. J’en conclurai que Butler doit admettre qu’une forme d’identité féminine soit nécessaire au féminisme tout en tenant compte de son plaidoyer d’inclusion des individus aux sexualités marginales.In Gender Trouble, Judith Butler challenges feminism as identity politics, which, according to her, would produce a new set of potential exclusions, based on the category “woman”. I will not dispute how she articulates that sexuality gives sense to gender, which produces sex. My interest lies in how Butler understands the process of becoming a subject for an individual, and how people tend to belong to a collective identity, via gender performativity. She states that gender is an act and identity a form of practice. I will explain how she understands that human beings are constituted by their acts and criticize, according to two feminist authors, her conception of gender. I will conclude that Butler has to admit that some kind of feminine identity is necessary to feminism, even when we consider her plea for the inclusion of individuals sexually marginalized.