Academic literature on the topic 'Anti-Japanese propaganda'
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Journal articles on the topic "Anti-Japanese propaganda"
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Zhou, Min, and Hanning Wang. "Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Chinese University Students: The Influence of Contemporary Nationalist Propaganda." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 46, no. 1 (April 2017): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261704600107.
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This study looks at the sources of anti-Japanese sentiment in today's China. Using original survey data collected in June 2014 from 1,458 students at three elite universities in Beijing, we quantitatively investigate which factors are associated with stronger anti-Japanese sentiment among elite university students. In particular, we examine the link between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)'s nationalist propaganda (especially patriotic education) and university students’ anti-Japanese sentiment. We find that nationalist propaganda does indeed have a significant effect on negative sentiment towards Japan. Reliance on state-sanctioned textbooks for information about Japan, visiting museums and memorials or watching television programmes and movies relating to the War of Resistance against Japan are all associated with higher levels of anti-Japanese sentiment. The findings suggest the effectiveness of nationalist propaganda in promoting anti-Japanese sentiment. We also find that alternative sources of information, especially personal contact with Japan, can mitigate anti-Japanese sentiment. Thus, visiting Japan and knowing Japanese people in person can potentially offset some of the influences of nationalist propaganda.
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Sheppard, W. Anthony. "An Exotic Enemy: Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda in World War II Hollywood." Journal of the American Musicological Society 54, no. 2 (2001): 303–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2001.54.2.303.
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Abstract The cinema was the most effective medium for anti-Japanese propaganda in the United States during World War II and was the site of music's most important wartime role. From shortly after Pearl Harbor to the end of the U.S. occupation of Japan in 1952, Hollywood produced a large number of films offering negative depictions of the Japanese. Music assumed multiple roles in these anti-Japanese feature films and U.S. government documentaries. Never had Orientalist and racial politics been more clearly evident in music heard by so many as in these productions. These films marshaled preexistent European music, stereotypical Orientalist signs, and traditional Japanese music against the exotic enemy. This essay analyzes some sophisticated examples of musical propaganda that offer new perspectives for the study of cross-cultural musical encounters. For many in the United States, Hollywood film music continues to shape their impressions of Japan and their perceptions of Japanese music.
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Edwards, Louise. "Drawing Sexual Violence in Wartime China: Anti-Japanese Propaganda Cartoons." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 3 (June 20, 2013): 563–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813000521.
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During the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–45), China's leading cartoon artists formed patriotic associations aimed at repelling the Japanese military. Their stated propaganda goals were to boost morale among the troops and the civilian population by circulating artwork that would ignite the spirit of resistance among Chinese audiences. In keeping with the genre, racialized and sexualized imagery abounded. The artists created myriad disturbing visions of how militarized violence impacted men's and women's bodies differently. By analyzing the two major professional journals, National Salvation Cartoons and War of Resistance Cartoons, this article shows that depictions of sexual violence inflicted on Chinese women were integral to the artists' attempts to arouse the spirit of resistance. By comparing their depictions of different types of bodies (Chinese and Japanese, male and female, soldiers' and civilians') the article argues that the cartoonists believed that the depiction of sexually mutilated Chinese women would build resistance and spur patriotism while equivalent depictions of mutilated male soldiers would sap morale and hamper the war effort. The article concludes with a discussion about the dubious efficacy of propaganda that invokes a hypersexualized, masculine enemy other.
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Stockmann, Daniela. "Who Believes Propaganda? Media Effects during the Anti-Japanese Protests in Beijing." China Quarterly 202 (June 2010): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010000238.
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AbstractThe Chinese media have undergone commercial liberalization during the reform era. Interviews with media practitioners reveal that media reform has brought about three different types of newspapers that differ with respect to their degree of commercial liberalization. Based on a natural experiment during the anti-Japanese protests in Beijing in 2005, this article shows that urban residents found more strongly commercialized newspapers more persuasive than less commercialized newspapers. Provided that the state can enforce press restrictions when needed, commercial liberalization promotes the ability of the state to influence public opinion through the means of the news media.
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Moon, Krystyn R. ""There's no Yellow in the Red, White, and Blue": The Creation of Anti-Japanese Music during World War II." Pacific Historical Review 72, no. 3 (August 1, 2003): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2003.72.3.333.
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This article focuses on the production of anti-Japanese music during World War II through the frameworks of popular culture, consumption, and propaganda and by analyzing the music itself, as well as lyrics and sheet music covers. Anti-Japanese music codified certain racial beliefs while distinguishing among Asian nationalities. Portraying Japan in racialized and gendered terms told Americans something about themselves and white male superiority. These musical images also demonstrated the dialogue between the music industry and its consuming audience. Publishers and composers tried to describe the nation's emotions toward the enemy. Although their early efforts were somewhat successful, overall, anti-Japanese songs were not. Consumers looked to other musical forms and lyrics to embody the war, not necessarily voting against racism, but for more innovative music.
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Wang, Yang. "The Image of “Chinese Girl” in Japanese War Literature: Taking Tatsuzo Ishikawa, Ashihei Hino and Hiroshi Ueda as examples." Lifelong Education 9, no. 5 (August 2, 2020): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i5.1205.
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Taking the representatives of Japanese war literature during the Anti-Japanese War as examples, and combining gender studies and analysis on post-colonialism and text, this paper interprets the images of “Chinese girl” in Tatsuzo Ishikawa’s Soldiers Alive, Ashihei Hino’s Hana to Heitai and Hiroshi Ueda’s Koujin. The sexual violence suffered by Chinese women revealed in Soldiers Alive has brought trouble to the writer, while Ashihei Hino was warned by the army department about the description of Chinese women in Hana to Heitai, in which the communication and love between the Japanese army and local women shown coincide with the Japanese policy of “propaganda and comfort”. Hiroshi Ueda is a famous “solider writer” as Ashihei Hino. In his war novel Koujin, Chinese women are also portrayed as being full of “smiles” and kindness to Japanese soldiers. So Chinese women in the Anti-Japanese War were deprived of their national consciousness, thought and resistance, thus becoming “others” without any threat.
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Bochmann, Minari. "Zur Rezeption deutscher Musik in der japanischen Musikpublizistik während des Pazifischen Krieges - eine Zwischenbilanz." Die Musikforschung 73, no. 1 (September 22, 2021): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.2020.h1.29.
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This article analyses the reception of German music in the music press of Japan during the Pacific War, against the bakdrop of the German-Japanese policy of alliance and a twofold centralization of the Japanese music press. In the first half of the 1940s the number of journals dealing with European music was reduced and an official cultural association, subordinated to the ministries for culture and propaganda, was founded. A close reading of Japanese music journals from between 1941 and 1944 establishes that German music was re-interpreted several times within a relatively short period of time, depending on its use for propaganda or social conformity. At first music journals demonstrated great interest in the restructuring of cultural life in Germany and compared German art music favourably with Russian, French and American music, particularly jazz. From 1943 onwards official control of the music press tightened and, in the wake of calls for a genuinely Japanese music independent of European traditions, anti-European rhetoric became more prominent, although German art music continued to be invoked against jazz and the vulgarization of art through popular music.
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Hirsch, Paul. "“This Is Our Enemy”." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 3 (November 2012): 448–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.3.448.
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During World War II, the U.S. government, through the Writers’ War Board (WWB), co-opted comic books as an essential means of disseminating race-based propaganda to adult Americans, including members of the armed forces. Working with comic creators, the WWB crafted narratives supporting two seemingly incompatible wartime policies: racializing America’s enemies as a justification for total war and simultaneously emphasizing the need for racial tolerance within American society. Initially, anti-German and anti-Japanese narratives depicted those enemies as racially defective but eminently beatable opponents. By late 1944, however, WWB members demanded increasingly vicious comic-book depictions of America’s opponents, portraying them as irredeemably violent. Still, the Board embraced racial and ethnic unity at home as essential to victory, promoting the contributions of Chinese, Jewish, and African Americans.
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Hu (胡博林), Bolin. "Reporting China." Journal of Chinese Overseas 17, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): 84–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341435.
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Abstract This article explores how Chinese-language newspapers in Australia reported on China in the period 1931–37. These newspapers made efforts to build support for the Sino-Japanese war and influence Chinese residents in Australia. However, they offered contrasting views of the Chinese government ruled by the Kuomintang. The Tung Wah Times, along with the Chinese World’s News, continued to publish anti-Chiang Kai-shek propaganda, arguing for a strong anti-Japanese resistance. But the Chinese Republic News and the Chinese Times demonstrated support for and understanding of the Chiang government’s dilemma, though the political position of the former was much more fluid. The divergent views revealed the multiple loyalties of Chinese residents in Australia and their active community politics when their population in Australia was declining, and it was a reminder that the diasporic community cannot be homogenized with a collective concept of a “country.” It also reflected their shared identification with the Chinese nation, showing different approaches to building up a strong home country. By shaping their readerships’ Chinese patriotism and nationalism, these Chinese-language newspapers strengthened the connection and allegiances between Chinese in Australia and their homeland.
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Yang, Yiting. "The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact of April 13, 1941: China's response." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.2.35602.
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The subject of this research is response of the government, political parties, and society of the Republic of China to signing the Neutrality Pact between the USSR and Japan on April 13, 1941 – one of the crucial bilateral agreements of the World War II, which entailed fundamental changes to the Far Eastern international system. The Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact negatively affected the relations between the Soviet Union and the Republic of China. The goal of this work is to objectively assess the impact of the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of April 13, 1941 upon the domestic and foreign policy of the Chinese government, as well as further development of the Sino-Soviet relations. The novelty of this work consists in the fact that based on the poorly studied Russian and foreign documentary materials, the author examines the questions that have been rarely touched upon within the Russian historiography, such as: China’s response to conclusion of the Neutrality Pact between the USSR and Japan; its effect upon Sino-Soviet relations. The conclusion is made that the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of April 13, 1941, which marked the most difficult moment of the Sino-Japanese War, was a psychological blow to China. The position of the Kuomintang government was ambivalent: on the one hand, it refrained from the public anti-Soviet propaganda; while on the other hand, used dissatisfaction of China’s population to enhance pressure on its major political opponent – China’s Communist Party. Therefore, the Sino-Soviet relations in general did not experience severe problems; however, the internal split in the Chinese society has worsened, which substantially undermined the formation of Second United Front.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Anti-Japanese propaganda"
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Pei, Kuangyi. "Studies of Editorials of Chinese Newspapers in Regard to Anti-Japanese War (1937-1945)." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1325.
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More than sixty years have passed since China's Resistance War against Japan in 1937-1945 ended. Chinese people made a significant contribution to winning the victory over Japan. Chinese newspapers and magazines, especially editorials at that time, played a key role in the propaganda of the War of Resistance, boosting national morale, and exposing war crimes of Japanese aggressors.
Chinese newspapers and magazines included many important incidents and issues regarding the War of Resistance. This thesis selects editorials of three representative topics: the future of the War of Resistance, the defensive combat of the Chinese nationalist army in the front lines, and the war crimes of Japanese invaders to offer a clear, concise narrative whose central themes are better reflecting and commemorating that unforgettable time from the cultural dimension.
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CHEN, CHUN-AN, and 陳俊安. "Broadcast Propaganda in Japanese Occupied Territory during the Early Years of the Anti-Japanese War – Taking the Survey of Enemy Broadcast News as an Example." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/6v8pgn.
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碩士輔仁大學
歷史學系碩士班
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After the outbreak of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in 1937, Japan and China formally went to war. In the course of the ensuing eight-year conflict both sides carried out a continuous propaganda war focused on mutual deception. Survey of Enemy Broadcast News is an important record of this effort. Even though its historical materials only cover a 14 month period, from December 1938 to January 1940, it contains extremely rich material on politics, economics, military affairs, foreign affairs, transportation, and news of the enemy. Several important events occurred during the course of the 14 months. This included the battles of Khalkhyn Gol and Hainan Island, exploited by the Japanese against the Chinese nationalist government. In addition, not only did Huabei engage in a currency war with the nationalist government, it also unceasingly endeavored to cut off the nationalist government’s foreign support. Along with this external pressure, the Chinese government also faced several internal problems. The flight of Wang Taoming was an enormous blow. In addition, the nationalist government had to be cautious in its “cooperation” with the Chinese Communist Party. Overall, the situation of the nationalist government was exceedingly precarious at this time. Japan seized this opportunity to use related information as a basis for repeated propaganda campaigns. The response of the nationalist government was passive as a result of the disadvantageous circumstances it faced. This study presents a comparative analysis of the propaganda of both sides in order to understand the intentions of this propaganda. The effort, it argues, not only affected the public and military morale of its targets, but profoundly influenced future development.
Books on the topic "Anti-Japanese propaganda"
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Chūgoku hannichi undō no haikei: Naigai chomeijin no ronsetsu yori kōsatsusuru. Tōkyō: Tōshi Shobō, 2005.
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Os intelectuais diante do racismo antinipônico no Brasil: Textos e silêncios. São Paulo, SP, Brasil: AnnaBlume, 2010.
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Otoshimeru Kankoku Odosu Chūgoku: Shin Teikoku Jidai tamesareru Nihon. Tōkyō: Sankei Shinbun Shuppan, 2014.
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Tanaka, Tsunejirō. "Manshū" ni okeru hanman kōnichi undō no kenkyū. Tōkyō: Ryokuin Shobō, 1997.
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Ōta, Masahide. Okinawa senka no Bei-Nichi shinri sakusen. Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten, 2004.
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Dare mo kakanakatta "hannichi" chihōshi no shōtai. Tōkyō: Sankei Shinbun Shuppan, 2011.
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Fu nü zhi dao wei yuan hui yu kang Ri zhan zheng: Fu nv zhi dao wei yuan hui. Beijing: Ren min chu ban she, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Anti-Japanese propaganda"
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Wei, Shuge. "Facing Dilemmas." In News Under Fire. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390618.003.0006.
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Chapter 5 traces the development of China’s international propaganda from mid-1932 to June 1937, a period characterized by the government’s appeasement of Japan. International propaganda efforts were conducted under a complex environment in which Chiang Kai-shek had to address Japan’s call for suppressing anti-Japanese movements and tempered the leftists’ criticism of his appeasement policy. As a result, Chiang ended up speaking with two voices. While restricting the anti-Japanese speech in the domestic press, he secretly subsidized Hollington Tong, editor of the China Press, to maintain the paper’s traditional anti-Japanese policy. To strengthen control over the English-language press in China, the Nationalist government continued to dissolve the extraterritorial protection of treaty-port papers by withdrawing cable rights from foreign companies. It reorganized the Central News Agency to replace Reuters’ service in China and recruited Western-educated journalists to lead the Central News Agency’s English-language branch. In doing so, it tightened control of news transmission abroad and expanded news networks essential for a centralized international propaganda system.
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Sheppard, W. Anthony. "An Exotic Enemy." In Extreme Exoticism, 197–233. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190072704.003.0006.
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The cinema was the most effective medium for anti-Japanese propaganda in the U.S. during World War II and was the site of music’s most important wartime role. From shortly after Pearl Harbor to the end of the U.S. occupation of Japan in 1952, Hollywood produced a large number of films offering negative depictions of the Japanese. Music assumed multiple roles in these anti-Japanese feature films and U.S. government documentaries. Never had Orientalist and racial politics been more clearly evident in music heard by so many as in these productions. These films marshaled preexistent European music, stereotypical Orientalist signs, and traditional Japanese music against the exotic enemy. Select sophisticated examples of musical propaganda are analyzed, offering new perspectives for the study of cross-cultural musical encounters. For many in the U.S., Hollywood film music continues to shape their impressions of Japan and their perceptions of Japanese music.
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Wei, Shuge. "Beyond the Front Line." In News Under Fire. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390618.003.0003.
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Chapter 2 examines China and Japan’s confrontation in the English-language press during the Jinan Incident in May 1928. Japan’s swift, consistent and intensive reporting about the event drowned out China’s voice in both the treaty-port and metropolitan papers. But what contributed to Japan’s victory of the propaganda battle was not only its sophisticated news network, but also the favorable context of international public opinion. Japanese-controlled media portrayed Chinese troops as looters, and established Japan as a defender of imperial interests in China. The Nationalist government’s propaganda efforts, in contrast, were hindered by factional struggles among the top leaders, and the anti-foreign tradition of the Nationalist Party.
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Chao, Liu. "From Radical Nationalism to Anti-modernism." In Manchukuo Perspectives, 140–56. Hong Kong University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888528134.003.0010.
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After Manchukuo’s establishment, survival of Chinese “new literature” experienced hardship under colonial cultural dominance. Debates over overarching themes, styles, and orientations for Manchukuo literature, along with treatment of Japanese culture's paradoxical influence, generated two opposing intellectual factions: the Record of Art and Literature and the Selection of Writings groups, which appealed to literary modernity and national cultural identity. The Record of Art and Literature group endeavored to reconcile modernization pursuits with entrenched national consciousness, thus laying emphasis on literary production's independence and diversity while linking Chinese literature's modernization with emulation of its Japanese counterpart. In contrast, the Selection of Writings’ major goals were “describing social realities,” “inheriting literary traditions,” and “writing by the common people”. Inheriting the May Fourth Movement’s nationalist discourse, they further radicalized it through native-land literature to highlight literature's socio-political function, with national salvation as ultimate goal. Thereby, they rejected colonial modern infrastructure and culture. However, their underlying aesthetic notions, topics, and stylistic features somewhat resembled those of colonial propaganda organs, eventually turning them towards anti-modern complicity with colonial ideology.
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Wei, Shuge. "Conclusion." In News Under Fire. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390618.003.0010.
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The period between 1928 and 1941 witnessed two marked trends: the growing sympathy for China’s anti-Japanese cause in the English-language press and the development of China’s foreign propaganda system. The two processes were closely connected. Even before China became a military ally of the United States and Britain after Pearl Harbor, it had already become an emotional ally. A change in national image is always a complex process. Other elements, such as the conflict of interests between the Western powers and Japan as well as Japanese atrocities in China, may well have contributed to the shift in public opinion. Yet it is undeniable that China’s continuous propaganda efforts intensified the existing tensions between Japan and the Western powers and strongly promoted the change. History does not allow “what if” questions. Yet some hypothetical scenarios are useful in urging us toward a reevaluation of the significance of certain stories and events that are absent from current history telling. Would the United States have entered the war in 1941 without any propaganda effort from the Nationalist government? Had the United States delayed confrontation with Japan and stayed out of East Asia, could Chiang Kai-shek’s government have survived Japan’s encirclement? If the Chiang Kai-shek regime had collapsed in the early 1940s, would World War II have ended with the same result?...
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Kurashige, Lon. "Winds of War." In Two Faces of Exclusion. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469629438.003.0008.
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This chapter covers the period during and just after World War II, a time when anti-Asian racism peaked against Japanese Americans while softening significantly for other Asian groups and in some ways even for Japanese Americans themselves. The destruction of Pearl Harbor led to the evacuation and internment of 110,000 Japanese Americans from the West Coast based on deep suspicions about the group’s loyalty. Yet faced with necessities related to war propaganda, the federal government also celebrated Japanese Americans, including internees, as loyal Americans, which culminated in the praise for triumphant Nisei soldiers. Meanwhile, Congress repealed Chinese, Filipino, and Indian exclusion, and California repealed the alien land law due to exigencies stemming for U.S. military alliances and international relations during World War II and subsequent Cold War. By 1952, through the McCarran-Walter immigration legislation, Congress repealed Japanese exclusion and for the first time all Asian nations had immigration quotas and their peoples could become U.S. citizens. This was a “great transformation” in the annuals of Asian American history.
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McDonald, Andrew T., and Verlaine Stoner McDonald. "Crusade for Peace." In Paul Rusch in Postwar Japan, 44–70. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813176079.003.0003.
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Chapter 2 describes how Paul Rusch, in the face of rising militarism in Japan and increasing anti-Japanese sentiment in America, held fast to his belief that war could be averted through prayer and promoting Christianity in Japan. Despite a growing anti-Western movement in Japan, Rusch worked to establish Seisen-Ryo, a Christian training camp near Kiyosato. With the patronage of the heiress Miki Sawada, with whom it is rumored Rusch had a romantic relationship, Rusch managed to complete his task despite formidable obstacles. Rusch ran afoul of the American church mission when he took a propaganda tour of Japanese-occupied areas of China and Manchuria. Rusch was labeled an apologist for Japan’s expansionist policies, drawing criticism and ridicule from the press. U.S. Ambassador to Japan Joseph Grew tried to warn Rusch against being an advocate for Japan, but Rusch publicly maintained the United States did not understand Japan’s intentions. Later, when the Episcopal Church withdrew its entire missionary delegation from Japan, Rusch defiantly stayed in Tokyo. Days after Pearl Harbor was attacked, Rusch and many of his friends were arrested by Japanese police.
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Monserrati, Michele. "Mussolini in Japan: Japanese Representations in the Age of Fascism." In Searching for Japan, 85–136. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789621075.003.0003.
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In chapter 2, the focus is on travel literature on Japan during the Fascist period, with specific attention to the shift in the mode of representing Japan before and after the Anti-Comintern Pact between Italy, Germany and Japan of November 6, 1937. This historical event is the watershed moment that serves to separate the chapter in two sections. Before the ratification of the anti-communist pact, a nationalistic approach informed by a sense of Italian cultural supremacy defined the attitude of Italians writers who landed in the East Asian country. The chapter’s second half traces Mussolini’s attempts to reshape the image of Japan in Italian public opinion. Beyond the propaganda, the chapter calls for a more nuanced assessment of this literary production. One example is offered by Pietro Silvio Rivetta, who seized the opportunity presented by the military alliance to reinforce his longstanding cultural project of introducing Japanese culture to Italy. Another example, is suggested by the case of Arundel Del Re, whose life spent across countries and continents exposed him to the pitfalls of his cosmopolitan identity, but also generated in him a sense of belonging, from East to West, that transcend the limits posed by national borders.
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Wen-shuo, Liao. "Between Alliance and Rivalry." In Beyond Pan-Asianism, 350–77. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190129118.003.0013.
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The increasing availability in recent years of the Nationalist government documents, intelligence materials, and the personal papers and diaries of Nationalist figures from the 1930s to 1940s has allowed historians to refresh their perspectives on the events of these years and acquire a clearer view of how the Nationalist government in Chongqing assessed the War situation both in China and abroad. This chapter further explores Wartime networking across geo-political borders for intelligence collaboration and anti-Japanese propaganda campaigns, and probes the impact of Chongqing’s perceptions of India on its planning to form alliances and exercise diplomacy, determined largely by India’s strategic position and by the fact that the decolonization of India and its independence would enable India to join the war and thus help safeguard Chinese interests.
Conference papers on the topic "Anti-Japanese propaganda"
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Cob, Saiful Akram Che. "Visual Propaganda: A Symbolic Anti-thesis towards Japanese Occupation in Malaya (1942-1945)." In 1st International Conference on Interdisciplinary Arts and Humanities. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0008765103770381.
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