Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Anti-money laundering'

Надзвичайно важливим та актуальним питанням сьогодні є дослідження впровадження інноваційної технології блокчейну у галузі фінансів, електронної комерції, банківського сектору як найефективнішого інструменту забезпечення захисту, збереження конфіденційної інформації, а також анонімності учасників транзакцій. У статті описано використання технології блокчейну фінансовими установами. Визначено основні особливості використання технології блокчейн, наведено переваги та недоліки блокчейну. Стаття досліджує характер загроз, які виникають під час переказу, зберігання та використання цифрових валют для боротьби з відмиванням грошей. Застосування технології блокчейну в банку як інтегрованої системи протидії відмиванню грошей є виправданим, щоб мінімізувати негативний вплив цього явища. Для ефективної протидії легалізації незаконного доходу в банку автори рекомендують використовувати триступеневий підхід до побудови системи протидії відмиванню грошей. Він складається з ідентифікації клієнта на основі алгоритму консенсусу блокчейну, блокування транзакцій з ризиком боротьби з відмиванням грошей, які визначаються міжнародними та національними регуляторами у сфері боротьби з відмиванням грошей, а також моніторингу транзакцій за допомогою алгоритмів оцінки ризиків інтелектуальних транзакцій з використання метаданих транзакцій та підтримка повної інформації про користувачів. Запропоновано блок-схему алгоритму проведення операцій у банку через систему на основі технології блокчейну з можливим підключенням до мережі зовнішнього регулятора у сфері протидії відмиванню грошей.
Чрезвычайно важной и актуальной проблемой на сегодняшний день является исследование внедрения инновационной технологии блокчейн в сфере финансов, электронной коммерции, банковского сектора как наиболее эффективного инструмента обеспечения безопасности, сохранения конфиденциальной информации, а также анонимности участников транзакций. Описывается использование технологии блокчейн финансовыми учреждениями, наведены преимущества и недостатки блокчейна. Выявлены основные особенности использования технологии блокчейн. Также в работе исследуется природа угроз, возникающих при передаче, хранении и использовании цифровых валют для противодействия отмыванию денег. Использование в банке технологии блокчейн в качестве интегрированной системы противодействия отмыванию денег оправдано для минимизации негативного воздействия этого явления. Для эффективного противодействия легализации доходов в банке авторы рекомендуют использовать трехступенчатый подход к построению системы противодействия отмыванию денег. Он состоит из идентификации клиента на основе алгоритма консенсуса блокчейна, блокировки транзакций с риском противодействия отмыванию денег, которые определяются международными и национальными регуляторами в сфере борьбы с отмыванием денег, а также мониторинга транзакций с использованием интеллектуальных алгоритмов оценки риска транзакций с использование метаданных транзакций и ведение полной информации о пользователях. Предложена блок-схема алгоритма проведения транзакций в банке через систему на основе технологии блокчейн с возможным подключением к сети внешнего регулятора в сфере противодействия отмыванию денег.
An extremely imp and relevant issue today is the study of the implementation of innovative blockchain technology in the field of finance, e-commerce, the banking sector as the most effective tool of providing securing, saving confidential information as well as anonymity of participants in transactions. The paper describes the use of blockchain technology by financial institutions. The main features of the use of blockchain technology are identified. In this study, the advantages and disadvantages of blockchain are described. The article investigates the nature of the threats that arise during the transfer, storage, and use of digital currencies for anti-money laundering. The use of blockchain technology in the bank as an integrated system for anti-money laundering is justified to minimize the negative impact of this phenomenon. For effective counteraction of the illegal income legalization in the bank, it is recommended by authors to use a three-step approach to build the anti-money laundering system. It consists of client identification based on the blockchain consensus algorithm, blocking transactions with the risk of anti-money laundering, which are determined by international and national regulators in the anti-money laundering sphere as well as monitoring transactions using intellectual transaction risk assessment algorithms with the use of transaction metadata and maintaining complete information about users. The block diagram of the algorithm for conducting transactions in a bank through the system based on blockchain technology with a possible connection to the network of the external regulator in the sphere of anti-money laundering has been proposed.

Anti-Money laundering legislation has become a major global issue, with nations and organisations under pressure to adhere and comply with strict control measures in place. The United States post 9/11 in league with other big Nations have been at the forefront of strict Anti-Money laundering initiatives, but a fair question to ask is how well the system is really doing? The implementation of the global AML framework is dependent upon the compliance of individual states, thereby making the presence of an adequate legal and institutional framework at national level a requisite requirement for an effective Anti-Money laundering system. Despite the incorporation of strict Anti-Money Laundering regulations into Nigerian laws, the misappropriation of Nigerian moneys, notably by public officials, has continued unabated. While the need for a concise and unambiguous harmonisation of international regulations cannot be overemphasised, and despite the concerted efforts in this regard, a trans-jurisdictional review by this researcher of both primary and secondary sources like conventions and academic literature have unearthed conceptual, legal, regulatory problems, as well as a seeming desire for theoretical, rather than practical compliance. In other words, global AML efforts seem more academic than practical. Accordingly, legal and regulatory reforms to International Anti-Money laundering initiatives can only be achieved with a proper appreciation of the culture and unique peculiarities of the receptive jurisdiction where emphasis is placed on the local environment rather than a mere response to International requirements for the sake of it. International AML regulations, and within this context, the FATF recommendations are meant for universal application, traversing the distinct quirks of diverse cultures, but the test here is its suitability or otherwise to the socio-cultural, political, economic and legal realities of Nigeria. The fleecing of Nigerian public moneys most notably by public officials has continued unabated despite the incorporation of strict AML laws.

CHDS State/Local
After 9/11, anti-money laundering banking regulations were increased to counter terrorism finance. This study attempts to identify whether increasing banking regulations has countered terrorism finance by reviewing terrorism prosecutions. This study looked at federal terrorism prosecutions from January 2004 through April 2009. The study reviewed court documents and case backgrounds for indicators that anti-money laundering banking regulations were useful to the terrorism prosecution by either detecting terrorism financing or by supporting other charges, such as money laundering. The study did not find that banking regulations detected terrorist financing. The avoidance of banking regulations was used to support money laundering charges in two cases; however, pre-9/11 regulations would have sufficed. The study found that increasing anti-money laundering banking regulations had limited effects on countering terrorism financing. How anti-money laundering banking regulations are implemented within a counter-terrorism finance regime should be reevaluated.

The primary objective of this diploma thesis is to comprehensively present the issue of money laundering not only on a macro level but also in terms of commercial bank and its microeconomic response to it. The main contribution of this diploma thesis is to identify the global indicators, which should be considered when drafting strategies in the fight against the legalization of proceeds from crimes. This diploma thesis addresses the changes caused by current globalization and highlights the dangerous effects it has on evolution of this consequent criminal activity together with evaluation of its potential in the future. Due to the tense situation in Europe caused by the series of terrorist attacks, part of the work is dedicated to the explanation of the relationship between terrorist financing and money laundering.

In recent decades, the international community has made a concerted effort to develop the international Anti-Money Laundering Standards (AMLSs) and enhance their implementation at a national level. It is submitted that the AMLSs serve various laudable aims and States should adequately implement those standards. In fact, most States, including Vietnam, have been striving for the highest level of compliance with the AMLSs. This thesis suggests that external pressure and State socialization has compelled developing States to implement and comply with the international AMLSs, and Vietnam is an obvious case study. This thesis examines concisely the development and underlying rationales of a number of key categories of international AMLSs, and the difference in national implementation of each category. The implementation of such multifaceted standards in a transitional State, like Vietnam, requires substantial legal and administrative reform, which often faces numerous domestic hurdles. The examination of Vietnamese AML legislation has revealed that while significant deficiencies remain, certain categories of AMLSs have been transformed wholesale into Vietnamese law. As a part of the objectives of this study, suggestions for law reform have been made to close the gaps between the AML laws of Vietnam and the international standards. It is likely that Vietnam, within a short time, will revise the laws in order to obtain a better degree of compliance. However, given the political, economic and legal factors of Vietnam, this thesis argues that the enforcement of the laws in practice will be still limited. In other words, in the near future Vietnam can achieve what appears to be a high level of compliance with the international AMLSs, but only on paper.

Human trafficking is one of the most profitable and quickly growing organized crimes. Human trafficking occurs across the globe, including in the United States. The high profits from human trafficking outweigh the risks to the trafficker, making this a lucrative crime. Victims of trafficking are often not willing to come forward, making prosecution difficult. Federal laws and regulations have evolved over the years to be a valuable tool. However, inconsistencies in state laws surrounding trafficking often leave the burden of identification and prosecution on federal agencies. Anti-money laundering efforts are one of the ways this crime can be identified and prevented. Human trafficking profiles of high risk businesses, trafficker characteristics, victim characteristics, and money laundering red flags should be combined to create a typology that can be used by financial institutions and law enforcement to identify possible human trafficking activity. Existing money laundering statutes should be used more often during the prosecution stage to add additional sentencing times and allow for seizure of assets.

This thesis advances global governance literature by focusing on the conditions under which procedural harmonisation occurs and how it is characterised. It suggests that the existence of a network of intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) complements great powers’ action and acts as a force for harmonisation in the making of international anti-money laundering (AML) standards. Procedural harmonisation is identified firstly, through a discussion on great power coalitions and how their interests set international agendas and impose compliance. Secondly, it is also recognised as an outcome of the IGOs’ network action through shared preferences, resource exchanges and stable relationships. Ultimately, the analysis determines that great powers are a necessary but not sufficient condition for procedural harmonisation, which is moreover favoured when legitimacy, expertise, and the need to achieve compliance are present. In sum, the thesis discusses the impact of international actors’ interactions in the making of international AML standards from 1989 to 2014, particularly the development of FATF Recommendations on ‘Customer Due Diligence’. The analysis identifies that the United States and the European Union, as great powers and members to the G-7, are the most influential actors. However, it adds that the IGOs network structure created between the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the United Nations, and the Committee of Experts on the Evaluation of Anti-Money Laundering Measures and the Financing of Terrorism is also a necessary actor to the achievement of procedural harmonisation. Data analysis is carried out through process-tracing, which triangulates elite interviews and non-participant observation with primary and secondary documents of legal, policy and expert nature. This thesis concludes that: a) procedural harmonisation is a product of international cooperation; b) IGOs gain influence in standard-making through network structures; and, c) procedural harmonisation may be an example to future global governance strategies if complemented with levels of legitimacy, expertise and the need to achieve compliance.

Regulators have been chasing launders for years. The increasing use of crypto assets in illegal trades brought regulators to amend existing procedures and include the new virtual entries. Based on a shared opinion that crypto-assets are here to stay, the purpose of this essay is to describe how the Fifth Anti-Money Laundering Directive and its transposition into Italian law contribute to preventing money laundering practices using crypto assets. In the end, a comparative analysis of the crypto-exchange platforms has been carried out to study how different crypto-exchange platforms comply with the customer due diligence procedures laid down by regulators.

Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)
The primary aim of an individual who engages in criminal activity, particularly at an organised level, is to make profit. However, criminals are not merely bent on gaining financial profit, but are especially desirous of enjoying the proceeds of the crimes that they perpetrate and reinvesting the illicit proceeds in other criminal schemes. Such reinvestments have to be made carefully, without drawing attention to their criminal provenance. Financial institutions, such as banks, are used to launder the illegally obtained monies. Money laundering and the financing of terrorism are transnational crimes which constitute a great economic, social and political threat to national economies and political stability. The devastating effects of money laundering and the financing of terrorism have activated the international community to develop a comprehensive anti-money laundering legal framework at both the international and regional level. Most countries in the world today have adopted antimoney laundering laws and policies.

There is a general understanding in the financial and regulatory environment that virtual currencies pose a challenge for monitoring and combating money laundering. However, there is uncertainty of the exact threats that virtual currencies poses to the U.S. anti-money laundering regulations. The purpose of this study is to examine the evolution of virtual currencies, clarify the threats that virtual currencies pose to U.S. anti-money laundering regulations, and determine if it is possible for the U.S. Government to regulate and monitor the use of virtual currencies to deter economic crime.

The methods of research for this study include a literature review of scholarly articles, case studies, statistical analysis, and Internet research from reputable sources. The results of this study will show that the primary reasons virtual currencies pose a threat to U.S. anti-money laundering regulations is due to the anonymity and decentralization of its structure. Any recent attempts at regulating these transactions have been met by the development of third party software that aids criminal organizations in circumventing new regulations. Unless there is a unified effort from world governments to understand how the currencies operate, understand the threats that they create, and to implement new and unique regulations specific to virtual currencies, then virtual currencies will remain the preferred decentralized payment method of most criminal organizations.

Keywords: Economic Crime Management, Capstone Project, Professor Raymond Philo, Crypto-currency, Bitcoin.

Anti-Money Laundering has become the term for many stakeholders including Financial Institutions and law enforcement agencies that attempt to prevent the movement of money obtained from criminal activity. This research combines two important areas within the money laundering arena: Anti-Money Laundering preventative measures and Anti-Money Laundering Policy. This study aims to discover significant determinants that influence the current anti-money laundering policy (AML) by understanding the relationship between criminal activity, stakeholder activity and public policy. This research adopts a pragmatic approach which embraces the use of mixed methods. The strategy using mixed method (triangulation) approach for data collection increase the rigor and robustness of the research in terms of exploration, validation and confirmation of findings. From a pragmatic perspective a better understanding of the research problem could be achieved that overcomes complexities in the context of the research, such as access to key stakeholders. The research question “What are the factors that influence the effectiveness of AML policy implementation in the UK?” is answered using a four phase approach to data collection and analysis that incorporates theme identification from literature, focus group interviews, survey questionnaire and verification of factors through individual participation. The findings of the research point to three areas of activity that could be confirmed as areas in which policy changes can be applied. These are ‘sentencing’ as a deterrent to crime; ‘reporting regime’ for suspicious activity reports, and ‘criminal knowledge’ based on law enforcement tactics’. The methods used also provided an abundance of additional material that set the findings in their appropriate environment.

Doctor Legum - LLD
Along with its inumerable wonders, the advent of the internet has brought with it very bad vices. The notion of convenience, which comes with the use of the internet, can be attributed to criminals who wish to disguise the proceeds of their ill-derived funds, or what is better known as cyberlaundering. Cyberlaundering is a phenomenon that seems negligible on face value, but, to the contrary, has very dire effects, especially on national economies, which are in no way trifling.This study describes the problem of cyberlaundering, pointing out the various legal issues pertaining to it. Given that cyberlaundering is a comparatively new crime, which is not yet conceptualized legally, criminal justice authorities find it hard to detect, investigate and prosecute cyberlaundering. An adequate legal regime against cyberlaundering is currently non-existent, as there is presently no concise international or national legal framework in place to contain the problem. Whilst the chief focus of the thesis is to devise a legal framework to combat cyberlaundering, considerable attention is also devoted to the tension that arises between public and private interests, amongst several other legal issues that come to play along the way. This is a debate that necessarily arises when legislatures resort to more radical anti-cyberlaundering laws. The study advocates a middle ground, which leads to the desired end of curbing the exponential growth of cyberlaundering, at the very least.

Magister Legum - LLM
Money laundering (hereafter ML) is a multidisciplinary topic which has become important since the late 1980s. The term ‘laundering’ literally means ‘washing’ or ‘removing dirt’. It has been defined as the conversion of criminal income into assets that cannot be traced back to the underlying crime. Criminals use ML as a way of keeping control over the proceeds of crime and to provide, ultimately, a cover for their income and wealth. ML occurs every time any transaction takes place, regardless of whether it involves any form of property or benefit, whether tangible or not tangible, which is derived from criminal activity. ML is regulated at the global, regional and national levels. To combat ML and other financial crimes, Malawi enacted the Financial Crimes Act (hereafter FCA). The FCA establishes the Financial Intelligence Authority (hereafter FIA) as an institution whose objectives include collecting financial intelligence regarding suspicious transactions.

Money laundering is a serious crime with potentially wide ranging consequences that have numerous implications for criminological research. However, criminology rarely explores this crime, nor its potential impact on other more central crimes of interest (e.g. drug trafficking or organized crime). The present study adds to a limited body of literature examining money laundering from a criminological perspective, evaluating aspects of its regulation and social control within the banking industry. Several aspects of regulatory oversight and company dynamics such as fine/settlement size, company size, and the likelihood of non-AML/OFAC violations to predict future AML/OFAC violations were evaluated. These analyses largely supported that banking crimes, and more specifically AML violations, follow the same patterns observed within previous corporate crime research. However, the primary focus of this research was to evaluate the effectiveness of industry success rankings as a form of social control as it pertains to AML violations and to determine whether or not banks that ranked well on industry rankings were also less likely to have banking violations. A variety of rankings including safety, asset-based, and overall performance measures were used to assess their relationship to bank violations, with analyses supporting that these banking industry success markers held little relationship to or acknowledgment of a firm’s previous AML/OFAC violations. Implications are discussed at length including the importance of and numerous directions for future criminological research on money laundering violation within the banking industry, suggested regulatory reforms, and the need for a wider variety and more tailored industry success measures to affect some level of social control.

Magister Legum - LLM
This paper discusses the progress of international anti-money laundering (AML) law with regard to making tax evasion a predicate offence for the crime of money laundering (ML). This paper will focus particularly on the recent amendments that the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) made to its 40 + 9 Recommendations. The FATF Recommendations are recognised as the global AML standards. The amendments to these have resulted in tax crimes being made designated offences for ML. The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the rationale behind this change and to assess the implications of bringing fiscal crimes under the AML regime.

Written in response to a current gap in academic and industry based literature, this thesis was written on the topic of Trade Based Money Laundering (TBML) and risk assessment, within the banking context. Despite the increased use of TBML, most academic descriptions of money laundering have used the cash based model of placement and integration of large cash deposits acquired from criminal activity, which are then merged into legitimate pre-existing funds. However, there are a significant number of examples to show that cash transferred into goods and then shipped to other countries can be easier to move and less conspicuous or traceable than simple cash based deposits. One of the main challenges for detecting shipping based laundering techniques is that they involve a number of agencies sharing data and information, in order to catch the criminals. Simple banking checks may not always elicit the required information without verification from either customs or law enforcement agencies. The research sought to identify the current challenges and issues facing risk assessment professionals in the banking sector and to identify gaps in the current systems being used. The data collected included interviews and survey information taken from professionals working on AML risk assessment in banking and financial institutions from across the globe. In addition to the description of different money laundering schemes, much of the current academic discussion on money laundering in banking has focused on the regulation requirements for financial institutions to stop money laundering activity, but there has been little empirical guidance on how regulation can be adapted and implemented at the individual banking level. This research accessed a number of legal cases available in the public domain, which were analysed to see how and where some of the larger banks have failed to implement current anti-money laundering controls and to consider how this could impact on the detection of TBML activity. This research uses an Agency theory model to look at the pressures banks are under to manage client’s accounts efficiently, versus the requirements of outside regulation to undertake extensive checks on business transactions and accounts. Finally, the researcher proposed a simple risk matrix approach that developed the current thinking of client behaviour and transaction monitoring risk analysis associated with cash based laundering, to develop a four-point risk model that added geography and third party behaviour, to account for shipping and trade based laundering activity.

Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure)
Money laundering is a practice 'as old as money itself'. In 1931, after the conviction of Al Capone for tax evasion, there was a noticeable trend in the use various methods to camouflage assets deriving from crimes. Indeed, the practice of money laundering became not only more prevalent, but also more detectable. However, the term "money laundering" was used for the first time in connection with the Watergate Scandal in the United States, when the Republican Party channelled money obtained illegally via Mexican banks to fund its election campaign. In 1986, the US Congress adopted the Money Laundering Control Act to criminalise money laundering. The US recognised that, having an international character, money laundering could not be combated with domestic laws and controls alone, and that, being the only country implementing strict regulations, the US had placed itself in an economically disadvantageous position. Therefore, the US brought the issue of money laundering to the attention of the international community.

Magister Legum - LLM
From failing to arrest and surrender Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir1 in accordance with its obligations under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court2 (Rome Statute), to its President acting inconsistently with its Supreme law3, it is evident that the rule of law is under threat in South Africa. Furthermore, South Africa has witnessed the cultivation of a culture of impunity for corruption in high office. South Africa has also experienced an increase in heinous crimes committed against women and children. The South African Rand recently plummeted given that its Minister of Finance Pravin Gordhan, recently faced charges of fraud4, as well as the ripple effect caused by the Fees Must Fall Movement.5 Against the backdrop of the above-mentioned issues that plague South Africa and hinder its development, the fight against money laundering hardly seems of pivotal importance in achieving the desired stability and development of the country. There is a public perception that money laundering is a crime of little consequence.8 This perception derives from the fact that money laundering does not have a direct impact on its victims and in some instances benefits the economy as it increases the profits for the financial sector and results in a greater availability of credit.9 Laundered money arguably is not harmful but rather beneficial to developing economies because money remains money, whether it is proceeds of crime or honestly earned.10 Although an increase in money is appealing to developing countries, the benefits that accompany laundered money are short-lived as the crime affects society adversely in the long run.11 However, where a country fails to prevent and prosecute money laundering offences, the prevalence of money laundering will impede the development of a state as it not only increases the profitability of crime and encourages the prevalence of corruption, but it also causes damage to critical financial sector institutions.12 Money laundering influences the commission of crimes that generate large amounts of profit, namely, organised crime, which is often described as the twin brother of money laundering.13 This is because criminals do not commit crimes to make money only but to enjoy this money as well.14 However, criminals need to launder their money in order to enjoy the proceeds of their criminal activities without drawing attention to these activities.15 Countries that combat money laundering effectively make it more difficult for criminals to launder the proceeds of their crimes. It becomes more risky for them to indulge in their ill-gotten gains, thus dissuading them from engaging in economic criminality.16 Money laundering is a process where the proceeds of crime are concealed and disguised in order to make them appear lawful.17 Criminals are thus able to enjoy the financial benefits of the crimes they commit.18 The pervasiveness of money laundering in a country does not only affect the confidence the public have in the country’s financial institutions but also undermines the confidence foreign investors and financial institutions have in a developing state’s financial institutions.19 A country can, therefore, run the risk of not benefitting from foreign direct investment.20 The financial institutions rely heavily on what the public think about their integrity.21

Politically exposed persons have become a specific risk factor in money laundering. The Financial Action Task Force has formulated clear and specific requirements for dealing with these individuals. Internationally, various jurisdictions such as the United Kingdom and the European Union have adopted effective legislation encompassing the 2003 Financial Action Task Force Recommendations. In South Africa the requirement to apply appropriate, risk based procedures to politically exposed persons has been limited to banks. The aim of this research study was to identify whether the South African anti-money laundering regulatory framework, adequately addresses managing the risks of politically exposed persons. The regulatory frameworks of the United Kingdom and the European Union, as well as the requirements of the Financial Action Task Force, were used to determine whether best practice is followed in South Africa with regard to politically exposed persons. The process of how money is laundered has been examined as well as the methods that corrupt politically exposed persons use in order to launder money. The study has shown that politically exposed persons are not regulated in South Africa in accordance with the Financial Action Task Force Recommendations issued in 2003, while the South African Anti-Money Laundering Regulatory Framework does not adequately address the risk posed by corrupt, politically exposed persons. Both international best practice and the recommendations of the World Bank were considered in terms of the way in which to address the risks posed by these persons effectively.
Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
Auditing
unrestricted

Money laundering is a financial crime that threatens the stability of a country's financial sector. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore the strategies that compliance officers used to improve the AML program in a multinational bank in the northeastern United States. The target population was purposefully selected using bank compliance officers because they have experience with the strategies to improve the AML program. The normative neo-institutional theory framed the discussion of this study. Data were collected from interviews with 10 AML compliance officers and the achieved data. The Krippendorff method of content analysis was used to analyze the data. Six themes emerged from the findings including strategies to improve AML compliance in a multinational bank and the economic consequences of inadequate AML programs. The findings of the study show that advanced technology, employee trainings and management oversight are essential to improve AML program. The results of these analyses suggested the pervasive economic and social repercussions of money laundering on the multinational bank. The findings of the study may contribute to positive social change by identifying strategies that banking leaders could incorporate in the AML programs to reduce the risk of bank failures, promote the bank's participation in social development projects, and provide employment opportunities to the community members.

Magister Legum - LLM
Financial crimes are transnational in nature, and no country is immune from them. They are an international problem that can best be solved through international cooperation on a global scale. It is therefore necessary to have rules and norms that apply worldwide in order to deal with these crimes comprehensively.1 Of particular prominence is the crime of money laundering (ML), which may be defined as the processing of criminal proceeds to disguise their illegal origin.2 This term is relatively new and is broadly defined, with the definitions varying from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. In Zimbabwe, money laundering acts are listed in the Money Laundering and Proceeds of Crime Act 34 of 2013 (the Principal Act).3 The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) is the main international inter-governmental body formed specifically to set AML standards and to promote their implementation globally.

Doctor Legum - LLD
This thesis investigates the legislative measures employed in South Africa to combat the implication of lawyers in money laundering schemes. Criminals make use of sophisticated technological means to transfer money and launderers routinely approach lawyers to assist them in their illegal endeavours. The legal profession is almost tailor-made for abuse by launderers, because lawyers work with huge amounts of money, clients are entitled to legal professional privilege and the right to legal representation is guaranteed constitutionally. The South African anti-money laundering regime, for the most part, is contained in two statutes, the Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) and the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (POCA). Whilst FICA and POCA require the legal profession to be vigilant and accountable in the fight against money laundering, unfortunately they also infringe on hard-won rights, such as legal professional privilege, the right to legal representation and attorney-client confidentiality. The study considers South Africa’s efforts to fulfil its international anti-money laundering obligations whilst upholding the criminal procedural rights guaranteed in the Constitution. It is suggested that certain sections of FICA and POCA fail to find the required balance between protecting citizens from the harms of money laundering and protecting the fundamental rights of attorneys and their clients. Lawyers are in a unique position of trust and in some instances have access to information that may incriminate their clients. Unfortunately, in its quest to combat money laundering, Parliament did not consider seriously enough the position of lawyers and took the easy option of criminalising fees paid with tainted funds, as well as the non-submission of suspicious transaction reports (STRs) and cash transaction reports (CTRs). As a result, the South African legal profession is saddled with unacceptable constraints.

Criminals make use of accountants to assist them, knowingly or unknowingly, with complex money laundering schemes. The nature of the accounting profession places accountants in an ideal position to identify possibly money laundering activities. The purpose of this research is to consider whether the reporting obligations of South African accountants in terms of section 29 of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, No 38 of 2001, as amended, corresponds sufficiently with the services they provide so as to constitute an effective anti-money laundering measure. In order to evaluate the relevance of section 29, the reporting requirements of accountants practising in South Africa are compared with those of the European Union and the United Kingdom, as well as the requirements of the Financial Action Task Force. The research study will also analyse the money laundering process and the nature of the accounting profession and consider some of the methods used to perpetrate money laundering applicable to accountants. The research found that accountants in South Africa have a duty to report suspicious transactions only when they are party to such transactions or when they are going either to receive the proceeds of crime or be used for money laundering purposes. Accordingly, in view of the fact that accountants are more likely to be in a position to observe money laundering than to be party to such a transaction, the requirements of section 29 of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, No 38 of 2001, as amended, are not effective when applied to accountants. Copyright
Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Accounting
unrestricted

Given the fact that money laundering can serve to create a smokescreen for financing of various activities that not only are criminal in nature but that can also threaten lives and can sweep across borders it has been recognised globally that mechanisms have to be put in place to prevent money laundering as a conduit for criminal activity. An effective AML framework is thus not only necessary but is essential for South Africa to combat money laundering. This study investigates whether the AML framework in South Africa is sufficient in combating money laundering. In addition, it seeks to address the shortcomings of the AML framework in South Africa, highlight certain areas for improvement in comparison to the UK AML framework and reveals the need for further incorporation of the global AML framework into the AML framework in South Africa. The UK has adopted a progressive stance towards combating money laundering which pre-dates the measures introduced by the international community. It has implemented all the international legal AML instruments emanating from the UN and EU and in many instances, its provisions have exceeded the international benchmarks. South Africa is a country that is highly susceptible to money laundering as a result of its financial system being the major financial center in the African region and it is clear that South Africa will need to rely on the available international expertise in money laundering from countries such as the UK. Ultimately this study illustrates that it is essential for South Africa to critically examine its AML framework and address remaining deficiencies to bring it in line with the global AML framework. In addition, South Africa needs to adopt an aggressive stance towards money laundering and go beyond the international standards and implement and formulate its own legislation which is tailored towards its own unique challenges. South Africa further needs to increase available resources and institutional and structural capacity in order to combat money laundering and ultimately seek solutions to overcome the challenges it faces as a developing country.
Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Mercantile Law
LLM
Unrestricted

De senaste åren har Finansinspektionen rapporterat nya fall kring penningtvätt där etablerade storbanker har stått i rampljuset i negativ bemärkelse. Rapporterade fall av penningtvätt ökar årligen inom Sverige och detta kan betyda att det finns brister inom det förebyggande arbetet mot penningtvätt eller att banker bland annat, har blivit bättre på att upptäcka penningtvätt. Banker och Finansinspektionen befinner sig på frontlinjen för vårt finansiella system och därför är det väsentligt att dessa aktörer innehar verktyg och metoder för att förhindra penningtvätt som utgör ett hot mot det finansiella system och den allmänna demokratin. Årligen rapporterar Finanspolisen att det tvättas ca 130 miljarder kr inom den svenska ekonomin och att de nuvarande trenderna dessvärre inte pekar på en nedgång. Syftet med denna studie är att bidra till en ökad förståelse kring hur banker arbetar i förebyggande syfte mot penningtvätt och hur de samspelar med Finansinspektionen för att få bukt med denna brottslighet. För att samla in datamaterialet genomfördes totalt sex semistrukturerade intervjuer med anställda från tre storbanker inom Sverige och en intervju med en anställd från Finansinspektionen. Det empiriska resultatet tydliggjorde att bankerna förlitar sig mycket på användningen av interna verktyg som kundkännedom - KYC och att kundkännedom är ett omfattande verktyg som innefattar ett flertal sekretessbelagda element som alla har ett identiskt syfte, att kartlägga och identifiera risker. Slutsatserna visar att det sker ett omfattande arbete i förebyggande syfte mot penningtvätt där banker årligen avsätter miljontals kronor för att göra ett gediget arbete. Det riskbaserade förhållningssättet till regelverken innebär att det fortfarande lämnas utrymme för banker att förbättra sina interna processer i det förebyggande arbetet mot penningtvätt, trots det faktum att det finns en medvetenhet om att brottslingarna ligger steget före. Samtidigt kan detta kompenseras av mer vägledning i de föreskrifter som ges av Finansinspektionen. En annan väsentlig slutsats vi har kommit fram till är att samspelet med Finansinspektionen inte alls fungerar på samma sätt som Finansinspektionen förmedlar att det gör. Den viktigaste delen av detta samarbete gick ut på att tillföra varandra med nya rapporter och föreskrifter, inte att samspela med andra aktörer för att få bukt med penningtvätt.
In the last couple of years, The Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority have reported new cases of money laundering where established major banks have been in the limelight in a negative sense. Reported cases of money laundering are increasing annually in Sweden, which indicates that there are shortcomings in the preventive work against money laundering or that banks are better at finding money laundering cases. Banks and The Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority are at the forefront of the preventive work against money laundering and therefore it is essential that these organizations possess tools and methods to prevent the emergence of money laundering and identify risks that pose a threat to our financial system and thus to the general democracy. Annually, The Financial Police reports that about SEK 130 billion is laundered in the Swedish economy and that the current trends unfortunately do not point to a decline. The purpose of this study is to contribute to an increased understanding of how banks work in preventive purpose against money laundering. As well as how banks interact with The Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority to overcome money laundering. In order to collect the data, a total of six semi-structured interviews were conducted with employees from three established banks within Sweden and one from The Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority. The conclusions show that a great deal of work is done in a preventive purpose against money laundering where banks allocate millions of SEK every year to do a solid job. Banks rely heavily on the use of internal tools such as know your customer and internal regulations which is a tool that can be used to get customer awareness. But in practice, the riskbased approach to the regulations means that banks still need to improve their internal processes in the preventive work despite the fact that criminals are considered to be one step ahead. At the same time, this can be offset by more guidance in the regulations that the Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority has as a task, to make sure that the banks are following the rules in the market. Another significant conclusion we have reached in the study is that the interaction with The Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority does not work at all in the same way that The Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority mediates that it does. The most important part of this collaboration was to provide each other with new reports and regulations, and not to interact with other organization such as banks to overcome money laundering.

The dilemma of money laundering is an undeniable problem faced by many institutions all over the world. Due to its prevalence, the need for organisations to deal with the problem has become a global priority, regardless of the size of the financial institutions. Despite the compliance AML efforts undertaken by various institutions, AML compliance appears to be a daunting challenge, the question posed by this research is whether there is a need for independent anti-money laundering (AML) compliance reviews, given the invasive nature of money laundering in financial institutions. Secondly, the research addresses the question of who is well positioned to perform the independent AML compliance reviews. In addressing the second question, the research will discuss why internal audit is an invaluable resource in terms of risk management processes and the reasons why they are an integral part of the AML solution.
Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Auditing
unrestricted

Författare: Robin Castor och André Rosenqvist  Handledare: Elias Bengtsson  Examinator: Andreas Jansson  Titel: Anti Money Laundering – Förhindra eller undvika? – En studie om svenska AML-chefers inställning till penningtvättsregelverken.  Sökord: AML, Anti-Money Laundering, Penningtvätt, Bankreglering, Compliance, KYC, Kundkännedom, Riskbedömning, Riskbaserat förhållningssätt, Rapportering, Resursallokering  Bakgrund: Penningtvätt är ett växande problem som skadar samhället. För att hantera detta problem utfärdar EU kontinuerligt nya direktiv för medlemsländerna att implementera. Den aktör som hamnat mest i fokus är banker, där skandaler visat på brister i arbetet mot penningtvätt bland svenska banker. Regelverken ställer hårda krav samtidigt som ett riskbaserat förhållningssätt låter banker tolka och implementera arbetet olika. Genom att studera AML-chefers inställning till regelverken bidrar denna studie med en synvinkel som inte tidigare beaktats i Sverige.  Syfte: Denna studie syftar att öka förståelsen kring attityder mot AML och dess regelverk inom svenska banker, om det skiljer sig mellan olika banker samt vad det kan innebära för alla berörda parter.  Metod: En kvalitativ studie med abduktiv forskningsansats har genomförts. Studien har hämtat empiri genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med fem olika AML-chefer på den svenska bankmarknaden.  Resultat/Slutsatser: Studiens resultat visar hur AML-chefer i Sverige har en kritisk syn på penningtvätts-regelverken. Regelverken upplevs ställa höga, men rimliga, krav på bankerna. Flera fördelar med det riskbaserade förhållningssättet lyfts upp, där riskbedömning och kundkännedom ger en god överblick av verksamheten i ett bolagsstyrnings-perspektiv. Regelverken låter bankerna stänga ute de kunder som inte vill samarbeta. Tyvärr kan dessa kunder gå vidare till nästa bank och fortsätta sitt misstänksamma beteende. Detta problem grundar sig i banksekretessen som gör det omöjligt för banker att dela information och samarbeta i arbetet mot penningtvätt. Studien visar därmed hur incitamenten bakom efterföljandet av regelverket till stor del bygger på rädslan av att skada bankens eget rykte eller ådra sig stora bötesbelopp. Fokus har skiftat från att faktiskt försöka stoppa penningtvätt, till att endast undvika att själv bli utsatt för penningtvätt.
Authors: Robin Castor and André Rosenqvist  Supervisor: Elias Bengtsson  Examiner: Andreas Jansson  Title: Anti Money Laundering - Prevent or Avoid? A study of attitudes towards money laundering regulations among Swedish AML-managers.  Keywords: AML, Anti-money laundering, Money laundering, Banking regulation, Compliance, KYC, Know your customer, Risk assessment, Risk-based approach, Legal reporting, Resource allocation  Background: Money laundering is a growing problem that harms society. To address this issue, the EU is continuously issuing new directives for member states to implement. The banking sector has come to be the most affected industry, where scandals have shown deficiency in the work against money laundering among Swedish banks. These regulations set strict requirements at the same time as the risk- based approach allows banks to interpret and implement the regulations in various degrees. By studying how Swedish AML-managers experience these regulations, this study contributes with a point of view that has not been considered in Sweden previously.  Purpose: This study aims to increase the understanding of attitudes and experience towards AML and its regulations within Swedish banks, if it differs between banks and what it could signify for involved parties.  Method: A qualitative study with an abductive research approach has been conducted. The study has gained empirical data through semi-structured interviews with five different AML managers in the Swedish banking market.  Results/Conclusions: The results of the study show how AML managers in Sweden have a critical view of the money laundering regulations. The regulations are perceived to put high, but appropriate, requirements in the banks. Various advantages of the risk-based approach are highlighted, where risk assessment and customer awareness (KYC) provide a good overview of the business from a corporate governance perspective. The regulations allow banks to end their business relationship with customers who do not want to cooperate. Unfortunately, these customers are able continue their suspicious behavior throughout different banks. This problem is based on the bank secrecy, which makes it impossible for banks to share information and cooperate in the work against money laundering. The study shows how the incentives behind compliance with the regulations are largely based on the fear of damaging reputation or receiving heavy fines. The focus has shifted from actually trying to stop money laundering, to only avoiding being subjected to money laundering themselves.

The thesis aims at analysing the international legal response to money laundering at different levels. Moreover, it seeks to develop a scrutiny on how this international legal framework is implemented at the national level (in particular the case of UK and Italy will be studied). Furthermore, a particular focus will be put on the concept of "customer due diligence", questioning potential future development.

Il 20 luglio 2021, la Commissione Europea ha presentato la proposta di un ambizioso pacchetto legislativo per rafforzare il sistema di regolamentazione e vigilanza per il contrasto al riciclaggio e al finanziamento del terrorismo (“AML-CFT”). Una delle novità più significative incluse nella proposta è stata la creazione della nuova Autorità Europea per l’Antiriciclaggio e il Contrasto del Finanziamento del Terrorismo (“AMLA”), che rafforzerà l’attuale sistema di vigilanza AML/CFT, migliorerà la coordinazione tra le Unità di Informazione Finanziaria nazionali e assicurerà l’applicazione coerente delle regole AML/CFT nell’Unione Europea. Questa tesi realizzerà un confronto tra il sistema europeo di vigilanza prudenziale e il modello europeo di vigilanza AML/CFT, concentrandosi sull'AMLA e la sua importanza per la supervisione AML/CFT.

La presente tesi non è solo l’esito di una ricerca su un precetto giuridico controverso, ma è anche la narrazione di un processo personale di scoperta, che a partire dallo studio di una specifica norma ha fatto emergere la complessità delle interazioni nell’ambito delle politiche in materia penale, economica, e finanziaria. Partendo da un approccio microsociologico focalizzato sull’analisi di una determinata norma penale, il reato di riciclaggio,1 la ricerca ha dovuto confrontarsi con temi di interesse macrosociologico, al fine di inserire l’analisi della legge all’interno di un contesto più ampio di politiche nazionali, europee e internazionali, di attori e di governance transnazionale. Per mantenere la scientificità dell’elaborato ho omesso di esprimere opinioni personali sui temi, talvolta di carattere fortemente politico, e ho cercato, invece, di presentare aspetti critici e discussioni aperte fornendo una visione completa e imparziale delle contrastanti argomentazioni in modo da lasciare il lettore libero di trarre le proprie conclusioni. Il riciclaggio di denaro sporco è il processo tramite cui a proventi di reati viene data un’apparenza di essere stati guadagnati in modo illecito. È un reato tipico della cosiddetta ‘zona grigia’, poiché avviene al confine tra la sfera della legalità e quella dell’illegalità. Nel momento in cui profitti realizzati illecitamente si mescolano ai flussi di denaro lecito è molto difficile discernere ciò che ha un’origine legale da ciò che è stato guadagnato illegalmente. Il reato di riciclaggio di denaro sporco è stato introdotto proprio per affrontare questa difficoltà ed impedire che le strutture legittime dell’economia e della finanza globale venissero abusate da trasgressori al fine di ripulire i proventi di reato. Infatti i flussi di denaro sporco utilizzano spesso gli stessi canali usati per le transazioni lecite; la loro riuscita dipende dalla cooperazione di professionisti quali avvocati commerciali, agenti finanziari, commercialisti, la cui reputazione è raramente sospetta. Data questa promiscuità spesso la gravità del fenomeno è sottovalutata dal pubblico che non ha gli strumenti per riconoscerne la pericolosità, anche a causa dell’assenza di vittime dirette. Dall’altra parte le stime sulla quantità di proventi di reato riciclati a livello mondiale (che oscillano tra il 2,5 % e il 5,5 % del PIL globale) richiamano l’attenzione su quella che Dalla Chiesa definisce la mitologia del volume dell’economia criminale,2 e una parte della letteratura descrive il riciclaggio come il lato oscuro della globalizzazione,3 e come uno dei maggiori problemi dell’era moderna.4 Con questa ricerca ho voluto mettere in discussione l’efficacia del reato di riciclaggio nel far fronte al fenomeno dell’infiltrazione dei flussi di denaro sporco nell’economia lecita. Sebbene la pratica di nascondere i proventi di reato in modo da evitare la persecuzione giudiziaria risalga probabilmente a molto tempo addietro, il concetto giuridico di riciclaggio è relativamente recente ed è stato introdotto nei codici penali nella maggior parte del mondo a partire dalla fine degli anni 80.5 Nel frattempo un gran numero di autori si è scagliato contro la scarsa efficacia delle legislazione anti-riciclaggio6, nonostante le innumerevoli novità introdotte e i cospicui ammendamenti che hanno in larga parte espanso il campo di applicazione della normativa. La decisione di scegliere il contesto tedesco come caso di studio deriva dal fatto che il paese è considerato avere un rischio particolarmente alto di riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Secondo il rapporto emesso dal 2010 dal GAFI (Groupe d'Action Financière), dal FMI (Fondo Monetario Internazionale) e dall’OCSE (Organizzazione per la Cooperazione e lo Sviluppo economico)7 ci sono alcuni fattori che rendono la Germania propensa ad essere usata al fine di riciclaggio di denaro sporco: il volume del sistema economico-finanziario, la locazione strategica al centro dell’Unione Europea con forti legami internazionali, l’uso diffuso di denaro contante,8 l’apertura delle frontiere, la vastità del settore informale, l’importante ruolo a livello di economia globale, e il coinvolgimento nei flussi di denaro transfrontalieri. Anche i media, a partire soprattutto dalla pubblicazione del citato rapporto, hanno attirato l’attenzione del pubblico sul fenomeno, descrivendo la Germania come “paradiso” o “Eldorado” per i riciclatori. Alcuni recenti scandali hanno visto coinvolte prominenti banche tedesche, come la Deutsche Bank, la Commerybank e l’Hyopovereinsbank, contro cui procure straniere hanno sollevato l’accusa di riciclaggio di denaro sporco.9 La legislazione in atto, ed in particolare l’articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco, non sembra essere sufficientemente efficace per contrastare il fenomeno, nonostante gli abbondanti emendamenti e il continuo processo di aggiornamento e di espansione del campo di applicazione della norma. Al fine di spiegare questa per lo meno apparente incapacità della norma di fare fronte al fenomeno del riciclaggio, ho costruito l’ipotesi di ricerca sulla base delle teorie sociologico-giuridiche relative all’efficacia del diritto, alle funzioni manifeste e latenti delle norme e quindi alle intenzioni espresse e non dal legislatore, all’efficacia simbolica del diritto e di singole legislazioni e all’impatto, inteso come comprensivo degli effetti indesiderati o collaterali. L’ipotesi di ricerca è che la norma esplichi una funzione simbolica di allineamento dell’ordinamento nazionale a quello europeo e transnazionale, di compromesso tra gli interessi politici in gioco, e di creazione di consenso pubblico verso il legislatore per essersi occupato della questione. Si ipotizza che il legislatore abbia quindi consapevolmente accettato o addirittura scelto di formulare una norma strumentalmente poco efficace, ma simbolicamente capace di raggiungere i suoi obiettivi latenti. Si solleva inoltre l’ipotesi che la norma sia stata appositamente approvata con lo scopo di non modificare lo status quo delle relazioni e strutture economiche, e di permettere quindi l’ingresso di capitali sporchi nel paese, sulla base del motto pecunia non olet. La suddetta ipotesi viene parzialmente smentita dai risultati della ricerca empirica. La ricostruzione del processo di produzione legislativa mette in risalto l’esistenza di svariati e contrastanti interessi e della forte pressione esercitata dagli organismi internazionali per l’introduzione e lo sviluppo del reato di riciclaggio, e conferma, quindi, l’argomentazione che la norma sia stata approvata in un contesto di pressione politica esterna e di necessità di trovare un compromesso tra diverse parti politiche. Anche l’analisi degli aspetti problematici dell’articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco messi in risalto dalla dottrina supporta l’ipotesi della simbolicità della norma. Il fatto che il legislatore abbia formulato un reato così complesso crea evidenti problemi di integrazione dello stesso all’interno del sistema penale tedesco, e quindi di accettazione da parte degli studiosi e potenzialmente da parte degli operatori del diritto. Inoltre, la scelta di costruire un reato così complesso riflette la necessità di venire a compromesso con opposti interessi, ma potrebbe essere anche essere interpretata come un disinteresse al raggiungimento di un’efficacia materiale. La ricerca empirica sull’implementazione dell’articolo 261, invece, smentisce l’idea che la norma abbia un’efficacia puramente simbolica. Infatti il numero di condanne, di investigazioni, ed in generale l’uso ricorrente della legge riscontrato nelle statistiche criminali provano che essa conduca ad effetti strumentali, oltre che simbolici. Inoltre, nella prospettiva di alcuni degli operatori del diritto e degli esperti intervistati, l’articolo 261 è percepito come una norma particolarmente efficiente, sia in relazione alle quote di chiarimento, che come strumento di demarcazione tra comportamenti leciti e illeciti, in un contesto di deregolamentazione del settore finanziario. Da un’analisi piè ravvicinata delle statistiche e di altri rapporti emessi da enti internazionali e nazionali emerge però un quadro non così univoco: La norma sembra colpire più le vittime dei network criminali che operano a livello transnazionale che gli autori, perché spesso i colpevoli sono coinvolti in transazioni sospette in cambio di guadagni monetari. Le cospicue indagini finanziarie non riescono a raggiungere coloro che operano dietro gli esecutori dei reati minori, ed infatti la maggior parte di esse si concludono senza una condanna per riciclaggio. Questo a fronte di un volume di denaro sporco circolante nel paese che rimane allarmante, secondo alcuni degli studi analizzati. Se da una parte i risultati dell’applicazione della norma, sebbene strumentali, non possono considerarsi soddisfacenti, perché non sono riusciti ad evitare l’ingresso di capitali illeciti nell’economia nazionale, dall’altra parte sembra che l’esistenza di interessi profondamente contrastanti in gioco renda quasi impossibile la formulazione di un reato piè efficace. La tesi è composta da cinque capitoli, un’introduzione e una conclusione. Nel primo capitolo espongo le teorie sociologiche adottate per la valutazione di efficacia della norma e il metodo della ricerca. Inizialmente richiamo concetti di efficacia forniti da discipline affini alla sociologia del diritto - tra cui per esempio il concetto di efficienza e di efficienza indipendente rispetto allo scopo (zielunhabhängige Effizienz) riferito agli apparati amministrativi - che torneranno utili per l'interpretazione dei risultati delle interviste. Successivamente procedo con una panoramica sulle definizioni di efficacia del diritto fornite in sociologia del diritto, sulla ci base adotto una nozione “elastica” -riprendendola da Ferrari- di efficacia di una norma che guarda alle funzioni della norma e alle intenzioni del legislatore, in una prospettiva “intenzionalistica”: “la corrispondenza fra un disegno politico di utilizzo di uno strumento normativo e i suoi effetti”. Tale nozione, oltre a prestarsi ad un'analisi critica del diritto, fornisce indicazioni utili per l'analisi empirica dell'efficacia della legge in questione. In particolare ritengo utile considerare le seguenti variabili: le intenzioni latenti e manifeste del legislatore, gli scopi diretti e ed indiretti, l'eventuale efficacia simbolica del diritto, l'implementazione, la ricezione della norma nel senso di accettazione nel sistema giuridico e di interpretazione e percezione da parte degli operatori giuridici. Nella seconda parte si evidenzia il rilievo di tali variabili con riferimento specifico al diritto penale. In conclusione, sulla base delle riflessioni teoriche, formulo l’ipotesi sull’efficacia simbolica del reato di riciclaggio nell’ordinamento tedesco, che verrà poi verificata nei capitoli successivi. Nello specifico, presumendo che il reato di riciclaggio, introdotto come strumento fondamentale della lotta alla criminalità organizzata, così com'è formulato non adempie agli scopi dichiarati, nonostante gli innumerevoli emendamenti finalizzati proprio ad aumentarne l'efficacia, ipotizzo un'efficacia simbolica della norma, introdotta per offrire un'immagine di efficienza al pubblico (elettori). Inoltre sollevo l'ipotesi che la norma sia stata emanata appositamente inefficace per neutralizzarne le aspirazioni di punizione delle condotte illecite tipiche dei colletti bianchi, in una lettura moderna del conflitto sociale che avviene tramite l'emanazione di norme, con la volontà di decriminalizzare secondariamente comportamenti tipici delle classi forti. Nel secondo capitolo analizzo il processo legislativo a livello internazionale, europeo e nazionale. Il processo che ha portato alla creazione del reato di riciclaggio a livello internazionale viene ricostruito tramite dichiarazioni di intenti degli attori partecipanti, opinioni pubblicate, trascrizioni dei dibattiti parlamentari. Una particolare attenzione è posta sulle diverse intenzioni degli attori che hanno partecipato alla formulazione del reato. Il processo legislativo che ha portato alla formulazione dell'attuale legislazione anti-riciclaggio è un processo complesso, in cui diversi attori partecipanti hanno contribuito con differenti aspettative e dunque attribuendo diverse funzioni alla criminalizzazione del riciclaggio. Al fine di permettere svariate interpretazioni del dettato normativo in modo da soddisfare i differenti bisogni, e con lo scopo di trovare un compromesso tra gli interessi divergenti, il reato di riciclaggio è stato formulato in modo vago. Mentre alcuni Stati (ad esempio la Francia) inizialmente sostenevano l'introduzione del reato con lo scopo di combattere i paradisi fiscali e rafforzare la lotta all'evasione fiscale, altri Stati, come la Svizzera, hanno accettato di firmare l'accordo internazionale sulla criminalizzazione del riciclaggio solo a condizione che l'evasione fiscale non fosse inserito nella lista dei reati antecedenti. Con la nascita del GAFI la policy viene usata allo scopo di difendere l'integrità del sistema finanziario dall'infiltrazione di capitale illecito e dal 2001 si aggiunge la funzione di lotta al finanziamento del terrorismo. Tramite la soft law emanata dal GAFI per la prevenzione del riciclaggio, si trasferiscono compiti solitamente pubblici al settore privato: banche e istituti finanziari devono segnalare alla polizia ogni transazione sospetta, devono raccogliere e mantenere informazioni sui clienti e verificare le identità dei clienti. L'Unione Europea finora ha emanato quattro direttive nell'ambito del riciclaggio, l'ultima risale al 20 maggio 2015. Inizialmente la CE non aveva competenza in ambito penale, perciò la materia riciclaggio fu assorbita nella sfera economica (DG Economia e industria). La funzione dichiarata dal legislatore è la protezione del mercato interno, con particolare riguardo al fatto che i criminali possano sfruttare la libera circolazione dei capitali e l'eliminazione delle frontiere. Le direttive esprimono anche la volontà di impedire agli stati membri di emanare regolamentazioni che possano bloccare il libero mercato al fine di difendere le proprie economie dall'infiltrazione di capitale illecito. Emerge dunque un ulteriore conflitto di interessi. Nella seconda parte ricostruisco il processo legislativo e le evoluzioni interne alla Germania fino al momento della scrittura e fornisco il quadro del sistema repressivo e di prevenzione anti-riciclaggio. L'articolo 261 StGB è stato introdotto con legge Gesetz zur Bekämpfung des illegalen Rauschgifthandels und anderer Erscheinungsformen der Organisierten Kriminalität, quindi nell'ambito della lotta alla criminalità organizzata. Il dibattito parlamentare rileva che la norma è il frutto di un compromesso sotto diversi aspetti, non ultimo il fatto che è stata emanata del 1992, a pochi anni dalla riunificazione, e che quindi è parte del processo di negoziazione per la formazione di un diritto penale adattabile alle due culture giuridiche. Il legislatore tedesco evidenzia alcune funzioni della norma: la lotta al consumo di eroina e al traffico di stupefacenti, la diffusione e la pericolosità della mafia alla luce dei fatti recenti italiani, la volontà di proteggere l'amministrazione della giustizia e di isolare i criminali puntando alla criminalizzazione dei cosiddetti gate-keepers. Nel terzo capitolo individuo alcuni dei problemi sollevati dalla dottrina tedesca sul piano teorico con riferimento alla criminalizzazione del reato di riciclaggio nel contesto del sistema penale tedesco. Uno dei temi più discussi è relativo al bene giuridico protetto. La dottrina non ha ancora trovato un accordo su quale interesse sia protetto dall'articolo 261 StGB, le ipotesi sono: gli interessi dei reati antecedenti, l'amministrazione della giustizia, il sistema finanziario e la sicurezza. La vaghezza del dettato normativo non aiuta a trovare un interpretazione dottrinale univoca. La questione del bene giuridico protetto, lungi dall'essere una mera questione teorica, risente delle diverse funzioni attribuite alla norma dagli attori partecipanti al processo legislativo. Finora la giurisprudenza, che pur è intervenuta a chiarire altre questioni relative alla norma, non è intervenuta sul tema. Un altro tema su cui il dibattito è ancora aperto è il fatto di aver previsto al comma 5 l'ipotesi di colpa lieve, in controtendenza rispetto al legislatore europeo. Questo, secondo alcuni studiosi porta all'assurdo per cui anche il panettiere Tizio che vende del pane ad un evasore fiscale Caio potendo aver riconosciuto che Caio fosse un evasore, si rende colpevole di riciclaggio. La questione del livello di mens rea richiesto per una condanna per riciclaggio era sorta anche durante il dibattito parlamentare e l'introduzione del comma 5 è stato sostenuto da un emendamento della SPD che avrebbe voluto criminalizzare anche l'ipotesi di colpa lievissima. Questo, secondo la CDU avrebbe messo un freno al mercato e alle transazioni, poiché avrebbe costituito una minaccia per chiunque avesse intrapreso operazioni economiche. Essendo la funzione della norma incerta, la dottrina si divide tra chi sostiene che questa vasta criminalizzazione faccia perdere il senso del reato che sarebbe invece colpire i criminali che agiscono con intento, e chi invece sostiene che la norma abbia lo scopo di impedire qualsiasi infiltrazione di denaro illecito e quindi richieda una responsabilizzazione di tutti colori i quali prendano parte in operazioni finanziarie o economiche. Ancora una volta l'indeterminatezza del precetto legislativo è di ostacolo ad un'interpretazione univoca. Il quarto capitolo offre un’analisi qualitativa delle statistiche officiali sull’implementazione della legge dal 1992 ad oggi da parte delle istanze repressive e di prevenzione. Tra i dati analizzati i più rilevanti sono per esempio il numero di segnalazioni di transazioni sospette ricevuto dalle procure, il numero delle investigazioni condotte, il numero di condanne effettivamente inflitte ed eseguite e per quale delle ipotesi di riciclaggio, il volume di denaro confiscato. Essendo tali numeri indici del funzionamento del sistema penale e non del fenomeno del riciclaggio per sé, in conclusione si confrontano tali statistiche con le stime sul volume di flussi illeciti in Germania. Tale analisi, non potendo dare conto del numero dei reati evitati, sulla base dell'efficacia deterrente della norma, non intende esaurire il giudizio di efficacia della legislazione. Tra i risultati più rilevanti vi sono il fatto che il 60% delle persone condannate vengono condannate per l'ipotesi di colpa lieve, che solitamente consiste in casi in cui una persona poco abbiente ha accettato di far usare il proprio conto a terzi per operazioni sospette in cambio di un guadagno. Nel 5% dei casi le condanne sono inflitte per le ipotesi aggravate di commissione da membro di un'associazione criminale o in forma commerciale. Nel 90% dei casi le transazioni sospette segnalate alle procure portano a una chiusura dei procedimenti per mancanza di indizi che possano sostenere un rinvio a giudizio. La norma sembra colpire delinquenti minori e non grandi gruppi criminali, né altri delinquenti più potenti. Si ipotizza inoltre che l'incapacità di sostenere un rinvio a giudizio nonostante le informazioni acquisite e le indagini preliminari riduce la capacità deterrente della norma e permette, invece, ai criminali di conoscere le modalità di funzionamento del sistema repressivo e agire di conseguenza. Inoltre, le transazioni sospette sono segnalate nel circa 90% dei casi sa parte di istituti di credito, mentre gli altri enti obbligati dalla legislazione non sembrano partecipare attivamente al processo preventivo, in particolare il settore forense e immobiliare e del gioco d'azzardo. Sulla base di questi dati si ipotizza un effetto spill-over, ossia un trasferimento di illegalità dai settori più controllati a quelli meno controllati. I rapporti pubblicati dalla polizia, invece, considerano l'articolo 261 StGB come una norma con una delle più alte quote di chiarimento (ca 90%), quota calcolata sul numero di casi chiariti dal sistema penale, a prescindere dalle modalità di chiarimento. Per quanto riguardo il volume di denaro riciclato, il capitolo richiama alcune delle stime pubblicate da diversi enti, tra cui il Fondo Monetario Internazionale, il GAFI e la polizia criminale federale. Essendo il fenomeno del riciclaggio un campo in cui la cifra oscura è stimata essere molto alta, tali dati non possono essere presi come misura obiettiva del fenomeno. Infine il capitolo si conclude richiamando alcune analisi del tipo costi-benefici per misurare l'efficacia delle politiche anti-riciclaggio o alcune delle sue norme, condotte da enti terzi. Tali analisi sembrano concordare nel considerare i costi di implementazione della politica più alti rispetto ai benefici conseguenti. Nel quinto capitolo, infine, vengono discussi i risultati della ricerca empirica con gli operatori giuridici e con alcuni osservatori privilegiati, in modo da fornire una prospettiva interna sul funzionamento della norma. Tramite le interviste condotte si mettono in luce aspetti della prassi giuridica non fotografati dalle statistiche, allo scopo di offrire un’immagine dell’impatto della legge quanto più vicina possibile alla realtà. La ricerca empirica si avvale di interviste con operatori del diritto e con osservatori privilegiati che siedono in posizioni ministeriali rilevanti nella lotta al riciclaggio. La metodologia adottata è di tipo qualitativo, è stato fatto uso di interviste semi-strutturate a operatori del diritto e a osservatori privilegiati. Il capitolo presenta le percezioni degli intervistati su quattro temi principalmente: la dimensione del fenomeno del riciclaggio, l'adeguatezza tecnica della legislazione, i conflitti di interesse intrinseci alla legge e sorti dall'applicazione della norma e l'efficacia delle legge. A fronte di un rapporto emesso da quattro ONG nel novembre 2013, sulla base di statistiche prodotte dall'UNODC e dal Fondo Monetario Internazionale, e immediatamente riprese dai media, che descrive il paese come “Eldorado” per i riciclatori,10 le interviste sono dirette a cogliere l'opinione dei rispondenti sulle dimensioni del fenomeno del riciclaggio in Germania. Un intervistato ritiene inaccettabile desumere dal PIL tedesco il volume di affari del crimine organizzato nel paese, e obietta che non si possa, sulla base del giro d'affari del centro finanziario di Francoforte, definire lo stesso come centro di riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Un altro intervistato, dichiara, al contrario, che sicuramente il fatto che la Germania abbia un'economia stabile ed un settore bancario affidabile attiri coloro che vogliano investire proventi illeciti, neppure quest'ultimo possiede, però, dati affidabili sulla quantità di denaro riciclato. Il riciclaggio, come altri fenomeni legati alla criminalità organizzata, è una fattispecie che per definizione sfugge alle autorità e ai confini nazionali. Lo scopo dello stesso è nascondere proventi di reato e sottrarli in questo modo al sistema repressivo, questo è sicuramente un elemento che rende complessa, se non impossibile, la sua quantificazione. D'altra parte, osservano i soggetti intervistati autori del Rapporto del 2013, l'incapacità di fornire statistiche rilevanti dopo più di 20 anni di lotta al riciclaggio, sembra essere un sintomo di una carente volontà politica nel contrastare efficacemente il fenomeno. Secondo gli osservatori privilegiati se la Germania fosse davvero un paradiso per i riciclatori, ciò non sarebbe collegabile ad un deficit legislativo, dato l'impegno del governo nella lotta al riciclaggio, negando, quindi, l'accusa rivolta dai media per cui i criminali sceglierebbero il paese tedesco ai fini di riciclaggio di denaro sporco sulla base delle lacune normative. Agli intervistati è stato chiesto di evidenziare aspetti positivi e problematici della legislazione. Tra i più rilevanti vi sono: la necessità di bilanciare il bisogno di punire la condotta di riciclaggio e rispettare i principi fondamentali del sistema giuridico, il disinteresse da parte degli istituti finanziari nell'indagare l'origine del capitale investito dai clienti, anche in caso di sospetto di provenienza criminale, a causa della possibile conseguente perdita di reputazione nell'ipotesi di apertura di investigazioni da parte delle autorità sul cliente sospetto. Vi è poi una difficoltà materiale nel condurre indagini finanziarie, che spesso, conducono a condotte illecite commesse all'estero; sul punto si osserva che le condotte di riciclaggio, intese come operazioni atte ad ostacolare la provenienza delittuosa, non avvengono su territorio tedesco, bensì all'estero, il denaro che entra in Germania, è, quindi, già “pulito”. Inoltre, l’articolo 261 è stato introdotto nel sistema tedesco come trasposizione di una direttiva Europea e non rifletteva una necessità interna dello Stato; la formulazione così vaga, infatti, si presta più per il sistema giuridico degli Stati Uniti, in cui non vige l'obbligo dell'azione penale, mentre in Germania, dove i pubblici ministeri hanno l'obbligo di azione penale, tale norma porta ad iniziare numerose indagini senza avere la capacità di proseguirle. In generale, gli intervistati rappresentanti dei Ministeri rilevano la forte pressione subita da parte del GAFI e dell'Unione Europea per l'emanazione della legge anti-riciclaggio e concordano nel dire che se la norma fosse stata creata sulla base di una necessità e di un dibattito nazionale sarebbe stata scritta diversamente. C'è chi individua nel sistema penale le cause di inefficacia dell'articolo 261, nello specifico, la limitata possibilità di effettuare intercettazioni telefoniche, le restrizioni in materia di inversione dell'onere probatorio, e lo scarso utilizzo della confisca dei proventi di reato a causa del disinteresse da parte delle procure (gestite a livello di Bundesländer) nell'investire risorse in tal senso dato che i beni confiscati non resterebbero in mano al Bundesland ma verrebbero raccolti in un fondo federale e poi spartiti. Si osserva una generale mancanza di risorse pubbliche che porta ad una carenza di personale coinvolto nelle investigazioni e, quindi, ad una incapacità di far fronte ai processi in corso in modo efficace. Per questo motivo, i pm non hanno la capacità di indagare più a fondo casi di riciclaggio all'apparenza semplici, ma che potrebbero portare alla luce organizzazioni criminali operanti nell'ombra. Alla totalità degli intervistati è stata chiesta un'opinione sull'efficacia della legge. L'articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco è stato definito da un soggetto “una legge scritta in modo indecente, che produce risultati banali sul piano delle statistiche criminali, soprattutto con riferimento alle condanne per riciclaggio in grossi casi di criminalità economica”. Il reato è così difficile da provare in giudizio, che risulta facile, per la difesa, sfruttare le lacune legislative per evitare una condanna per riciclaggio. I rappresentanti dei Ministeri confermano che la lettera dell'articolo 261 crea confusioni e che quindi l'accusa, pur trovandosi di fronte ad un caso di riciclaggio spesso preferisca perseguire i delitti presupposto. Questo non è, però, un sintomo di inefficacia, dato che l'effettività a cui mira il Ministero dell'interno non è data dal numero di condanne per riciclaggio, ma dal numero di casi risolti, e quindi dal numero di condanne in generale, a prescindere dall'imputazione. D'opinione opposta un altro intervistato che ritiene che l'articolo 261 non abbia alcuna capacità deterrente nei confronti della criminalità organizzata, “la norma ricorre così raramente nella prassi giudiziaria che di fatto non rappresenta una “minaccia” per i potenziali criminali”. I soggetti intervistati esprimono più soddisfazione a riguardo della legislazione di prevenzione (GWG); in particolare, con riferimento alle piccole e medie imprese, per le quali è difficile riconoscere tra i partner commerciali coloro i quali investono denaro di provenienza illecita, la possibilità di affidarsi alle autorità investigative, in caso di sospetto è fondamentale. Un avvocato specializzato in compliance per società, descrive la norma preventiva come molto efficace e severa, tanto che è impossibile per le aziende, specialmente per quelle di medie o piccole dimensioni, adempiere a tutti gli obblighi prescritti dalla norma, ma, egli osserva, l'efficacia del sistema sta proprio nel fatto che le autorità di controllo, consapevoli dell'elevata rigorosità della legge, chiudono un occhio di fronte a lievi inadempienze. Una legge meno severa e un controllo più fiscale non otterrebbero la stessa efficacia, perché la norma non avrebbe lo stesso potenziale deterrente. L'efficacia all'interno delle amministrazioni responsabili per la lotta al riciclaggio è interpretata come efficienza dell'apparato, per questo motivo, non ci sono verifiche sull'efficacia degli strumenti giuridici sulla base degli scopi dichiarati, quanto piuttosto sulla correttezza del funzionamento dell'amministrazione e sulle possibilità di migliorarlo; il punto è capire come migliorare, non se il sistema sia efficace o no. Agli intervistati è stata chiesta un'opinione sull'eventuale efficacia simbolica della legislazione. La maggioranza delle risposte è stata negativa, gli sforzi compiuti da parte dello Stato -e quindi delle procure, della autorità competenti e della polizia- nel contrastare il riciclaggio e la criminalità economica non possono essere considerati simbolici. Alcuni intervistati ritengono assolutamente necessaria e strumentale – e quindi non simbolica- l'esistenza del reato nel codice penale come demarcazione di illegalità di tali condotte e come strumento atto a contrastare la criminalità economica perché mette in chiaro entro quali limiti le società possano perseguire profitti in modo legittimo. Di opinione diversa, invece, gli avvocati penalisti i quali si sono detti favorevoli a tale definizione sulla base dello scarso numero di condanne e soprattutto sulla mancata previsione da parte del Governo di mezzi adeguati per l'implementazione della legislazione. Lo stesso è osservato dal terzo settore, il quale sostiene che, a fronte di una legge complessa, oggetto di svariati emendamenti nel corso degli anni, non c'è stato un sufficiente impegno sul versante dell'implementazione; il coinvolgimento del GAFI e dell'OECD nella lotta al riciclaggio è percepito come un modo per creare posti di lavoro e nuove figure professionali, più che un'arena dove discutere efficaci strumenti di lotta ai reati economici. Altri elementi interessanti riscontrabili nelle interviste sono i conflitti di interessi che emergono dall'applicazione delle leggi anti-riciclaggio. Tra essi, vi è il dibattito tra il Ministero dell'Interno e quello di Giustizia in riferimento all'adeguatezza dello strumento penalistico nel contrastare la criminalità economica, dibattito già affrontato dalla dottrina, a cui, però finora, non è stata data una risposta univoca. Da una parte il Ministero dell'Interno auspica un intervento giuridico più deciso, che, per esempio, ricomprenda il reato di riciclaggio nella responsabilità penale degli enti (non ancora esistente in Germania) e sollecita una svolta politica generale in tema di criminalità economica dalla deregolazione del mercato finanziario all'intervento dello Stato in ambito economico ai fini di chiarire i comportamenti leciti e quelli illeciti. Dall'altra parte, il Ministero della Giustizia considera erroneo il ricorso al diritto penale ai fini di risolvere problemi di tipo economico o finanziario e cerca di frenare la tendenza moderna alla proliferazione penale, a favore di un intervento di tipo preventivo-sociale. A tal proposito, si osserva che agli incontri del GAFI a cui partecipano i rappresentanti dei Ministeri di Giustizia, coloro che provino a richiamare l'attenzione sulla necessità di rispettare i principi fondamentali costituzionali e di limitare l'intervento penale a tutela dei cittadini, vengano tacciati di non voler combattere la criminalità organizzata in modo efficace. In conclusione riapro la prospettiva a livello globale ed inserisco il reato di riciclaggio in una riflessione più ampia sulla governace finanziaria. In una prospettiva storica di analisi delle politiche economiche recenti si osserva come vi sia stata una tendenza a deregolare il mercato per mano delle istanze tradizionali pubbliche, e al contempo un aumento di strumenti transnazionali di cosiddetta soft-law che si sono fatti portatori di interessi particolari. Finché questa conflittualità non verrà risolta sarà impossibile impedire il riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Con particolare riferimento al contesto europeo, si prende atto che è stato molto più facile chiudere le frontiere per le persone fisiche e non a quelle giuridiche o ai capitali.
This paper aims to question the sociolegal1 effectiveness of the money laundering offence.2 The literature that assesses the effectiveness of the anti-money laundering system is abundant. While most of it does not question the regime’s goals this paper takes a step back and critically looks at the law-making process. In addition, while most studies have assessed the effectiveness of anti-money laundering law by looking at statistical outcomes, this paper takes a step forward and tries to explain those statistics by looking at legal praxis and at indirect effects. The significance of the research derives from the insertion of the analysis on money laundering offence in a broader political, economic and historical context. The methodology adopted is qualitative, with the intended purpose of underlining the complexity of the issue tackled, rather than reducing it through a quantitative approach. While most of the existing literature has quantitatively assessed the effectiveness of the anti-money laundering regimes on the basis of statistical data and other quantitative indexes and has tried to reduce the complexity of the issue by measuring it numerically, this research adopts a qualitative methodology, which instead highlights the entanglement and the different perspectives on the question. Money laundering is the process of giving profits originated illegally an appearance of having been made lawfully.3 Due to the tightening of economic criminal policies that limit the possibility of integrating ill-gotten gains in the legitimate economy, offenders have developed more and more complex methods and subterfuges to launder proceeds of crime, so the rise of a proper 'money laundering industry' (industria del riciclaggio) is mentioned.4 The total volume of money laundered is estimated to amount to between 2,5 and 5, 5 % of the world GDP.5 Due to the borderline nature of money laundering, which happens between the so-called 'legitimate economy' and the 'dirty economy', and thus involves different actors such as banks, the financial sector, certain professions and businesses, offenders, victims and law enforcement agencies, the legal response needs to compromise with all the various economic, political, social and financial interests at play. Furthermore, where legitimate business intermingles with illegal business and legitimate funds with illicit funds, it is very difficult to distinguish what is legal from what is not. The criminalisation of money laundering was specifically supposed to tackle this fine line. The goal of this research is to assess whether the choice of criminalising money laundering has been effective to tackle this fine line. In order to assess the impact of the domestic implementation of the existing legal framework, the research uses a case study that specifically questions the effectiveness of the money laundering offence in the German national criminal legal system. The interest in the German case derives from the fact that, according to the IMF, the OECD and the FATF, Germany might have 'a higher risk profile for large scale money laundering than many other countries'.6 There are some factors identified as enablers of money laundering activities, such as the large economy and financial centre, the strategical location in the middle of Europe, with strong international links, the substantial proceeds of the crime environment involving organised crime operating in most profit generating criminal spheres, the open borders, the large informal sector and a high use of cash, the large and sophisticated economy and financial sector, the important role in world trade, and finally the involvement in large volumes of cross-border trade and financial flows. The media have kept on reporting the fact that Germany is an ideal country, or even a paradise for money launderers.7 According to most recent media reports, corruption is increasing in Germany along with money laundering and organised crime,8 and illicit financial flows are estimated to amount to 50 Billion Euros annually.9 Renowned banks such as Commerzbank, Deutsche Bank, and Hypovereinsbank have been the focus of recent scandals due to their involvement in large tax evasion and money laundering schemes, investigated mostly by US law enforcement agencies.10 The legal framework has been considered as not being sufficient to tackle the estimated volume of money laundering. In 2007 and 2010 the European Commission initiated two proceedings against the German government for having contravened the European treaty by not having effectively transposed into national law the European framework to tackle money laundering and terrorist financing.11 In response to this wave of criticism, some important changes have been made.12 With specific regards to penal law, the legislature has amplified the scope of the money laundering offence and the sphere of criminal liability in order to improve the effectiveness of the existing legislation.13 Yet the continual expansion process has raised legal challenges that could constitute an obstacle for the effective enforcement of the measure. With regards to international legislation, scholars have often criticized the ineffectiveness of the anti-money laundering regime to not be able to achieve its goals and thus to be only appearance of public action. 14 While there is theoretical support for the perception that policies have contributed to a decrease in the incidence of money laundering, there is no evidence that this goal has actually been achieved.15 The official discourse describes the regime as a crucial tool to prevent and combat money laundering, and lawmakers have been focusing on expanding the reach of anti-money laundering laws. This work however takes a critical approach towards the existing legal framework and presents the view that questioning the effectiveness of the money laundering offence is essential before expanding the scope of the existing legal framework.16 On the background of the reflections based on the sociolegal framework that sets the definition of legal effectiveness with specific respect to criminal law, and on the critical literature on the inadequateness of the international anti-money laundering system to eliminate the targeted activity recalled in the introduction, the hypothesis underlying the case study is the following: Article 261 Gcc may be an example of a symbolic legislation, whose latent functions prevail on its declared functions. In particular, it is hypothesised that the law is an example of a 'compromise-law' that satisfy all parties taking part in the law-making process, thanks to the vagueness of the wording that allows a broad range of possible interpretations, and also thanks to the actual ineffectiveness, which pleases those who were contrary to the introduction of the provision. It is here necessary to recall the considerations on the 'legislator' being an heterogeneous group of parties not only constituted of members of the Parliament but often also by external actors, who can influence more or less transparently the law making-process. While the manifested function of tackling money laundering has in fact remained in the background, the thesis hypothesises that other latent goals have been pursued. It is further hypothesised that the 'law inaction' is part of a process of decriminalisation that intentionally grants impunity to a certain group of actors, in this case those laundering money, while giving the appearance that the practice is not accepted by law by labelling it as criminal. By using the concept of function, the study focuses on eventual conflicting interests emerging throughout the policy-making process and/or being displayed through the implementation of the provisions. In order to verify these hypotheses the research proceeds with a case study that aims at empirically assessing the sociolegal effectiveness of Article 261 Gcc. In particular, by applying the 'elastic' definition of effectiveness, the following chapters analyse the law-making process, the level of acceptance by legal scholars, the implementation, and the opinions of legal experts and professionals. The methodology adopted is qualitative. The research consists of a case study that includes a documental research, a qualitative analysis of statistical data and the conduction of interviews with privileged observers and legal actors. The study is a macro-sociological assessment of the effectiveness of a criminal legislation through the analysis of the motives that have triggered lawmakers to enact the current legal framework and the practical effects of the 'law in action'17 and of the 'law inaction'.18 Thanks to the use of sociological conceptual tools, as the ones of function, symbolic effectiveness, power, labelling, and legal culture, the research critically approaches the legal framework. In addition, the sociolegal perspective allows us to take into account the multidisciplinary nature of the phenomenon of money laundering and of its countermeasures and the diverse conflicting interests at play. The work has been conducted by a single person and not by a team of researchers; this has imposed a limit on the interviewing sample and the impossibility of undertaking, along with the qualitative analysis of the provision, a qualitative analysis of the jurisprudence and a quantitative analysis of the case law. In addition, criminal provisions have a deterrent purpose, yet in certain cases it is almost impossible to quantify the deterrence effect of those provisions, as in the case of the money laundering offence, and this represents a shortcoming of the current research. Official numbers are highly problematic, this element, despite impeding an objective quantification of the phenomenon, can represent a partial result for the qualitative analysis, because it highlights the complexity of the matter. The anti-money laundering regime is constantly evolving, and this would require continuously updating the assessment, instead the research provides a picture of the current situation. Yet the work offers the reader an instrument to critically interpret also possible changes in the wording of the money laundering offence that may be made following the publication of this work. The outcomes of the critical study on the reasons and effects of the current legislation can be used as a starting point for further research; the methodology set for the empirical analysis can be applied to assess the effectiveness of following developments. The structure of the thesis is the following: The first chapter presents the theoretical sociolegal framework and provides an operational definition of the concept of effectiveness that directs the empirical research. At the end the chapter describes the methodology of the qualitative research. Chapter two traces the genesis of the money laundering offence, as well on an internal, European and domestic level. The chapter analyses legislative intents, parliamentarian debates and other external contributions as declarations of intents and opinions through a desktop-study. The third chapter is dedicated to the doctrinal debate about the money laundering offence regulated in the German penal code. In particular the chapter highlights the controversial issues that have emerged through the abundant legal scholarship production, which might affect the effectiveness of the money laundering offence. Chapters four and chapter five present the empirical research. The fourth chapter analyses the quantitative data of the implementation of the money laundering offence from a qualitative perspective. The last chapter presents the results of the interviews. The main outcomes of the research are that the interests expressed more or less manifestly from the actors taking part in the initial phase of the creation of the anti-money laundering regime were strongly conflicting with each other. One representative example is the question whether to use the policy also to tackle large scale tax evasion or to leave proceeds deriving from fiscal crimes outside of the regime. Very different justifications were given for the criminalisation of money laundering at different stages. Often the declared motives did not correspond to the real goals of the actors taking part in the law-making process. The rhetoric connected to the seriousness of the drug issue was the manifest function of the new criminalisation of money laundering. However, other latent goals, for instance, the desire of financial institutions to clean their reputation and gain customs confidentiality or the interest of some governments to curb tax evasion were already present during this initial phase. Another controversial issue concerns the fact national states have adopted anti-money laundering measures under the pressure of the FATF, which is led by most industrialised countries.19 Despite lacking democratic legitimation, the FATF has imposed worldwide a brand new regime of criminalisation, prevention and enforcement. The legal framework has been used to address ever-new challenges, and this expansion process has been coupled by a rhetoric that scholars have defined the securitisation rhetoric.20 The most recent function manifestly attributed to the anti-money laundering legal framework, that is, in short, the protection of the soundness of the financial system. Especially in times of financial insecurity, the tendency of hardening laws against economic crimes increases. Having previously deregulated the financial system to enhance economic liberties, legislatures resort to criminal law to control illegality in the economy. As a response to the European financial crisis of 2007-2011, legislatures, instead of rethinking the approach towards the protection of the global finance, called for a tightening of economic crimes regulations. The European discourse on money laundering has mostly been related to the destabilisation of the market, the abuse of capitals’ movement liberty, the disintegration of the internal economy. But, why was the EU so keen on imposing a common standard for the criminalisation of money laundering, without even enjoying competence in penal matters? The introduction of a common anti-money laundering control policy served to a latent function, namely to the purposes of the creation of the 'Single Market', by way of avoiding that Member States would have adopted measures inconsistent with the completion of the Internal Market, while taking action to protect their own national economies from money laundering.21 This was done by avoiding that domestic regulations implemented for protecting national economies from the infiltration of ill-gotten capital could have hampered the freedom of movement of capital within the European borders. The tension emerges, also in the wording of the most recent EU money laundering Directives, due to lack of Community action against money laundering could lead Member States, for the purpose of protecting their financial systems, to adopt measures which could be inconsistent with completion of the single market.22 There are thus conflicting interests between the claim for regulation to avoid the infiltration of illicit capital, and the demand for deregulation to foster the free market. The European legislature, however, did not declare completely this intention and justified, instead, the imposition of anti-money laundering rules given the threats posed by money laundering to the financial system and thus to society. According to this critical approach, the criminalisation of money laundering turns out to be more of a political tool aimed at achieving governance within the EU, while being presented to the public as an essential intervention to guarantee security and well-being. Once again, thus, the declared goals of the lawmakers did not correspond with the real intentions. It is especially in the interest of a research on the law's effectiveness to unveil functions that were undeclared, in order to evaluate the outcomes in a more critical way. Also from the analysis of the national law-making process emerged divergent opinions and expectations relating to the criminalisation of money laundering. The Parliamentarians debate that took place with regard to the introduction of the money laundering offence and other instruments to tackle drug-trafficking shows that the discussion was deeply embedded in the political-historical context. Given that Germany was just reunified after a period of two dictatorial regimes, the hearing gives the impression that lawmakers felt the responsibility of creating a new legal system against such historical background. In order to balance the very different legal cultures, the divergent approaches had to be compromised. The introduction of a new crime was particularly delicate due to the discriminatory and arbitrary use of criminal labels by the previous dictatorial regimes. Therefore, delegates would not easily give up on fundamental rights for the cause of persecuting criminals. The legislation can be seen as an attempt to balance the need to adopt more effective measures to tackle crime and the necessity of respecting the rule of law and creating a 'militant democracy'. Yet, given the external pressure of the FATF, the EU and of the media, the text was less of a compromise and rather a ratification of 'internationally' accepted standards. The rule of law was not the only issue emerged in the initial phase of the political debate. Controversial opinions were raised also with regard to the questions of the mens rea and the interest protected by the new criminal provision: Certain political parties supported the broadest criminal liability to ensure an effective prosecution of money laundering, other parties were worried that a widespread liability would have been cumbersome for the economic system. Moreover, along with the expansion of the international criminal legal framework to fight against money laundering, also the scope of Article 261 Gcc was extended to include ever-new predicate offences. From the analysis of the doctrinal debate, it emerged that legal scholars have revealed technical hindrances that hinder the provision's legitimacy and thus hamper a positive integration of the act in the criminal legal system. In addition, given that most controversial issues are caused by the wording of the offence, the chapter seems to uphold the idea of an intentional potential decriminalisation of money launderers. The wording of Article 261 Gcc has the potential of frustrating some of the intentions expressed by the legislature in occasion of the adoption of the provision. While the vague formulation of the money laundering offence was thought to tackle ever-new emergencies and has been justified by legislatures as necessary to ensure a more effective fight against money laundering, it has also raised issues that, far from being purely dogmatic, have undermined the acceptance of such law. If law makers have designed the offence in a broad way to allow the criminalisation of conducts that could not have been prosecuted by the existing offences before, the large discretion left to prosecutors, has resulted in a cumbersome element for the prosecution of money laundering. In addition, criminalising the reckless conduct without envisaging a specific criminal liability for security positions has widened the scope of the offence to the point that the law has missed its function of isolating criminals by criminalising gate-keepers’ activities. In addition it emerged that there are some open questions with regard to the wording of the offence, for example the question of the interests protected by Article 261 Gcc. On one side a state intervention is considered necessary to contain the impact of economic misbehaviours to protect citizens, on the other side it is important to limit the resort to criminal law only for safeguarding individual or collective situations and not for defending an existing economic structure. The economic system may, in fact, not be considered as a collective interest that needs protection. Also, safeguards provided by penal law need to be substantial and not symbolic, because they urge to change a given situation of inequality, where criminals can profit from illegal practices while legitimate economic actors undergo unfair competition. From the doctrinal analysis it has instead emerged that the legislator seemed to be more interested in drafting a symbolic legislation that can be hardly integrated in the legal system and that raise strong challenges. Lawmakers have been focusing on expanding the reach of anti-money laundering in order to improve its effectiveness, yet without providing legitimacy for such expansion. One of the most meaningful fact observed in the qualitative analysis of statistical data is that organised crime and 'gross money laundering' are not persecuted through Article 261 Gcc. This fact can be inferred by the low number of convictions pursuant to Article 261 (4),23 by the low number of money laundering proceedings categorised as organised crime and by the low number of investigations in the field of money laundering, tax crimes and economic crimes recorded by public prosecutors offices in 2013, where more than one person was involved (18 %). Yet, this does not mean that the criminal justice system does not act against them, but rather that it uses other tools to achieve the goal. While the low conviction rate for serious money laundering cases could be also a symptom of a high degree of deterrence of the provision, it seems that law enforcement uses the money laundering charge as a fallback for authorities who are unable to acquire sufficient evidence in a preliminary phase for the predicate crime and necessitate further information otherwise not accessible. The charge of money laundering allows investigators to access the vast amount of information recorded pursuant to the GwG, which would not be otherwise accessible. Yet, after the investigative phase, prosecutors seem to prefer to modify the charge and opt for indictment for predicate offences instead. The law seems to be effective to the extent that it facilitates the initial investigations, while it does not serve directly the function of punishing money launderers. Besides having a substantial nature, the provisions seem to have a procedural function. It can be inferred that prosecutors find particularly difficult to bring evidence against organised money launderers also due to the fact that professional offenders do not leave traces. From the scarce use of Article 261 Gcc for tackling organised criminality, it can be inferred that the measure is not serving for one of the purposes declared by the legislature when introducing the offence. In addition, it can be hypothesised that other measures may be more suitable to tackle 'gross money laundering'. Given the high number of STRs filed and the low number of money laundering charges and of convictions deriving from the STRs since the introduction of the laws, it can be assumed that the system has been anyway maintained because it still provides some sort of benefits. It can be hypothesised that one benefit is the number of information provided to law enforcement agencies. This amount of recorded information is helpful not only to support further indictments, but also to increase the personnel awareness about the ever-changing money laundering techniques and schemes. Again the effect of the 'law in action' differs in respect to the declared legislative intentions, which justified the criminalisation of money laundering with the necessity of tackling organised crime's economic power. By spelling out this function, the assessment on the effectiveness of the law - as the possibility of collecting information - can be positive. Yet, this effect could be considered a social cost rather than a benefit. On a theoretical side, many scholars see the recording of personal information by private actors as an infringement of the right to privacy.24 On a more practical side such mechanism imposes significant costs on the designated businesses and professions that are in charge of collecting the data.25 When compared to the effective outcomes of the preventive regulations, in terms of law enforcement results, this aspect does not seem to win a cost-benefit analysis, as showed in the quoted researches. If one considers the advantages in terms of information collected, the policy may be considered worth the burden imposed, instead. However, the fact that the laws would have an effective impact on the long run on the fight against money laundering and organised crime may be seen as a diminished deterrence effect, because perpetrators would have the time to adapt to the new laws and find new ways of circumventing them. A collateral effect of the long-run effectiveness of the policy hypothesised on the basis of the outcomes of the research on the implementation is the fact that perpetrators could take advantage of the initiated but not completed cases, by acquiring knowledge about law enforcement strategies and thus develop subterfuges to elude them. On the contrary, it seems that the legislature is always running after to cope with the offenders’ ever-new strategies. In fact, regulations about a new sector are updated when there is evidence that there is a risk of money laundering in that specific sector. Yet, offenders might have already moved their laundering activities to another sector. On the assumption that the inclusion of the reckless conduct would have potentially criminalised daily activities, a focus was posed on the number of convictions related to Article 261 (5) Gcc26 to verify the target of the criminal provision. Since 2005 a high number of convictions have been actually referring to reckless money laundering. This shows that the offence is used to punish primarily 'petty money laundering'. This fact can also be inferred from the relevant number of money laundering cases to the detriment of senior citizens, signalled by the FIU in the recent years. Also the fact that a significant number of STRs is filed in relation to the 'financial agents’ phenomenon' is a symptom that the preventive mechanism targets more 'small fishes' rather than big perpetrators. Individuals convicted for the reckless conduct may be even victims of a fraud perpetrated by criminal networks. However, the criminal network acting behind the offender remains undetected. If on the one side it cannot be claimed that such offenders, given the lower degree of culpability should not be punished at all, on the other side this effect of the law involves a change of paradigm. The money laundering offence was initially introduced with the goal of tackling serious crimes. The observed effect, however, changes the function and the nature of the law, so that Article 261 Gcc could be considered rather a 'blue collar crime' more than a 'white collar crime'. From the analysis on the quality of STRs filed to the FIU, it can be inferred that certain designated professions and businesses are very reluctant in filing STRs, despite their notably exposure to money laundering risks. The list of designated professions and businesses has been amplified over the years exactly with the goal of facing this transfer of crime from one area to the other. Yet some professionals, such as legal advisors, do not report them, although they possess the capacity of recognising illicit transactions. The fact that some sectors do not actively participate in the effort of preventing money laundering, by allowing criminal proceedings to enter the legitimate economy, may lead to a general ineffectiveness of the system, because it can significantly hinder the capacity of the whole anti-money laundering system to respond to the ability of offenders to move their field of activity there where the law is lax. The provision does generate some instrumental effects by punishing offenders and by triggering a cooperation directed at signalling suspicious transactions between the obliged entities and law enforcement. However, some of the effects do not seem to completely fulfil the legislature's declared goals. For example the chapter seems to prove wrong the legislature's expectation of tackling the grey area by punishing gate-keepers or the attributed function of eliminating organised and serious crime. Given the high costs of implementation highlighted by the cost-benefits analyses, the rather low outcomes seem to be insufficient to fulfil the legislature's goals. Since it is sufficient that without latent functions it would be impossible to explain the adoption and maintenance of a legal act,27 it can be concluded that the intents declared by lawmakers do not satisfy the reasons why the provision was introduced. This opens up the hypothesis that Article 261 Gcc is an example of a symbolic legislation, which has been enacted with the purpose of compromising a complex parliamentarian debate. The analysis of the law-making process has revealed the existence of different expectations attributed to the introduction of Article 261 Gcc. Expectations that were conflicting with each other had to be negotiated and were compromised through the formulation of a vague offence that allowed different interpretations. Yet, the implementation of the law has led to the re-emersion of some of the conflicting situations. In addition, given that the policy regulates a complex and multifaceted issue new conflicts have emerged through its enforcement. The effects triggered by the norm can be indeed perceived positively or negatively by the different actors involved. In particular five principal conflicting situations have surfaced from the interviews. The first issue is the role played by external actors in the law-making process and the constant influence exercised by those actors in the process of updating the policy. The imposition of a US American approach to money laundering control through the role of the FATF has also been highlighted in the second chapter. Specifically, some scholars see the development of a global prohibition regime fostered by the US in the diffusion of anti-money laundering law. According to this literature, the powerful state creates an international regime focussed on achieving its own goals through global acceptance triggered by the securitisation rhetoric and compliance processes imposed through the menace of exclusion by international business relations. The second conflict that emanates from the words of the respondents is the one of the demand for criminal law to face financial misbehaviours and the necessity of limiting the tendency of expanding criminal law on the background of a situation of financial instability. Given the previous deregulation of the market, policy makers need to control and sanction economic abuse in order to protect fair competition and law-abiding individuals. On the other hand, the state needs to respect fundamental principles, such as the rule of law and the principle of ultima ratio that imposes a restriction of the use of criminal law in situations in which no other measures are suitable. This conflict has already been raised along the formulation of the money laundering offence with regards to the question of the interests protected by the law. Despite the legislator tying to limit the scope of the offence by attributing to Article 261 Gcc the protection of the administration of justice and of the interests protected by the predicate offences, this explanation was not considered suitable to the peculiarity of the offence. Indeed, shortly after the enactment, legal scholarship and the judiciary entered in a vivid debate in order to identify more suitable interests protected by the law, among them the financial and economic system under different perspectives. However, as chapter three shows, no solution could be found. In fact, the question concerning the suitability of criminal law to tackle illicit financial flows is perceived in the current research as still unsolved. The matter does not only concern money laundering control. On the contrary, it is a fairly widespread issue that has recently emerged due to the tendency of hardening economic crimes on the background of a situation of financial instability. The third conflict can be summarised as the following: on the one hand the policy being required to interfere with the personal sphere of suspected money launderers; on the other hand private institutions being interested in protecting their relations with loyal and trusted customers. Therefore, they are reluctant to give law enforcement the possibility to interfere too much in their business. The interest manifested by the private sector involved in the prevention of money laundering seems thus to collide with the legislative intent of preventing the infiltration of dirty money by way of preventing gate-keepers to help money launderers. The clash emerges at a micro-economic level and is triggered by the fact that the anti-money laundering policy demands an active participation by private sector in the detection of suspects. Private actors, are not appropriate to bear the burden of detecting offenders, moreover they need to protect the relationships with customers by avoiding unnecessary interferences. At the same time, the privatisation of crime control is questionable also from a governance point of view. It seems therefore that the public interest in persecuting crimes through having access to personal information from the private sector only marginally collides with the interest of protecting the right to privacy. Businesses and professions are predominantly interested in not interfering with their clients and in not bearing the burden of detecting offenders. The issue was also addressed during the national Parliamentarian debate, with regards to the degree of mens rea required for money laundering criminal liability. Making everybody taking part in economic or financial activities actively participating in the monitoring of the economic system under the threat of criminal liability for negligent money laundering was considered harmful for the business market. The same debate has been picked up by legal scholarship too. Yet, it seems that, despite the law being the result of negotiations, the question is still open. The fourth issue consists of discording opinions with regards to the opportunity of including tax evasion as predicate offence for money laundering. On one hand there is the interest of tackling tax evasion through the anti-money laundering regime, on the hand the concern of keeping the two phenomena distinct in order to avoid an overrating of money laundering. Since the genesis of the anti-money laundering policy, some actors taking part in the international law-making process, opposed the labelling of 'black money', naming money deriving from tax violations, as 'dirty money', indicating all proceeds of crime typically committed by organised crime. This distinction was based on the perception that tax-related offences were less serious and less harmful than capital flight and were advocated by financial centres in order to maintain a good reputation while still granting peculiar financial services, such as bank secrecy. This issue is a good example of the labelling theory, to the extent that it shows how a practice that was firstly not considered criminal enough to amount to a predicate offence for money laundering, has become part of the scope of the anti-money laundering regime on the basis of a political decision of labelling it as such. Respondents of the current research show to have different perceptions of the degree of the seriousness of tax laws violations and thus about the appropriateness and necessity of tackling them under the umbrella of the anti-money laundering policy. Again, the matter, which seemed to have been resolved through the negotiations on an international and European level, is still being debated at national level. The last two contrasting interests are the necessity of regulating the flows of money and the free movements of capitals in a neoliberal economy. The question is intrinsic in the nature of money laundering, which is a phenomenon that happens at the interface between legality and illegality. Regulations that facilitate the licit exchange of goods, capitals and services do also facilitate the flow of ill-gotten gains; there are thus conflicting interests between the public interest of persecuting crime and the claims for less regulation in a free market economy. From the interviews surfaced that not only opinions on the effectiveness of the law differ, but the very concept of effectiveness is perceived differently among the interview partners. Perceptions about how effective the anti- money laundering policy is appear to be similar among respondents belonging to the same experts’ group. In particular, given the fact that the policy triggers many preliminary investigations, investigators work on a daily basis with the provision. This led to their opinion on the implementation of the legislation being rather positive. Positive opinions have common ground: they assert that the policy is not a simple one to implement, however, they believe that the legal practice has found its way through. On the contrary, defence attorneys specialised in economic crimes do not receive a significant amount of clients suspected for money laundering. For this reason they tend to have a rather negative opinion on the policy’s effectiveness, also driven by the perception that the policy is not able to achieve the indirect goals. The diverse concepts of effectiveness provided by disciplines close to the sociology of law and the different definitions of effectiveness given by sociologists of law turn out to be useful here. Particularly the notions of 'efficiency' and of 'efficiency regardless of the goals' are proved very useful to interpret the respondents' opinions. Efficiency, is according to the administrative legal approach, the optimal relation between the goals achieved and the instruments used. A subcategory of this concept is the efficiency calculated through a cost-benefit analysis, of which some examples have been presented in the fourth chapter, which defines efficiency as the functioning of a legal order without assessing the goals achieved. This type of analysis focuses on the correctness of the operating system since the purpose of the system is its own existence. It refers to a whole legal order rather than to a specific single provision. Given that the anti-money laundering policy constitutes a legal order, due to the diverse regulations involved and the competent authorities created in order to achieve the goals of the policy, this notion can be applied. In the field of administrative legal theories, the first chapter has focussed on the approach that considers the (in)effectiveness of a law depending on its (failing) enforcement. A high degree of compliance of the anti-money laundering legislation might correspond to a high level of effectiveness of the policy with respect to its direct function, but at the same time to a rather low level of effectiveness with regards to its indirect purposes. The way to evaluate the degree of effectiveness is therefore also different. While compliance with legal provisions is calculated through a quantitative assessment of the processes in force and of the functioning of the system, the achievement of the indirect functions is measured on the impact of the policy. Interview partners have different perceptions about the indirect functions of the legislation too. This reflects, once again, the fact that the policy was a result of a compromise between different expectations and that the legislator was not able to limit the scope of its application to a particular goal. The different expectations and intents, which already emerged in the doctrinal debate about the legally protected interests, appears again in the different perceptions of the interviewees. The respondents were asked about the legislation's effectiveness with regards to one of the indirect functions, namely the capacity to deter organised crime. The legislator enacted the money laundering offence in the context of the fight against drug trafficking and other forms of organised crime, thus Article 261 Gcc's expressed rationale is the prevention and repression of organised crime. Finally, a relevant outcome regards the respondents’ opinions on article 261 Gcc’s latent symbolic function. Some of them agree with this. Others strongly oppose the hypothesis. They argue instead that the policy has instrumental effects on their daily practice, which cannot be defined as purely symbolic. According to most respondents, the law cannot be defined as symbolic, because it has led to instrumental effects. In the first place information gathered thanks to the GwG is used to start preliminary investigations under Article 261 Gcc. Secondly, the structure enacted to comply with the anti-money laundering policy is attainable and is visible and cannot be denied. Thirdly, the law is considered necessary because it labels a deviant behaviour. In particular, despite the fact that investigations do not lead to a conviction for money laundering they allow investigators to collect information in support of criminal cases for the predicate offences or to start a preliminary investigation for a predicate offence. In this sense, the function of the 'law in action', despite being questionable, is objectively instrumental. However, the fact that the law serves the purpose of tackling predicate offences through the support of investigations does not exclude the hypothesis that the law was enacted to pursue latent functions too. According to the sociologist Aubert, it is not necessary that the latent goal is the only one that plays a role, but it is necessary that the other purposes would not explain the analysed phenomenon completely. Indeed, in the opinions of those who exclude the symbolic function, yet the results achieved through compliance do not legitimate the burden imposed by the legislation. In other words, it seems that they recognise that the purpose of compliance cannot completely explain the policy makers' motivation, which re-opens the doors for the hypothesis of the existence of latent functions. In fact, such a demanding policy cannot be accepted for the sole purpose of re-enforcing the action of the criminal justice system in tackling predicate offences. On the other hand, compliance with the policy in terms of building of a structure and of expertise does not automatically mean fulfilling the policy’s purpose. Particularly the creation of new professionalism, has been interpreted by scholars as a sign given to the public that the policy has produced certain effects. In conclusion, on the background of the research’s outcome, the paper tries to reply to the question: (How) can the effectiveness of the money laundering offence be improved? While technical hindrances can (and perhaps) will be removed through legal reforms, 28 the inherent political economic and financial conflicting interests that impede a higher level of effectiveness are more difficult to solve. In contemporary industrialised economies there is a complicated and sometimes shifting boundary between legitimate and illegitimate transactions. This is particularly exacerbated in the context of financial capitalism, which 'subordinates the capitalist productive process to the circulation of money and monetary assets and hence to the accumulation of money profits'. Since the very beginning, determining the boundary between an area defined as 'criminal' and the space of 'legality' has been controversial. In fact, money has a neutral nature, pecunia non olet, making profit, irrespective of the monies' origin, is a very strong interest for both private and public entities, which collides with the one of eliminating illicit financial flows. In other words criminal policy goals diverge from purely economic interests. While one can assume the justice and correctness of the current financial system, and thus describes money laundering as harmful because it interferes with the existing economic order, one can also assume that the capitalist system leads per se to injustice and inequality, and that money laundering is actually embedded in this profit-oriented system and represents just the darker side of the capitalist economy. A compromised viewpoint is the one that describes money laundering as an accepted collateral effect of the capitalist system, that is to say 'a certain amount of illicit financial flows may be considered an acceptable price to pay for a market where free mobility of capital is guaranteed'. In other words, money laundering is intrinsic in or at least exacerbated by the capitalist system.

The paper examines the approach taken by Russian government to control money laundering by creating the preventive framework which has undergone significant changes over the past six years. With respect to the prevention of money laundering, the discussion involves a review of international standards and norms which constitute the global AML regime. Recognizing the need for adding the domestic dimension to the studies of international regimes with the help of two-level game theory, the paper further analyzes the preventive pillar of the domestic AML regime in Russia in comparison with the global standards. It concludes that the federal law, which is the cornerstone of the domestic AML regime, as well as institutional framework created in Russia, both formally comply with the international norms.

The analyses of the practical implementation of the AML legislation in the financial institutions focus on legislative base for the regulated, behavioral patterns of the banks in the AML prevention, and the conflicts and debates, lately emerged within the domestic AML regime. This paper aims to show how new regulations have influenced both domestic AML regime and its main actors. The paper concludes that the existent domestic regime lacks interaction and communication between its actors which leads to the breach of the main principle and goal of a regime – cooperation.

The paper argues that the representatives of banking community in Russia could play the role of epistemic community proposed by the cognitive theory of international regimes. Given the functions of epistemic community it could foster better understanding of the context and purposes of the AML regime, thus, decreasing uncertainty and facilitating cooperation between the parties. The paper will conclude with the recommendations on the future research about how risk-based approach to banking regulation of the AML prevention rather than traditional rule-based compliance method can be effective.

The purpose of this mini-dissertation is to analyse and establish the potential money laundering and terrorism financing risks and implications of virtual currencies on the prevalent South African regulatory and supervisory architecture. The South African financial system is exceedingly regulated and supervised to ensure that it is prudent and reputable, and to enhance the safety and soundness thereof. Recently, technological innovations and developments have created immense issues especially from a financial regulatory and supervisory perspective. Financial technology has produced mysterious phenomena such as blockchain, insuretech, crowdfunding and virtual currencies. Presently, virtual currencies, which will be the focus of this study, do not fall within the ambits of the South African financial regulatory or supervisory regime and have thus created a regulatory arbitrage. This poses a significant number of risks and implications to the South African context, namely tax evasion; crossborder illicit flow of funds; contravention of exchange control regulations; financial instability; monetary policy uncertainty; inaccurate economic statistics; non-reporting of balance of payment requirements; and money laundering and terrorist financing (ML/TF). The study aims to construct a clear description and categorisation of virtual currencies within a South African context. Secondly, the study will set out the risks and implications that virtual currencies pose to the South African financial system from a ML/TF perspective. Finally, the study will present a possible solution to close the current regulatory arbitrage presented by virtual currencies in the South African financial sector.
Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Mercantile Law
LLM Banking Law
Unrestricted

Asset recovery (AR) refers to the process through which criminals are deprived of the proceeds of crime. Despite strong support for AR in the policy arena, virtually no work to date has confirmed that it reduces (or should theoretically reduce) crime. This thesis seeks to fill this gap in understanding. The thesis begins with an examination of the theoretical support for AR, drawing on the economics of criminal behaviour. This chapter probes the claims made throughout the literature, illustrating how different approaches to AR should have different impacts on crime. AR powers are likely ineffective in reducing crime if offenders' spending/saving behaviour renders them with little to recover. This next chapter examines offenders' spending/saving using data from the UK's Joint Assets Recovery Database. Offenders can and will take steps to hide the fruits of their labours, and AR will be toothless if offenders can do so. Most AR regimes include anti-money laundering (AML) components to prevent offenders from hiding their proceeds. The crime-reduction efficacy of AML policies is a function of the ability of offenders to reduce their exposure to AR of banks/etc. to alert law enforcement when they know/suspect that an offender is laundering and of law enforcement to make use of the information provided. The latter two issues are considered in turn. Banks/etc. must alert law enforcement (by filing suspicious activity reports, or SARs) if they know/suspect that an offender is laundering proceeds. While this requirement likely deters some criminality, reporting does not deter all offenders. This chapter explores whether banks/etc. targeting of laundering represents more signal than noise. Finally, as the criminality of the undeterred who have been identified by banks/etc. will only be reduced if law enforcement uses the SARs sent to them, the final chapter explores the law enforcement's actual use and management of SARs.

碩士
東吳大學
政治學系
107
The purpose of this paper is to explain the role the FATF has played on the basis of international relations theory. From the realist perspective, the FATF reflects the power distribution and preferences among states. The great powers, as developed countries like United States and EU, use the FATF as a mean to coordinate global finance regulations. Thus, they derived benefits from the regulation coordination. From the liberalist perspective, the FATF is an important public goods. It helps deal with money laundering issues, promote economic prosperity and global welfare. Economic globalization brought the AML system challenges. Although the FATF has tackled these challenges actively, there is still a lot to do.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
法律學研究所
102
The motive behind Thailand’s Anti-Money Laundering Act of 1999 is the prevention of drug-related crimes. Drugs and crime are rampant in Thailand. Despite the development of drug-related crime control laws, such as the “Act on Measures for the Suppression of Offenders in an Offence Relating to Narcotics B.E. 2534” in 1991, in practice, they have not been effective. Thailand’s criminal cases related to trafficking and transport of drugs remain unabated. The reasons for this fearlessness is that evidence for investigating drug-related crimes is hard to find, many drug partners have not been arrested, and drug syndicate leaders are still fearlessly at large. Additionally, traffickers continue to put profit and property into their drug trafficking syndicate to support its operation. In order to put a stop to the rampant drug-related crimes, the Thai government believes more effective laws to contain drug-related crimes should be developed, while empowering the law enforcement powers of the police and prosecutors. Additionally, the new law for confiscating property should be revised to allow the government to confiscate profits made by traffickers from drug trafficking and to disable traffickers from drug trafficking that harms the society. In view of this, the Thai government set up “Anti-Money Laundering B.E. 2542” in 1999 to seize and confiscate dirty money at an extended level. Furthermore, the aim of the Thai government is to develop financial services industry standards, Know Your Customers policies, anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing guidelines. The Thailand’s Anti-Money Laundering Act was developed in reference to the U.S. “in rem forfeiture” procedures, through which money laundering cases are divided into two parts: criminal cases and civil cases. Criminal cases are intended to punish money-laundering offenses; civil cases are intended to declare the forfeiture of property related to crime and prevent perpetrators from committing crimes to acquire illegal interests and use them for the next crime. Thailand’s Anti-Money Laundering Act is applied in civil lawsuits for property forfeiture procedures. The reason for adopting this system is that the alleged facts pertain to property, and property owners should be most familiar with these facts, compared to the police and prosecutors. Hence, the obligation of providing proof is transferred to the defendant to better be able to achieve effective confiscation of property. This way, the obligation of the prosecutor is to prove to the civil court whether the defendant’s act is a serious crime or money laundering crime. As far as whether property comes from criminal acts is concerned, there is no need to provide 100% authenticity. Although this system lessens the burden of proof for the police and prosecutors, the burden of proof is shifted to the defendant for him to prove his property has nothing to do with crime. This will in turn achieve prompt and effective confiscation of criminal property. However, this system is also suspected of being in violation of the presumption of innocence and no self-incrimination. Additionally, it may be against people’s right to a fair trial and be an infringement of the people’s property rights.

碩士
東吳大學
法律學系
107
On December 28, 2016, Taiwan revised the Money Laundering Control Act, changing from the legal normative basis to the risk basic norm, and redefined the money laundering behavioral aspects including “disposal, stratification and integration” and other FATF. Forty recommendations suggest that the original provisions regulate non-financial institutions to be extended to designated professional “natural persons”, and the amendments to Article 5, item 3 are listed as jewelry businesses ,land administration agents, real estate agencies, real estate agents, lawyers, notaries and CPAs (Designated Nonfinancial Businesses and Professions, DNFBPs) are also required to comply with customer review procedures for money laundering operations, money laundering risk assessments, and suspicious transaction notifications when performing specific services. Taiwan in the second year after the implementation of the law, November 2018 , revise the money laundering prevention law again, increase the number of new preparations and regularly update the anti-money laundering and anti-terrorism risk assessment report and the after-the-fact audit procedures. With the rapid development of financial technology, in recent years, the Blockchain as the underlying technology of cryptocurrency (such as bitcoin), third-party payment and other innovative multi-financial instruments, easy to be used for illegal transactions, or tools of concealed crime proceeds when virtual currency is increasingly global, rapidly changing the overall financial services environment and the development of the financial industry ,Taiwan is an important hub of Asian trade and finance, highly dependent on international financial flows and cross-border transactions, and is dominated by small and medium-sized enterprises. CPAs are involved in a wide range of business operations and have a certain degree of complexity. They prepare or carry out for customers. Related transactions, usually highly integrated in a variety of industries, including banking, financial leasing, securities, real estate and lawyers, so this article will be based on CPAs in the practice of money laundering prevention and control related practices, money laundering prevention and forensics Accounting, money laundering prevention and tax crimes. In the risk basis, the cooperation between the public and private sectors, the risk assessment and the risk reduction, the practical application of the protection of legal interests and the compliance, lack of the current legal protection in the whistleblower, and provide observation and suggestions.

碩士
淡江大學
保險學系保險經營碩士在職專班
97
Money laundering behavior makes a significant impact on national image and soundness of economic environment. To prevent this misdeed, the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF) and The Joint Forum on Financial Conglomerates (Joint Forum) have proposed its principles of anti-money laundering. Document research method was adopted by this study to analysis anti-money practices of US, UK, Japan, China, and Taiwan. The result indicates that Taiwan government tends to more focus on banking industry than other industries about preventing money laundering. Despite the impact of money laundering on insurers is relative small, however, the characteristics of insurance product and transaction are still might be used to launder money. Another weak point is that insurance intermediaries have not been included into the system, which is a major flaw of preventing money laundering. According to the analysis of this study, our suggestions are as follows： 1.Regulations and laws are required to amend to clear mandate the responsibilities of insurance intermediaries. 2.The supervisory authority provides detailed directions regarding suspicious indicators, real case studies to guide insurers and intermediaries to build anti-money laundering systems. 3.To enhance the cooperation between supervisory and financial institutions, educations and feedback system are required to consistently carry out.

碩士
南華大學
歐洲研究所
94
Money-laundering is at the heart of practically all criminal activity. It has being given strategic priority at European Union（EU）level. Evidence of the EU`s determination to tackle money-laundering is clear. The Tampere European Council in October 1999 stated ”Money laundering is at the very heart of organised crime. It should be rooted out whereever it occurs. The European Council is determined to ensure that concrete steps are taken to trace, freeze, seize and confiscate the proceeds of crime.” Further proof was demonstrated by the first ever joint EU Council of finance and Justice and Home Affairs Ministers in October 2000.Measures adopted to combat money laundering include the EU Council of Ministers` decision of October 2000 concerning arrangements for cooperation between financial intelligence units（FIUs）of the Member States and a Council Act of November 2000 amending the terms of the Europol Convention to extend the competence of Europol to money-laundering in general, not just drugs-related money-laundering.A second anti-money laundering Directive was agreed in December 2001. It amends the earlier 1991 Directive in two main respects. First, it windens the definition of criminal activity giving rise to money laundering to include all serious crimes. Second it applies to activities and professions beyond credit and financial institutions（which were covered by the 1991 Directive）such as accountants, lawyers, notaries, real estate agents, casino and dealers in high value goods. They are now subject to the same obligations as regards customer identification, record keeping and reporting of suspicious transactions. 　 　　In June 2003 the FATF agreed on a substantial revision of the Forty Recommendations to take account of experience acquired and the enhanced measures required to combat the phenomenon more effectively. For the sake of clarity it has been decided to repeal the existing Directive and propose a new autonomous text, including offences related to terrorism.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
商學研究所
103
Anti-money laundering is the current focus of international communities. The vast majority of money laundering cases is completed via the payment or other intermediary services offered by financial institutions. Consequently, how to prevent money launderers to commit the crime through financial systems and prompt financial institutions to provide reliable information against money laundering is the vital segment of enhancing Taiwan’s anti-money laundering effectiveness nowadays. This thesis points out anti-money laundering current problems in Taiwanese financial institutions and focuses a lot more on banks, which are the hubs of social funds. Through making a deep analysis of the advanced international anti-money laundering experiences in legal regime and practices, after comparing the gap between Taiwan and other countries, this paper is trying to find out the countermeasures based on Taiwan’s actual condition.