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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Anti-Vietnam War Movement

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Academic literature on the topic 'Anti-Vietnam War Movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Anti-Vietnam War Movement"

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Anderson, Terry H. "Expanding the anti-Vietnam War movement." Sixties 10, no. 2 (June 20, 2017): 250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2017.1341662.

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Harrison, Benjamin T. "Roots of the Anti‐Vietnam war movement." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 16, no. 2 (January 1993): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109308435923.

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TAKAHASHI, Katsuyuki. "The Anti-Vietnam War Movement in Thailand (1964-1973)." Southeast Asia: History and Culture, no. 30 (2001): 98–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.5512/sea.2001.98.

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Nugroho, Dwi Mifta, Muhammad J. B. Firdaus, and Adam J. Wijaya. "The Anti-War Movement through Romanticism of the Hippies Culture on Vietnam War 65-73." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 13, no. 2 (November 28, 2020): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v13i2.21290.

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In this paper, the authors try to provide an overview of the new socialmovement variant, which is the anti-war movements initiated by hippies.The hippie culture developed rapidly in the 1960s in the United Statesand now has spread to the whole world through cultural globalization.Hippie Movement itself is a subculture movement that has a significantrole in forming a counter-culture in the United States. This movement’ssuccess cannot be separated from the support of the musicians ofthe world through popular culture that will be discussed in this paper throughcultural globalization.

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Solomon, William S., and Melvin Small. "Covering Dissent: The Media and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement." Journal of American History 82, no. 4 (March 1996): 1651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945440.

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Hall, Mitchell K., and Melvin Small. "Covering Dissent: The Media and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement." Michigan Historical Review 21, no. 2 (1995): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173544.

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Hoynes, William, and Melvin Small. "Covering Dissent: The Media and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement." Contemporary Sociology 25, no. 1 (January 1996): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2077012.

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Curthoys, Ann. "History and reminiscence: Writing about the anti‐Vietnam‐war movement." Australian Feminist Studies 7, no. 16 (December 1992): 116–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.1992.9994666.

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Brown, J., and E. Noonan. "Calls to Action: Posters of the Anti-Vietnam War Movement." Radical History Review 2000, no. 78 (October 1, 2000): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2000-78-141.

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Butler, Nicholas. "1968: Victorian anti-war movement gets an injection." Before/Now: Journal of the collaborative Research Centre in Australian History (CRCAH) 1, no. 1 (May 3, 2019): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35843/beforenow.173265.

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When the 'baby-boomers' had reached university age, their understandings, habits and behaviours often collided with the political discourse of their parents' generation. By 1968, the Monash University Labor Club, fresh from its campaign to raise money for the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF), had discarded the mantle of Labor reformism and set itself on a path of a radical communist activism that scorned the efforts of the Communist Party (CPA) to contain its enthusiasm. In concert with similarly leaning student clubs at the other two Victorian universities it turned its attention to the protest movement outside the university, against conscription and the Vietnam Wm: That brought the inevitable clash with the older established anti war movement led by a loose blend of ALP, CPA, church groups and unions. This process led, in Scalmer's classification of protest actions, to the mode of political demonstrations leaping radically from 'staging' to 'disruption.'

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Anti-Vietnam War Movement"

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Jenkins, Barbara A. ""Limp flowers and sturdy convictions" : myth-making and the Vietnam war : the impact of urban mythology on the media and the anti-Vietnam war movement /." Title page, table of contents and introduction only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09SSAR/09ssarj521.pdf.

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Morrell, Rachel Marie. "THE PASSION OF CHRIST AND THE ANTI-VIETNAM WAR MOVEMENT AT KENT STATE UNIVERSITY: AN APPLICATION OF BURKES GUILT-REDEMPTION CYCLE." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1462801014.

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Fucci, Carolina. "La cattiva strada : linguaggi, scenari e rappresentazioni della protesta giovanile tra usa ed europa nel lungo sessantotto." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100059/document.

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Centrée sur le contexte des « longues années 68 », la thèse porte sur les raisons et le déroulement de la protestation juvénile entre les Etats-Unis et l’Europe, à partir du début des années Soixante jusqu’à la moitié de la décennie suivante. Il s’agit d’une période durant laquelle les pays développés connaissent une transformation sans pareil, marquée par l’élargissement de la société de consommation de masse et par le progrès frappant dans le domaine de la communication. La recherche vise surtout à éclairer deux questions principales : définir le rôle joué par la contre-culture dans la vague révolutionnaire et encadrer la dimension internationale du mouvement. Ce travail est donc divisé en deux parties : la première aborde les causes et l’esprit de la contre-culture à partir de ses racines américaines, tandis que la deuxième partie sera centrée sur les agitations étudiantes dans les pays de référence. En ce qui concerne les acteurs de la mobilisation, la recherche porte sur trois sujets principaux : les groupes undergrounds, le mouvement étudiant international et la révolte italienne de Soixante-dix-sept. Il s’agit de trois sujets qui représentent trois phases distinctes dans la chronologie du « cycle de protestation », un cycle qui se déroule dans un récit déchiqueté où on assiste à un changement continu de paradigme. Malgré cette inconstance fondamentale, il subsiste des mots d’ordre qui occupent une place privilégiée dans la mentalité des activistes : anti-autoritarisme, égalitarisme, répression, droit, révolution restent les nœuds théoriques les plus significatifs de la contestation dans le milieu juvénile, étudiant et également ouvrier
Centred on the political and cultural context of the “long Sixties”, this work examines the reasons and the dynamics of social movements between USA and Europe, focusing on the period from 1960 to the mid-1970s. It was a period of great transformations where the affluent societies witnessed an explosive growth both in social field and in technological domain. This thesis aims above all to understand two main issues: the role counterculture played in the war protest and civil rights movement and the international dimension of this phenomenon. Thus, this research is divided into two parts: the first section concerns with the underground movement beginning with its American roots while the second part is dedicated to the student movement thought an international perspective. Concerning the social actors involved in the mobilisation, this work is focused on three main subjects: the counterculture groups, the several student movements and the militants of Italian 1977 revolt. It means to analyse three different moments in the “protestation cycle” of long Sixties that remains a tumultuous period of paradigm shifts. In spite of this instability, it is possible to indicate some keywords that characterise the spirit of the age: anti-authoritarianism, egalitarianism, repression, rights, and above all, revolution remain the more significant theoretical questions on which this work revolves

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Phelps, Wesley Gordon. "The "Sixties" Come to North Texas State University, 1968-1972." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4654/.

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North Texas State University and the surrounding Denton community enjoyed a quiet college atmosphere throughout most of the 1960s. With the retirement of President J. C. Matthews in 1968, however, North Texas began witnessing the issues most commonly associated with the turbulent decade, such as the struggle for civil rights, the anti-Vietnam War movement, the fight for student rights on campus, and the emergence of the Counterculture. Over the last two years of the decade, North Texas State University and the surrounding community dealt directly with the 1960s and, under the astute leadership of President John J. Kamerick, successfully endured trying times.

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Vo, Dang Thanh Thuy. "Anticommunism as cultural praxis South Vietnam, war, and refugee memories in the Vietnamese American community /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307329.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 14, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-235).

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Smith, Tracey. "Agitators in the Land of Zion: The Anti-Vietnam War Movements at Brigham Young University, University of Utah, and Utah State University." DigitalCommons@USU, 1995. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7116.

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Through the vantage point of institutions of higher learning, Utah's distinction as a politically conservative state dominated by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is examined during the Vietnam War era. The three universities in the study-Brigham Young University, University of Utah, and Utah State University- are the three oldest and most populous universities in the state. This thesis concentrates on these three institutions and less on the politics of the state at the time. Studies showed that the universities, to varying degrees, exhibited antiwar sentiment Still, the campuses were less active in opposing the war, drawing only a very small percentage of students to demonstrations. Brigham Young University's President, Ernest L. Wilkinson (1951-1971), vigorously guarded against signs of antiwar activity. He was involved in the 1966 spy ring, which organized students for surveillance of supposedly liberal faculty. Students who appeared to be antiwar were also scrutinized. Despite the negative sanctions on such students, a minority of pupils did oppose the war and Wilkinson's tactics. The University of Utah produced the highest number of protesters, largely because of its more diverse and urban population. Many of the demonstrators at the U of U continued as activists in the Salt Lake Valley into the 1990s. Utah State University echoed the U of U, but to a lesser extent. Still, underground newspapers and an organized antiwar political party showed that USU also had a movement against the war. The administrations of the two schools figure into the text less powerfully than BYU's Wilkinson because they failed to become as involved in the debate. Oral interviews dominate this thesis. Subjects were chosen according to their involvement in particular events or movements. Student newspapers and underground newspapers were also utilized. This thesis attempted to recreate a tumultuous and turbulent time in American history. Utah's unique cultural slant showed that the Beehive State could not isolate itself from international events but also responded in its own way.

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Roth, Matthew McKenzie Bryant Roth. "Crossing Borders: The Toronto Anti-Draft Programme and the Canadian Anti-Vietnam War Movement." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/4108.

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This study examines how the Toronto Anti-Draft Programme (TADP) assisted American war resisters who came to Canada in response to the Vietnam War. It illustrates how the TADP responded to political decisions in Canada and in the United States and adapted its strategies to meet the changing needs of war resisters who fled to Canada. The main sources of material used for this research were the TADP’s archival records, newspaper accounts and secondary literature. This study traces the organization’s origins in the Canadian New Left before looking at how TADP released the Manual for Draft-Age Immigrants to Canada; a document that advised war resisters on how to successfully prepare for immigration. It will also explore how TADP provided immigration counselling, employment, housing services and emotional support to American war resisters. Some of the organization’s principal actors and its relationship with other Canadian aid organizations are also examined. As the number of draft resisters coming to Canada decreased during the war, the number of military resisters entering the country increased. This shift led to a change in the type of counselling the TADP provided, a reorientation that is also discussed here. As well, the unexpected numbers of African-Americans and women resisters who crossed the border presented a unique set of challenges to the TADP. Finally, this thesis examines the TADP’s attempts to aid American war resisters in Sweden, spread the word about the Canadian government’s liberalized immigration regulations in 1973, and address the issue of amnesty for resisters in America.

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"History and a slice of social justice [electronic resource] : the anti-Vietnam war movement in Tampa and at USF 1965-1970 / by Todd V. Scofield." 1988. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/dl/SF00000186.jpg.

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Books on the topic "Anti-Vietnam War Movement"

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Lyttle, Bradford. The Chicago anti-Vietnam War movement. Chicago: Midwest Pacifist Center, 1988.

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Covering dissent: The media and the anti-Vietnam War movement. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 1994.

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The chimes of freedom flashing: A personal history of the Vietnam anti-war movement and the 1960's. Washington, DC: TCA Press, 1996.

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West-Bloc dissident: A Cold War memoir. New York: Soft Skull, 2002.

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Rethinking the American anti-war movement. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012.

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Phan, Trsan Hireu. Cuoi nguson brat an =: Roots of unrest : Anh-Viuet song ngzu = English-Vietnamese. [Orange County, Calif.]: The Orange County Register, 1999.

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The Anti-War Movement (The Vietnam War, Volume 5). Routledge, 2000.

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Garfinkle, Adam. Telltale Hearts: The Origins and Impact of the Vietnam Anti-War Movement. Palgrave Macmillan, 1997.

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Blum, William. West-Bloc Dissident: A Cold War Political Memoir. Soft Skull Press, 2001.

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Rossinow, Doug. Partners for Progress? University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036866.003.0002.

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This chapter argues that from the Popular Front of the 1930s and 1940s through the anti-Vietnam War movement and the “new politics” of the 1960s and 1970s, liberals and leftists worked together to strengthen individual political and social rights. They sought to advance the interests of the industrial working class within the framework of liberal capitalist society, and to oppose war and empire. The chapter also describes the left edge of the liberal political tradition across the broad sweep of industrial U.S. history, revealing both the way in which the radical left provided idealistic, sometimes utopian fuel for liberal reform projects, as well as the broad influence of liberal ideas on the political left in the United States.

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Book chapters on the topic "Anti-Vietnam War Movement"

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Dixon, Chris, and Jon Piccini. "The Anti-Vietnam War Movement." In The Routledge History of World Peace Since 1750, 371–81. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: The Routledge histories: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315157344-30.

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Wells, Tom. "The Anti Vietnam War Movement in the United States." In The Vietnam War, 115–32. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26949-5_6.

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Hall, Simon. "Black Power and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement." In The Routledge History of World Peace Since 1750, 132–41. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: The Routledge histories: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315157344-10.

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"8. Give Peace a Chance? The Ambivalent Anti–Vietnam War Movement." In The Movement and the Middle East, 120–35. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503611078-010.

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Garner, Alice, and Diane Kirkby. "Education, or ‘part of our foreign policy’?: At war in Vietnam." In Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies, 109–29. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526128973.003.0007.

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By the early 1960s the original Fulbright Agreement had expired and a new one was negotiated, as a binational agreement with the Australian government providing equal funding. This was signed in 1964, in the context of increasing miliitary intervention in the war in Vietnam by both the US and Australia. Under the ANZUS and SEATO treaties, signed the previous decade, Australia was a keen ally of the US in Vietnam. The Fulbright program and the Australia-US Alliance were pursued simultaneously by the Australian government. Senator Fulbright visited Australia, criticised the Alliance and became a leading dissenter to the Vietnam War. Academics on educational exchange also became active in the anti-war movement.

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"CHAPTER 5. Confronting Liberalism: The Anti–Vietnam War Movement and the ABM Debate, 1965–1969." In Disrupting Science, 130–57. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400823802.130.

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Nguyen, Phuong Tran. "The Anticommunist Việt-Cộng." In Becoming Refugee American. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041358.003.0005.

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This chapter resurrects the infamous history of shadowy US-based anti-communist insurgent forces modelled on Ronald Reagan’s “freedom fighters.” Often disparaged as the quintessential “bad refugee” that brought the Vietnam War to America, as evidenced by the unsolved murders of several Vietnamese journalists suspected of communist ties, the members of the “resistance movement” were actually being “good refugees” as defined by the secret Cold War policies of the Reagan Administration.

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Wendt, Simon. "“I Wanted It to Change and to Make Up for Its Past”." In The Daughters of the American Revolution and Patriotic Memory in the Twentieth Century, 162–204. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066608.003.0006.

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The chapter explores the organization’s post–World War II history. This period saw major challenges to its conservative vision of America’s “imagined community.” Despite these challenges, the DAR’s views on race, immigration, gender, and the nation’s past remained virtually unchanged. It continued to embrace ethnic nationalism, opposing racial integration and a liberalization of America’s immigration laws, and upheld the very same ideals of femininity and masculinity that its campaigns had emphasized prior to 1945. The organization regarded the social movements of the 1960s, including the civil rights movement, the anti-Vietnam War movement, and second wave feminism, as a grave danger to the nation. Although the DAR began to admit black members in 1977 and finally acknowledged African Americans’ patriotic contributions to American independence in the 1980s, its public rhetoric of civic tolerance frequently belied the DAR’s conservative views on race and gender.

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Hobson, Emily K. "Beyond the Gay Ghetto." In Lavender and Red. University of California Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520279056.003.0002.

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Between 1969 and 1973, gay liberationists began to define radical alliances as central to sexual liberation. Gay men drew on Black radicalism, the anti-Vietnam War movement, and other causes to analyze anti-gay oppression and to draw analogies between sexuality and race. They pursued solidarity with the Black Panther Party and defined gayness as a means to resist U.S. militarism. They also distinguished leftist gay liberation from a different politics termed gay nationalism, as by opposing a gay nationalist scheme to colonize California's Alpine County — a project gay leftists argued would replicate capitalism, imperialism, and anti-gay oppression. In contrast to such proposals, Bay Area gay radicals organized gay solidarity with a multiracial and socialist left.

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Gore, Dayo F. "“A Common Rallying Call”." In To Turn the Whole World Over, 235–56. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042317.003.0012.

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This essay examines the experiences of African American women living in China during the early 1960s as many black activists began to look to Asia for other models for revolutionary transformation and global anti-imperialist struggle. The essay centers on Vicki Garvin, who settled in China after 1964. The essay charts Garvin’s experiences as a teacher in Shanghai and as a representative of black radicalism in China from 1964 to 1970. The writing is particularly attentive to Garvin’s negotiations of life and gender politics during the start of the Cultural Revolution as Mao pronounced his support for black liberation struggles in the US and a powerful Third World solidarity (and anti-Vietnam war movement) arose in the States.

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