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Journal articles on the topic 'Antiphon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2024

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1

Surikov, Igor E. "ON EVOLUTION OF ANTIPHON’S ETHICAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS IN REGARD TO THE CHRONOLOGY OF HIS WORK." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 9 (2023): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2023-9-183-199.

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Antiphon was a significant figure in Athenian public life and social thought of the last half of the 5th century B.C. The article raises a question whether his opinions in ethical and especially political sphere changed. with the course of time. In his late career, Antiphonte acted as a staunch opponent of democracy, and in 411 BC he is known to have co-leaded an oligarchic coup in Athens and the resulting regime of the Four Hundred (for which he was executed after the overthrow of this government). The author proceeds from the following chronology of Antiphon’s work: “Tetralogies” and “On the truth” – 440s B.C., “On the concord” – 430s or 420s B.C., forensic speeches – 410s B.C. There are the following conclusions. In the field of ethics, Antiphon in his early treatise “On the truth” expressed some non-traditional opinions, which were even chocking for their cynicism, but in his later works he held more conservative views. As to his political position, it was never really democratic. Antiphon was and remained an opponent of democracy and proponent of oligarchy; it is possible that he gradually changed from a more moderate oligarch to a more radical one.

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2

Edwards, Michael J. "Antiphon and the Beginnings of Athenian Literary Oratory." Rhetorica 18, no. 3 (2000): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2000.18.3.227.

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Abstract: The development of an oratorical literary genre is connected with the work of Antiphon, the first in the canon of ten Attic orators. This paper argues against the modern view that the beginnings of literary oratory date to the 420s B.C. when Antiphon began publishing his speeches. It argues that this view depends on a mistaken conception of literacy in the ancient world and that Antiphon's speech-writing activities began much earlier. The argument is based on references to Antiphon in contemporary and later sources, the dating of his speeches, the authenticity and dating of the Tetralogies, and Antiphon's reputation in antiquity as the first logographer.

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3

Nowacki, Edward. "The Latin antiphon and the question of frequency of interpolation." Plainsong and Medieval Music 21, no. 1 (March 2, 2012): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137111000192.

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ABSTRACTThe theory that the antiphon is a kind of refrain and that its original purpose was to be inserted between all the verses of its respective psalm was articulated by Giuseppe Maria Tommasi in the seventeenth century and has been transmitted by liturgical historians with little criticism ever since that time. The present article examines the evidence on which that theory rests, with special attention to the writings of Amalar of Metz, and finds it to be inconclusive or positively contrary to the claims that have been built upon it. The article considers the evidence of antiphonal psalmody at Mass, as transmitted in Ordo Romanus I, and finds support there for the view that antiphons were normally performed only at the beginning and end of their respective psalms. After considering briefly the Liber Pontificalis and the tradition of psalmodic differentiae, the article turns to the treatment of antiphonal psalmody by the liturgical historians Guillaume Durand and Radulph de Rivo in the late Middle Ages and finds in their writings no evidence of a belief that frequent interpolation was the authentic primitive practice. The article concludes that two iterations of the antiphon, once at the beginning and once at the end of the psalm, suited its original thematic intent and that the theory of reiteration after every verse – effectively conflating antiphonal and responsorial psalmody – may be no older than the liturgical scholarship of Tommasi in the late seventeenth century.

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4

Takhtajan, Souren A. "Antiphon in the New Millennium." Philologia Classica 17, no. 2 (2022): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.205.

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This paper is an overview — in it I take a critical look at works that have come out in recent years about Antiphon. My primary focus is on four books: two scholarly works on Antiphon, one by Annie Hourcade and another by Michael Gagarin, an edition of the fragments of Antiphon’s treatises with a detailed commentary by Gerard Pendrick, and, finally, a new edition of Antiphon’s speeches prepared by Mervin Dilts and David Murphy. There is still a dispute among scholars about the authorship of the Corpus Antiphonteum. Some (the separatists) consider that there were separate authors for the speeches, on the one hand, and for the treatises, on the other — Antiphon the orator and Antiphon the sophist, respectively. Others (the unitarians) insist that there was a single author for both the speeches and the treatises. In the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries, the separatists had the upper hand, but the situation slowly began to change, and now most scholars — rightly so in my opinion — argue for a single authorship. The separatists are compelled to divide the biographical testimonies of Antiphon between the orator and the sophist. But in the case of a single Antiphon, it turns out there is more than a little information about that person. In this paper, I present a review of scholarly opinion about evidence according to which Antiphon invented τέχνη ἀλυπίας and opened a psychotherapeutic clinic, where he tried to help his patients using verbal therapy. Some scholars call the tradition of the clinic into question. The separatists attribute any evidence about it to Antiphon the sophist. Like other scholars, I uphold the credibility of the clinic. I also take a look at the image of Antiphon presented by Xenophon (Mem. 1, 6.). Many scholars consider Xenophon’s story to be fictitious or reject it outright. The separatists believe that Xenophon calls Antiphon a sophist in the very first sentence of the sixth chapter in order to distinguish him from his namesake, Antiphon the orator. I think Xenophon’s goal is different. Socrates,in conversation with Antiphon during their second meeting, which Xenophon describes later on in the same chapter, likens sophists to πόρνοι (Mem. 1. 6. 13). Obviously, Xenophon calls Antiphon a sophist because he intends that the shameful implications of this comparison be applied first and foremost to him. Hourcade and Gagarin want to show that the author of the treatises and the speeches was one and the same person. Even though Pendrick is a separatist, the parallels he draws between the fragments of the treatises and individual passages in the speeches also, I think, favor the idea of a single Antiphon. I conclude that, thanks to the workof these scholars, Antiphon has, although not yet fully, been put back together again.

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5

O'Connell, Peter A. "THE RHETORIC OF VISIBILITY AND INVISIBILITY IN ANTIPHON 5, ON THE MURDER OF HERODES." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (May 2016): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000343.

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Alone among surviving Athenian homicide orations, Antiphon's On the Murder of Herodes resembles a modern murder mystery. Antiphon's client, a Mytilenean named Euxitheus, tells a story of a stormy night, an isolated harbour, a drunken murder victim, a missing corpse, misleading bloodstains, forged documents and hints of political intrigue. And, like in any good whodunnit, Euxitheus insists that no one knows who the killer is. Although all the clues seem to point to him, he maintains that Herodes' relatives have manipulated the evidence to make him seem guilty. We do not know whether Euxitheus succeeded in convincing his jurors, but the author of the Life of Antiphon attributed to Plutarch, who says that Antiphon was ‘adept in situations with no way out’ (ἐν τοῖς ἀπόροις τεχνικός), considers On the Murder of Herodes one of Antiphon's finest compositions (832E, 833D).

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6

Lee, Jeong-soon. "Methods for selecting 『Catholic Chant』 by analyzing the Communion Antiphons for Lent in 『Graduale Triplex』." Korean Society of Human and Nature 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.54913/hn.2023.4.1.181.

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Mass in the Catholic Church consists of the Liturgy of the Word and the Liturgy of the Eucharist. The Communion Antiphon is a song that is sung while receiving Communion, the most important moment in the Eucharistic liturgy. The proper text of the Communion Antiphon reminds us of the key words of the Liturgy of the Word that day. However, at present, the proper text of the Communion Antiphon remains as a sentence, and instead, the Communion song for common times is sung. The limited classification of hymnals and the standardized selection of songs made songs with proper texts hidden. The purpose of this study is to actively help believers sing joyfully, reflecting on the message of the Word of the day by selecting a chant suitable for the proper text of the Communion Antiphon in the liturgy of the Mass. The scope of the study is the proper text of the Communion Antiphon during Lent. The research method is to analyze and utilize the sources of the 11 Communion Antiphons of the Gregorian chant in the 『Graduale Triplex』 and select appropriate songs from the 『Catholic Chant』. Among 『Catholic chant』, 8 songs that matched the proper text were selected. In addition, 15 related songs were selected, such as the lyrics of the proper text, the same liturgical meaning, and the words of the psalms in the Communion. The sources of the Communion Antiphons during Lent are 9 Gospels and 2 Psalms. Looking at the source of the word until the time of resurrection, 1 first reading and 2 second readings are included. The organic relationship between the various sources of the proper text and the liturgical text gave elasticity to the scope of application. One of the four new proper text was changed from the psalms to the gospel, and three songs were changed within the gospel, all of which developed into more specific and active gospel messages. As a result of the research, there were far more songs suitable for the proper text than expected. The richness of the Catholic Hymnal, which was made with the devotion of many people over a long period of time, was revealed. In order to further reveal the true value of Catholic hymnal, it is necessary to supplement the classification of hymnal and the information on the sources of words in more detail. In addition, if we refrain from a uniform selection of songs and select songs based on liturgical texts, the light of the Word and the joy of praise will be doubled. This is because the essence of liturgical chant lies in the Words and prayers. Therefore, the meticulous use of Catholic hymnal is a way to faithfully follow both the spirit of the <Gregorian Chant>, which is entirely centered on the Word, and the <Liturgical Charter>, which focuses on congregational praise. As a follow-up work, I plan to select songs that make use of the proper text of the Communion Antiphons of all liturgical seasons. It is hoped that this study will awaken the importance of the proper text and selection of the Communion Antiphon, and that the proper texts of the Communion Antiphon, which are not found in the Catholic hymnal, will be born as an easy and gracious chant for the congregation.

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7

Afonasin, Eugene. "Antiphon. Fragments and Testimonia." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 15, no. 1 (2021): 339–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2021-15-1-339-421.

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Antiphon (c. 480–411 BCE) was famous in antiquity for his forensic speeches as well as more theoretical works, such as The Truth and On concord. He is also credited with the invention of logography as a profession. The majority of his heritage is now lost. The present publication contains a collection of scant doxographic evidence about Antiphon’s life and writings. The evidences are based on A. Lask and G. Most’ Early Greek Philosophy (2016).

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8

Silva, Jerônimo Pereira. "Introibo ad altare Dei (Sl 42,4). Uma antífona para “com-pose” a procissão da comunhão." Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira 80, no. 316 (July 28, 2020): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.29386/reb.v80i316.2054.

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Desde a Antiguidade a lex orandi da Igreja selecionou versículos da Sagrada Escritura (lectio divina), que, depois de artisticamente musicados (lex canendi), se tornaram formas rituais (lex celebrandi) chamadas “antífonas”. A celebração eucarística é ritmada por três antífonas: da Entrada; do Ofertório e da Comunhão. O presente artigo, dividido em três partes, desenvolve um estudo sobre a terceira delas. Na primeira parte, o Autor apresenta a Antífona da Comunhão in genere e nas segunda e terceira trata especificamente da Antífona da Comunhão ad libtum para as missas do Comum da Dedicação das Igrejas, Introibo ad altare Dei, como vem apresentada pelo Graduale Romanum. A conclusão do artigo se apresenta como uma leitura mistagógica do complexo procissão para a comunhão, altar e Antífona da Comunhão. Abstract: Since the first centuries, the Church’s lex orandi has selected some Scriptural verses (lectio divina), which, after having been artistically set to music (lex canendi), became a ritual form (lex celebrandi) called Antiphon. In the Eucharistic Celebration we can find three Antiphons: the Introit, the Offertory and the Communion. This article, split in three different sections, is a study of the third one. In the first section, the author presents the Communion’s Antiphon in general. In the second and in the third ones, he specifically discusses the ad libitum Antiphon Introibo ad altare Dei, as appointed in the Graduale Romanum for the Churches’ Dedication Masses.The article’s conclusion shows a mystagogical overview of the ritual whole including: Communion’s Procession, Altar and Communion’s Antiphon.Keywords: Antiphon; Procession; Eucharist; Altar; Music/Chant

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9

Vision, G. "Antiphon." Analysis 47, no. 2 (March 1, 1987): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/analys/47.2.124.

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10

Allen, Danielle. "ANTIPHON." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.310.

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11

HORNBY, EMMA, DAVID ANDRÉS FERNÁNDEZ, CARMEN JULIA GUTIÉRREZ, and DIANNE SCULLIN. "Processional melodies in the Old Hispanic rite." Plainsong and Medieval Music 30, no. 2 (October 2021): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137121000103.

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ABSTRACTOld Hispanic liturgy was practised across much of medieval Iberia until c.1080. In this article we analyse the extant Old Hispanic processional antiphons, focusing on: the presence or absence of verses; amount of text and relationship with the Bible; cadence placement; number of notes per chant (melodic density) and per syllable; and melodic repetition within and between chants. We demonstrate that the processional antiphons are neither a homogenous corpus nor clearly differentiated stylistically from other Old Hispanic antiphons. In a short case study of the Good Friday Veneration of the Cross, we situate the processional antiphons within their wider ritual context, including their likely staging in the ecclesiastical architecture. As we show, the interaction between melody and ritual directed the antiphon texts towards a particular devotional end.

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12

Afonasin, Eugene. "ANTIPHON ON LAW." Respublica literaria, no. 1 (December 25, 2020): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47850/s.2020.1.35.

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In the paper I deal with the concept of legal responsibility in Antiphon viewed against the background of popular Greek distinction between natural and positive law. Ta eikota (probable inferences), as we will see, are opposed in Antiphon to ergon or ta pragmata (the facts), but this does not solve and even worsen all the interpretative difficulties.

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13

Dillon, John. "Antiphon the Sophist." Ancient Philosophy 25, no. 2 (2005): 440–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200525238.

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14

Robbers, Gerhard. "Antiphon of Rhamnus." Philosophy and History 19, no. 1 (1986): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198619134.

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15

Gagarin, Michael, and Ernst Heitsch. "Antiphon aus Rhamnus." Classical World 79, no. 6 (1986): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349950.

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16

Leach, C. "Antiphon the Sophist." Notes and Queries 50, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/50.3.253.

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17

Roy, Neil J. "Changes at Antiphon." Antiphon: A Journal for Liturgical Renewal 9, no. 1 (2005): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atp.2005.a921522.

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18

Stenzl, Jürg. "Wie das "Hohelied" "Musik" wurde." Die Musikforschung 60, no. 2 (September 22, 2021): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.2007.h2.530.

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Um der Komplexität des Begriffs "Musik" gerecht zu werden, sind "Längsschnitte" durch die Musikgeschichte für die Analyse bestimmter Phänomene zweckmäßig. Weil es in der abendländischen Musikgeschichte bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit primär um textverarbeitende Vokalmusik geht, bieten sich dafür Texte mit einer besonders dichten Rezeptionsgeschichte an. Das trifft vor allem auf biblische Texte, insbesondere das Hohelied, zu. Der im Vergleich zu anderen biblischen Texten ungewöhnliche Inhalt, der mehr von körperlicher Liebe und weniger von Glaubensinhalten zu handeln scheint, muss in einem theologischen Kontext (allegorisch) gedeutet werden. Es stellt sich die Frage, ob und wie derartige Textauslegungen die Musik prägen: wird Musik durch Textverständnisse (mit)bestimmt, oder verhält sie sich neutral. Zunächst werden Hohelied-Antiphonen der ältesten Schicht in der Liturgie der römischen Kirche am Beispiel des Antiphon "Nigra sum sed formosa" untersucht. Anschließend werden wichtige Vertonungen aus der 1. Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts am Beispiel von "Anima mea liquefacta est" sowie spätmittelalterliche Antiphone am Beispiel von "Sicut malum inter ligna silvarum" analysiert. Abschließend werden Hohelied-Motetten der späten Ars antiqua vorgestellt. Die Kompositionsgeschichte des biblischen Liebesdialoges im Hohenlied kann - als Längsschnitt durch die Musikgeschichte - Landschaften verschiedenartigster, ähnlicher, analoger, widersprüchlicher "Text-Klang-Konfigurationen" in Raum und Zeit sichtbar, hörbar, verstehbar werden lassen und damit den Horizont auf Gegenwärtiges und Zukünftiges erweitern. bms online (Beatrix Obal)

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19

Azevedo, Cristiane A. de. "A Insuficiência das Leis: uma Reflexão sobre o Pensamento de Antifonte." Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 77, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/rpf/2021_77_1_0235.

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In the 5th century BC, in Athens, Antiphon reflects on the relationship between physis and nómos in a way quite different from most sophists. Indeed, one of the particularities of sophist thought is to minimize physis so that thinking focus itself on nómos, on what man can, through thinking and debate, establish in regard to the common good and justice in the pólis. However, Antiphon takes up this relationship between nature and law to direct it to another path. In an unusual way for a sophist, we see physis being emphasized at the expense of nómos. The comparison between the two concepts also serves as a backdrop for harsh criticisms of justice and laws. The objective of this article is, through the criticisms Antiphon makes to the system of the laws of the pólis, to think about the relationship established by the sophist between physis and nómos in order to find out if there is a new understanding of these concepts and to reflect the reason that led Antiphon to revisit them.

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20

Barnes, Jonathan. "New Light on Antiphon." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 7, no. 1 (1988): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000306.

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21

Gergel, Tania. "One Antiphon or Two?" Classical Review 55, no. 2 (October 2005): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni228.

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22

Gatt, Jurgen R. "The Hypothetical Witness in Gorgias and Antiphon." Sapiens ubique civis 2 (December 15, 2021): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2021.2.45-68.

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The paper below focuses on the shadowy figure of the hypothetical witness found in two mock-forensic works of the late 5th century: Gorgias’ Defence of Palamedes and Antiphon’s First Tetralogy. I argue that these witnesses, who only exist within the εἰκός arguments found in these speeches, are consistently characterized in impersonal ways, as individuals with knowledge pertinent to the resolution of the case. The issue of their will is also broached, particularly in last rebuttal speech of the First Tetralogy. Though such witnesses, being logical figments, could never appear in court, their characterization sheds important light on the ancient Greek notion of ‘witnessing’. Indeed, the very ability of Gorgias and Antiphon to deploy such arguments shows that witnessing was, at least in this cases, not thought to be tied to the witness’s prestige or character which remain entirely undefined. Rather, their characterization of a ‘witness’ as an individual who knows and who is motivated to testify implies that these were the features thought to fundamental to witnesses, whether real or fictive.

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23

Dobszay, László. "Antiphon Variants and Chant Transmission." Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.45.2004.1-2.5.

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24

Takhtajan, Souren A. "Antiphon Tetralog. 3. 4. 3." Philologia Classica 13, no. 2 (2018): 303–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu20.2018.210.

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25

Dufour, Richard, and Gerard J. Pendrick. "Antiphon the Sophist: The Fragments." Phoenix 58, no. 3/4 (2004): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4135180.

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26

Lattimore, Steven. "Two Men in a Boat: Antiphon, on the Murder of Herodes 42." Classical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (December 1987): 502–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800030718.

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Antiphon, in his fifth oration, relates that c. 422–413 B.C. Euxitheos, a young Mytilenean, and Herodes, probably an Athenian cleruch in Mytilene, embarked together on a ship bound from Mytilene for Ainos in Thrace. Shortly after they left port, a storm forced them to put into an unnamed harbour in Methymnian territory. The two men left their uncovered ship to take shelter in a covered one; whether others from their own ship went with them is not indicated. During the night, a drinking party ensued. Herodes, after heavy drinking, left the covered ship and disappeared; he could not be found in the morning, nor even after two days of searching. When the weather cleared, the search was abandoned, and all ships in the port resumed their voyages. On Euxitheos' return to Mytilene, a charge of murder was brought against him by Herodes' relatives, who tried him in Athens. Antiphon's fifth oration is his final defence; we do not know whether the speech was successful.

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27

Kouki, Elisabeth. "Antiphon : devin, sophiste, cuisinier de paroles." Recherches en psychanalyse 9, no. 1 (2010): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rep.009.0096.

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28

Kouki, Elisabeth. "Antiphon : devin, sophiste,cuisinier de paroles." Recherches en psychanalyse 9, no. 1 (2010): 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rep.009.2012.

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29

MacPhail, Eric. "Neighbors: Ethnocentrism in Antiphon and Montaigne." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 53, no. 4 (December 2013): 399–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.53.2013.4.6.

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30

Gagarin, Michael, M. Edwards, and S. Usher. "Greek Orators. I: Antiphon and Lysias." Classical World 80, no. 3 (1987): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350021.

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31

FÖRSTER, Hans. "Die ältesten marianische Antiphon - eine Fehldatierung?" Journal of Coptic Studies 7 (September 2, 2005): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jcs.7.0.632469.

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32

Dunn, Francis M. "Antiphon on Time (B9 D-K)." American Journal of Philology 117, no. 1 (1996): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.1996.0013.

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33

King, Homay. "Antiphon: Notes on the People's Microphone*." Journal of Popular Music Studies 24, no. 2 (June 2012): 238–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-1598.2012.01327.x.

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34

Gagarin, Michael. "The Nature of Proofs in Antiphon." Classical Philology 85, no. 1 (January 1990): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367172.

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35

Bazhenova, Elena. "The Origins of Natural Law Thinking in the Ideas of Ancient Greek Sophists: Protagoras and Antiphon." Proceedings of the Institute of State and Law of the RAS 14, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35427/2073-4522-2019-14-1-bazhenova.

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Protagoras and Antiphon are the first authors known to us who offered their views on the correlation between human nature, on the one hand, and the requirements of the law and positive morality, on the other. With Protagoras and Antiphon, the conventional character of law and morality, as well as the existence of a moral obligation to obey the law, became vital subjects of philosophical discussion. Protagoras, according to Plato’s testimony in the dialogues "Protagoras" and "Theaetetus", attempted to reconcile individual and public interests with the help of the concept of universal virtue, which all citizens of the polis should participate in. This attempt, however, is difficult to regard as successful, since, according to the logic of Protagoras, virtue is only a means for the survival of individuals and ensuring their security. While providing justification of the paramount importance and natural character of civic virtues, Protagoras at the same time allows for the possibility of following them only for appearance, as a cover for selfish motives.Antiphon views the contract between people as the sole and sufficient basis of law and morality. Approaching the problem from an individualistic point of view, Antiphon sharply contrasts nature and convention. Nevertheless, he considers the former rather in terms of benefits and harms of following it, and not as a source of objective moral prescriptions. According to this interpretation, nature and convention are two different worlds; one may chose which of them to follow, but it is impossible to reconcile them. Neither Protagoras, nor Antiphon offers any consistent concept of human nature, and that is why their ideas could not be characterized as natural law in the full sense of the word. Their views of nature do not yet contain fundamental standards, with which human law and conventional morality could be compared. The main weakness of both theories is their inability to give account of the social character of human nature. At the same time, the undoubted merit of Protagoras and Antiphon is the very statement of the question of the priority of nature or the convention, individual or public interests, as well as of the possibility of their harmonization. The ideas of two senior sophists played a decisive role in shaping the intellectual climate, in which, primarily in direct controversy with them, Plato and Aristotle produced much more elaborate concepts of human nature; and the natural law tradition emerged.

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36

Giorgini, Giovanni. "The Cosmopolitanism of the Early Sophists: The Case of Hippias and Antiphon." Humanities 12, no. 2 (March 24, 2023): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h12020030.

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37

Borisova, T. S. "Stavrotheotokia troparia of the Great and Holy Friday Antiphons (tentative textological analysis of the 11th – 14th century manuscripts)." NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 17, no. 2 (2019): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2019-17-2-14-26.

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The paper deals with certain troparia found in several Church Slavonic manuscripts as a part of the Great and Holy Friday Antiphons which don’t respond to the described Greek versions of the text. Troparia which appear in the penultimate place of each of the 15 Antiphons are devoted to the Mother of God and could be attributed to the Stavrotheotokion type. The Stavrotheotokia appear regularly almost in all East Slavonic manuscripts up to Patriarch Nikon book correction of the 17th century, while in the South Slavonic tradition they appear regularly only in two early Serbian manuscripts, in the most of the Antiphons in two early Bulgarian manuscripts and in one Antiphon in another Bulgarian manuscript. In the 14th century after the Mount Athos book correction the Stavrotheotokia disappear completely from the South Slavonic manuscript tradition. The goal of our study was a scientific critical edition of the Stavrotheotokia troparia based on 13 East and South Slavonic manuscripts (Triodion and Pentecostarion, Pentecostarion, Lent and Pentecost Sticherarium) of 11th – 14th centuries as well as their textological analysis. Based on the results of the textological analysis we distinguish two versions of the text: the first one is present in East Slavonic manuscripts and Zagreb Triodion, the second one – in two Serbian Triodia, and their compiled type – in the Orbele Triodion. Although no Greek correspondence to these texts have been found so far, the textual evidences argue for the Byzantine origin of a certain text. The outstanding poetic characteristics of certain troparia as well as their remarkable correspondence with the whole poetical structure of the Antiphons cause us to believe that unlike the Theotokia which are included in the Antiphons in the modern Greek and Slavic tradition, the Stavrotheotokia were the part of the initial text of the hymn. Since two versions of the Church Slavonic text are not located on a certain territory, the translation of these texts into Church Slavonic was probably made in the South Slavic area and later transferred to the East Slavonic tradition.

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38

Mészáros, Tamás. "Some thoughts on the fragments of antiphon." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 48, no. 1-2 (January 2008): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.48.2008.1-2.22.

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39

Edwards, Michael J. "Notes on pseudo-Plutarch's Life of Antiphon." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (May 1998): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.1.82.

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The Lives of the Ten Orators (), preserved in the manuscripts of Plutarch's Moralia (832b–852e) but almost universally acknowledged not to be the work of Plutarch himself, have been much maligned by modern scholars, and the information they provide has been treated with extreme caution, not to say disdain. My purpose here is to demonstrate that the first of these biographies, the Life of Antiphon (832b–834b), repays close study and, far from being worthless, reliably preserves a tradition which provides useful material on its subject. Some of what appears below is inevitably going over well-trodden ground, but there is, in my opinion, sufficient material in the Life which has been overlooked or misinterpreted to justify the following re-examination.

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Allen, D. "Review: Antiphon d'Athenes. Une pensee de l'individu." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 1, 2004): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.310-a.

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41

TORRES, SANTIAGO RUIZ. "New evidence concerning the origin of the monophonic chants in the Codex Calixtinus." Plainsong and Medieval Music 26, no. 2 (October 2017): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137117000031.

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ABSTRACTThe recent discovery of several fragments of an antiphoner in the Archive of the Cathedral of Sigüenza (Guadalajara) with repertoire for the feast of St James the Apostle sheds new light on the origin of the monophonic chants of the Codex Calixtinus. The dating of the fragments to c.1100 demonstrates the existence of an officium proprium prior to the writing of the famous Compostelan codex, a fact hitherto unknown. Part of the repertoire collected in the Sigüenza manuscript, particularly the antiphon Honorabilem eximii and the responsory Alme perpetue, evidence textual and melodic concordances with Calixtinus. Moreover, some chants in the Sigüenza Antiphoner, and not in Calixtinus, were widely known across the Iberian Peninsula before the Tridentine liturgical unification. This evidence suggests that the compilers of the monophonic Office in the Codex Calixtinus knew the version transmitted in the recently discovered fragments. The consequent remodelling of the St James Office was probably due to the fact that it incorporated many legendary elements. At the beginning of the twelfth century, the Church of Compostela was actively seeking to legitimise its apostolicity, which Rome seriously questioned. To do so, it was essential to offer a liturgical corpus of proven authority, based on the Bible and the patristic literature.

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Varelli, Giovanni. "TWO NEWLY DISCOVERED TENTH-CENTURY ORGANA." Early Music History 32 (2013): 277–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127913000053.

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In the tenth century, when the earliest chant books were being compiled in the heart of the Carolingian Empire and polyphonic music was entering the realm of theoretical speculation in the anonymous writings of Musica enchiriadis and Scolica enchiriadis, organa were also being notated for performance outside music treatises. We would not know this, were it not for a two-voice organum on an antiphon for Saint Boniface written in the first decades of the tenth century on the last page of a long-neglected manuscript, now in the British Library. A second notated antiphon, Rex caelestium terrestrium, provides elements for a reconstruction of a further, ‘hidden’, organum. These newly identified organa shed light on a significant phase in Western music history, being the sole evidence from the tenth century of a polyphonic practice before the great eleventh-century collection of organa from Winchester.

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Dommann, Monika. "Antiphon: Zur Resonanz des Lärms in der Geschichte." Historische Anthropologie 14, no. 1 (January 2006): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/ha.2006.14.1.133.

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44

Riesbeck, David J. "NATURE, NORMATIVITY, AND NOMOS IN ANTIPHON, FR. 44." Phoenix 65, no. 3-4 (2011): 268–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2011.0053.

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45

Bowers, Roger. "The ‘votive antiphon’ among other sacred textual forms." Early Music 48, no. 2 (May 2020): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/caaa021.

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Abstract Alongside settings of liturgical texts effected in manners strictly consistent with liturgical performance, there survive large numbers of early vocal pieces engaging Latin words of a religious or devotional nature all commonly subsumed together, both then and now, under the ‘catch-all’ term of ‘motet’. These, however, encompassed a remarkably diverse range of textual content, each destined for a distinct performance occasion and purpose no less likely to have been domestic than ecclesiastical; and these textual types, in turn, possess potential to have been reflected in corresponding distinctions of musical style and texture. Except in isolated instances, modern scholarship has paid only limited attention to these diversities of text and function, with the result that many musical works are classified together with little examination of the criteria by which compositional distinctions apparent between them might be explained. This article examines the category of ‘votive antiphon’ alongside other categories of Latin composition, and reflects upon the need to ask, of any such piece, the question ‘what was it for?’.

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46

Edwards, Michael J. "Antiphon and the Beginnings of Athenian Literary Oratory." Rhetorica 18, no. 3 (June 2000): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rht.2000.0008.

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47

BAILEY, TERENCE. "Pitch series in chant composition: a demonstration." Plainsong and Medieval Music 27, no. 1 (April 2018): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137118000013.

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ABSTRACTThe exposition of an analytical method that reveals the simple basis of the melodic structure of Western liturgical chants belonging to the two general categories of responsory and antiphon. Included are historical observations meant to explain the origin and evolution of chant-melody in the period from the seventh to the thirteenth century.

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Odoj, Wojciech. "Teodoro Riccio’s Conundrum of 'Missa Ludovicus Dux Wirtenbergensis' Resolved?" Muzyka 68, no. 3 (October 17, 2023): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/m.2085.

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The long-note melody from the mass Ludovicus Dux Wirtenbergensis (from Liber primus missarum, 1579) by Teodoro Riccio is not a conventional cantus firmus of the soggetto cavato type. The meaning and provenance of this melody is therefore quite a puzzle. In addition, how to reconcile the homage-like and conciliatory character of Riccio's preface to Liber missarum, a collection dedicated to Stefan Batory, with the presence of a mass in it, which could be treated as an open affront to the king of Poland. The antiphon Cornelius centurio, vir religiosus ac timens Deum and the story of the centurion Cornelius from the Acts of the Apostles allow us to look at this composition from a different point of view. Perhaps the Mass of Ludovicus Dux Wirtenbergensis is a carrier of a theological message resulting from the conscious coupling of the melody of the antiphon with the name of Duke Ludwig of Württemberg, a message which was to strengthen the message contained in the preface and whose aim was to seek mutual understanding and respect between Christian denominations.

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Sehnal, Jiří. "Amor divinus – amor maternus : Salve Regina-Vertonungen im 17. Jahrhundert." Musicologica Brunensia, no. 1 (2023): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/mb2023-1-7.

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The antiphon Salve Regina was the most frequently set of the Marian antiphons. The text is attributed to the Benedictine Hermannus Contractus, who lived in the Reichenau monastery on Bodensee Lake Constance in the 11th century. There are two chorale settings: one of medieval Benedictine origin, and the other, most commonly used today, attributed to the French organist Henri Du Mont (1610–1684). In Moravia in the 17th century only the medieval melody was known, which was officially published in the Novae Agendae Olomucensis Directorium Chori (Brno 1695). The article deals with 16 (of originally 60) surviving settings of the Salve Regina from the second half of the 17th century, which are preserved in the music collection of bishop Karl Liechtenstein-Castelcorno in Kroměříž. Its composers included some names such as Bertali, Biber, Bulovský, Dolar, Mazák, Michna, Rittler, Schmelzer, Schober, Vejvanovský (originally 15 works), Vismari and Zacher. Only a few settings were influenced by the medieval chorale melody. Most of the compositions are independent of the chorale melody. Their goal was above all to have the text polyphonic in the musical style of the time without any special reference to narrate its content. However, there are also works that make the text emotional with the help of the then popular musical-rhetorical figures.

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Peattie, Matthew. "Old Beneventan Melodies in a Breviary at Naples: New Evidence of Old Beneventan Music for the Office." Journal of Musicology 29, no. 3 (2012): 239–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2012.29.3.239.

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This article discusses previously undocumented examples of music for the old Beneventan divine office in a manuscript housed in the Archivio Storico Diocesano in Naples (Cod. Misc. 1, fasc. VII). The breviary, which was copied at the scriptorium of Santa Sofia, Benevento, in 1161, transmits two unica—canticle antiphons for the feast of St. Mercurius—in Beneventan style. It also preserves a Beneventan-style antiphon for the Holy Twelve Brothers of Benevento that is not transmitted in previously published sources of Beneventan chant. The discovery of music in Beneventan style for St. Mercurius is of importance to the history of the old Beneventan rite, as it attests to the continued production of the distinctive formulaic style of the Beneventan rite into the later eighth century. The relics of Mercurius, a military saint of Byzantium, were enshrined at the altar of Santa Sofia at Benevento in 768, and Mercurius was adopted as patron of the court, the church of Santa Sofia, and the city of Benevento. Despite the establishment of the cult of St. Mercurius in the second half of the eighth century, until now no musical record has indicated the presence of old Beneventan music for this feast (there is no extant Beneventan mass proper for Mercurius, and the documented sources for the divine office preserve only Romano-Beneventan or neo-Gregorian-style music). I consider the St. Mercurius antiphons within the context of the musical style of the old Beneventan rite and argue that they should be included in the Beneventan canon on the basis of musical style. As pitch-specific exemplars of the distinctive formulaic style of the Beneventan chant, this source is of particular value to the study of Beneventan pitch and modality. Notated in fully heightened Beneventan neumes on a staff line, these antiphons are among the few surviving witnesses of the old Beneventan repertory that preserve the distinctive modal properties of the repertory in pitch-specific notation. I introduce the music of these antiphons and consider their importance as witnesses to the continued production and copying of Beneventan music from the late eighth to the twelfth centuries.

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