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1

Sohn, Christophe. "A la recherche des frontières dans la ville post-apartheid. Le cas de Windhoek, capitale de la Namibie (In search of boundaries in the post-apartheid city. The case of Windhoek, capital city of Namibia)." Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français 81, no. 4 (2004): 476–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bagf.2004.2413.

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2

Feinstein, Anthony. "Psychiatry in post-apartheid Namibia: a troubled legacy." Psychiatric Bulletin 26, no. 8 (August 2002): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.26.8.310-a.

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I recently spent 6 months in Namibia as a Fellow of the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation. The purpose of my visit was twofold: the establishment of a database for trauma-related mental health disorders and the development of a validated, self-report screening instrument for mental illness. In the process, I was able to meet with Namibian colleagues and visit a number of health care centres in the country. This article will focus on my impressions of psychiatry in Namibia that were formed during my visit. A brief summary of Namibian history, in particular the country's relations with neighbouring South Africa, will help place my observations in a more meaningful context.
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3

Skjelmerud, Anne. "Drinking and Life: The Meanings of Alcohol for Young Namibian Women." Contemporary Drug Problems 30, no. 3 (September 2003): 619–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090303000305.

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Namibia is undergoing rapid changes, in transition from being an apartheid-based colony to being an independent modern democracy. Some young Namibian women express their aspirations and identity through their relationship to alcohol and the meanings they attach to drinking. For some of them, drinking is a means of expressing solidarity and equality, and heavy drinking can be understood as a protest against the lack of opportunities the new Namibia has offered them. For others, choice of drinks and drinking venues can be ways of demonstrating status and distinction. The majority of young Namibian women abstain from drinking alcohol, however, and for some of them, this abstinence is associated with a focus on their aspirations.
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4

QUINN, STEPHANIE. "INFRASTRUCTURE, ETHNICITY, AND POLITICAL MOBILIZATION IN NAMIBIA, 1946–87." Journal of African History 61, no. 1 (March 2020): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000031.

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AbstractThis article uses the copper mining town Tsumeb to examine urban infrastructure, ethnicity, and African political solidarities in apartheid Namibia. To translate apartheid to Namibia, South Africa re-planned Namibian towns to reinforce colonial divisions between two classes of African laborers: mostly Ovambo migrant laborers from northern Namibia and Angola and, secondly, ethnically diverse laborers from the zone of colonial settlement and investment, the Police Zone. Housing and infrastructure were key to this social engineering project, serving as a conduit for official and company ideas about ‘Ovambo’ and Police Zone laborers. Yet Africans’ uses of infrastructure and ethnic discourses challenged, and provoked debates about the boundaries of urban social and political belonging. Between the 1971–2 general strike of northern contract workers and the 1987 strike against the multinational Tsumeb Corporation Limited, which involved northern contract workers and community members, Africans built a political community that challenged both company and colonial state.
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5

Simon, David. "Decolonisation and Local Government in Namibia: the Neo-Apartheid Plan, 1977–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 3 (September 1985): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00057207.

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Namibia is distinctive in Africa for at least three significant reasons. First of all, it remains the continent's last colony in defiance of world opinion and the United Nations. Secondly, it has experienced Africa's longest armed liberation struggle apart from South Africa, with no end yet in sight. Thirdly, and most importantly, that conflict is not being waged against some distant metropolitan power, but Namibia's dominant and pariah neighbour. Just as this geographical contiguity has facilitated South African attempts to retain control over Namibia, it seems certain to impose severe constraints on the scope for pursuing independent policies once Namibian sovereignty is finally achieved.
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Pomuti, Hertha, and Everard Weber. "Decentralization and School Management in Namibia: The Ideologies of Education Bureaucrats in Implementing Government Policies." ISRN Education 2012 (April 9, 2012): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5402/2012/731072.

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This paper defines ideology as the belief systems, attitudes, views, and mindsets of educationists which inform their work. It examines the ideologies of school inspectors, principals, and teachers in the implementation of decentralized, cluster-based educational change in Namibia (see Pomuti 2009). Data were collected in three diverse school clusters. Data analyses resulted in the ideologies of the educationists being characterised as authoritarian, bureaucratic, and managerial. The paper argues that while the postapartheid Namibian government has changed the governance structures in education, it has not succeeded in changing the mindsets and actions of important reform implementers. These have more in common with the apartheid system than with the participatory, collaborative, and democratic ideas upon which cluster-based school management in the new Namibia is based.
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7

Isaak, Paul. "Education and Religion in Secular Age from an African Perspective." Education Sciences 8, no. 4 (September 21, 2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci8040155.

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In this article the author shall argue that before Namibian independence in 1990, Christianity was used by some as a weapon of breaking down, or as a tool of, colonialism, racism, and apartheid. In the name of a religious god unashamed acts of violence and wars were committed and resulted in genocide of 1904 to 1908. However, such brutalities did not conquer the African spirit of what is identified in this article as the Ubuntu (humaneness). Inspired by their sense of Ubuntu the Africans, in the face of German colonialism and the South African imposed Apartheid system, finally emerged victorious and accepted the model of religious pluralism, diversity, and the principle of African Ubuntu. We shall, furthermore, argue that the Namibian educational system and the Namibian Constitution, Articles 1 and 21, the Republic of Namibia is established as a secular state wherein all persons shall have the right to freedom to practise any religion and to manifest such practice. It means religious diversity and pluralism is a value, a cultural or religious or political ideology, which positively welcomes the encounter of religions. It is often characterized as an attitude of openness in a secular state towards different religions and interreligious dialogue and interfaith programs. As an example we shall focus on the subject of Religious and Moral Education where such religious diversity and pluralism are directly linked to political, social, and economic issues, as well as moral values.
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8

Hamrick, Ellie, and Haley Duschinski. "Enduring injustice: Memory politics and Namibia’s genocide reparations movement." Memory Studies 11, no. 4 (February 1, 2017): 437–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017693668.

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This article examines post-colonial memory politics in contemporary Namibia. It analyzes the ways in which ethnic Nama and Herero genocide reparations activists struggle to include Germany’s colonial-era genocide of their communities in the national narrative of the contemporary Namibian state. In this article, we explore the extent to which the dominant political party, SWAPO, defines the state through the production of a hegemonic narrative about the Namibian past. We examine how this political context shapes the reparations movement’s strategies and tactics, with attention to how different activist groups position themselves and their historical narratives with respect to the state. We then consider the importance of memorialization for the reparations movement and the multiplicity of meanings associated with state monuments. By highlighting the importance of memory for reparations activists, the article examines the way in which reparations claims shape and are shaped by the politics of memory production in the post-apartheid memory state.
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9

Becker, Heike. "COMMEMORATING HEROES IN WINDHOEK AND EENHANA: MEMORY, CULTURE AND NATIONALISM IN NAMIBIA, 1990–2010." Africa 81, no. 4 (October 13, 2011): 519–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000490.

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ABSTRACTIn post-colonial Namibia public memory of the liberation war prioritizes the armed struggle from exile. This master narrative of national liberation, having become the new nation's foundation myth, legitimizes the power of the post-colonial SWAPO elite as the sole, heroic liberators from apartheid and colonialism. It has not remained uncontested, however. The article develops the complex transfigurations of liberation war memory, culture and nationalism in post-colonial Namibia around a discussion of two memory sites. The National Heroes’ Acre near Windhoek, inaugurated in 2002, appears as the cast-in-stone nationalist master narrative, aimed at homogenizing the multi-faceted agencies during the liberation war, whereas the Heroes’ Memorial Shrine at Eenhana, constructed in 2007, expressly recognizes the heterogeneity of war-time experiences. The Eenhana site further gives visual expression to recent Namibian unity-in-diversity discourses, which have followed, and partly been running alongside, a period of ideational emphasis on nation building, based on a national culture supposedly forged through the nation's joint struggle against oppression and colonialism. I argue that the social processes of remembering and forgetting political resistance, on the one hand, and those of cultural reinvention in the new nation on the other, are entangled, and that both registers of imagining the Namibian nation have shifted since the country's independence in 1990.
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10

Currier, Ashley. "Gay Rights in Post-Apartheid Namibia." Journal of Southern African Studies 41, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 1360–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2015.1108549.

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11

Melber, Henning. "Namibia: the German roots of Apartheid." Race & Class 27, no. 1 (July 1985): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688502700104.

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12

Grounds, John. "Allies in apartheid: Western capitalism in occupied Namibia." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 580–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621802.

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13

Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, and Allan D. Cooper. "Allies in Apartheid: Western Capitalism in Occupied Namibia." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 2 (1988): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043873.

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14

Forrest, Joshua Bernard. "Ethnic‐State political relations in Post‐Apartheid Namibia." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 32, no. 3 (November 1994): 300–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049408447686.

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15

Horn, Nico. "CHURCHES AND POLITICAL RECONCILIATION IN POST‐APARTHEID NAMIBIA." Review of Faith & International Affairs 8, no. 1 (January 2010): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570271003707952.

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16

Simon, David. "Desegregation in Namibia: the demise of urban apartheid?" Geoforum 17, no. 2 (January 1986): 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-7185(86)90029-1.

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17

Totemeyer, Andree-Jeanne. "SCHOOL LIBRARIES IN NAMIBIA INNOVATIONS, PROBLEMS AND CHALLENGES." Education Libraries 18, no. 2 (September 5, 2017): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/el.v18i2.65.

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This abstract focuses on the state of school libraries in Namibia, giving an overview of the effect of apartheid on education. Statistics show the uneven distribution of materials to schools. Present and future needs for both training and equipping of libraries are discussed.
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18

Nord, Catharina. "Healthcare and Warfare. Medical Space, Mission and Apartheid in Twentieth Century Northern Namibia." Medical History 58, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.31.

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AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.
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19

Arzt, Clemens. "Preventive Powers of Police in Namibia – A Rights-Based Approach." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 52, no. 4 (2019): 504–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2019-4-504.

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Namibia gained independence and ended the rule of apartheid only in 1990. It is often lauded as a model of human rights-based countries in Africa. Immediately after independence, the country introduced a distinctly rights-based Constitution with a broad Bill of Rights and also promptly laid the base for a modern police by enacting the Police Act of 1990. In that framework the Namibian Police are endowed with a broad set of ‘police powers’, i.e. means or measures of the police like questioning, arrest, search and seizure etc. ‘Preventive’ powers as a legally distinctive feature refers to law and order policing and prevention of crime, both clearly to be distinguished from investigation of criminal offences. Standards of human and fundamental rights protection developed under criminal procedure law are not directly applicable when it comes to the broad field of “preventive” powers of police. Subsequently these powers often lack a clear cut notional and legal concept, resulting in a deficit of predictability and delimitations despite of a rights based approach in the Constitution and the Police Act in general.
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20

Müller‐Friedman, Fatima. "Toward a (post)apartheid architecture? A view from Namibia." Planning Perspectives 23, no. 1 (January 2008): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02665430701738008.

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21

TAYLOR, JULIE J. "DIFFERENTIATING ‘BUSHMEN’ FROM ‘BANTUS’: IDENTITY-BUILDING IN WEST CAPRIVI, NAMIBIA, 1930–89." Journal of African History 50, no. 3 (November 2009): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990077.

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ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the historical and political factors that shaped Khwe (San) and Mbukushu ethnic identities and their interrelationship between 1938 and 1989 in west Caprivi, Namibia. While acknowledging the multi-authored nature of identity-building, the article demonstrates that the colonial and apartheid states made significant contributions to the construction of ethnicity in west Caprivi through veterinary interventions in the 1930s and apartheid policies regarding ‘Bushmen’ in the 1950s, and by securing Khwe collaboration during Namibia's liberation struggle in the 1970s and 1980s. These state interventions, together with Khwe and Mbukushu responses to them, also shed light on why land and political authority became so central to struggles between the two groups.
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22

Kossler, R. "Imagining the Post-Apartheid State: An ethnographic account of Namibia." African Affairs 111, no. 443 (February 10, 2012): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ads010.

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23

Haugh, Wendi A. "Against Apartheid: Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Language Ideology in Northern Namibia." Anthropological Quarterly 86, no. 1 (2013): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2013.0004.

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24

Deutsch, Cralan. "Barking Dogs: Community-Based Organisations (CBOS) in Post-Apartheid Namibia." Practicing Anthropology 25, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.25.2.b480k1325x465k77.

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Through applied research, NGOs may work towards implementing a benign form of intervention, not only well-intentioned but also effective, a positive postscript to 400+ years of colonialism. Specifically, NGOs utilizing participatory approaches may counter some of the structural imbalances created by the recent social and environmental history of southern Africa, which has been marred by the predatory antics of apartheid. This paper presents findings from participatory research into local perceptions by pastoralists in Namibia concerning CBOs, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and desertification. During fieldwork feedback sessions were implemented to apply findings. Participatory exercises were used to draw up a list of indicators and criteria for evaluating the success of communitybased projects in the area. Surveys were conducted at 50 households spread over three sites, and are representative of a majority of local households. Sites were differentiated by varying levels of social organisation, project initiative, and contact with NGOs. Three surveys were used; household economics, range management, and CBO/NGO participation. Results presented here are from the CBO/NGO survey. Results are presented which indicate a level of perception and ability to discuss the work of local committees, CBOs, which is twice as high as the ability to name and discuss externally-based NGOs. Local expectations between the two types of organisations are differentiated.
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van der Heyden, Ulrich. "Sebastian Justke: „Brückenbauen“ gegen Apartheid? Auslandspfarrer in Südafrika und Namibia." Das Historisch-Politische Buch (HPB) 68, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.68.2.287.

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Dobler, Gregor. "Presence and absence: shops as traces of hopes in apartheid Namibia." Anthropology Southern Africa 41, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 229–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2018.1501586.

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Handmaker, Jeff. "Confronting apartheid: a personal history of South Africa, Namibia and palestine." South African Journal on Human Rights 36, no. 2-3 (July 2, 2020): 275–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2020.1868098.

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28

De Wet, Francois, and Ian Liebenberg. "IDEOLOGIES (NEW), ECONOMICS, DEFENCE AND PEOPLE: FIVE DECADES IN THE STATE OF SOUTH AFRICA." Politeia 33, no. 1 (October 20, 2016): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1644.

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The economy of politics and the politics of economy converge in interesting ways, sometimes with long-term consequences for a state. In a crucial and dynamic interface economy, community, (non-)diplomacy, defence posture, balance sheets, the hapless ‘citizen’ and ‘leaders’ are all precariously intertwined. It is often argued that the South African economy declined under apartheid as a result of the Border War and international sanctions, with the result that theNational Party had little choice other than to engage its contenders in political talks to ensure transition to democracy as a counter to the eventual economic and political collapse of South Africa. Some were of the opinion that the military over-extension of South Africa, especially in Namibia and Angola, became a core reason for the non-sustainability of apartheid. While this argument may hold, it does not mean that transition at the end of the Border War brought guarantees for future economic growth and political stability.
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Dorkhanov, I. A. "Political Systems of South Africa and Namibia: From Apartheid to Imperfect Democracy." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 83, no. 4 (2016): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2016-83-4-56-67.

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30

Friedman, John T. "Making Politics, Making History: Chiefship and the Post-Apartheid State in Namibia." Journal of Southern African Studies 31, no. 1 (March 2005): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070500035620.

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31

Forrest, Joshua Bernard. "The Drought Policy Bureaucracy, Decentralization, and Policy Networks in Post-Apartheid Namibia." American Review of Public Administration 30, no. 3 (September 2000): 307–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02750740022064696.

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32

Müeller-Friedman, Fatima. "Beyond the Post-Apartheid City: De/Segregation and Suburbanization in Windhoek, Namibia." African Geographical Review 25, no. 1 (January 2006): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19376812.2006.9756192.

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33

Cottrell, Jill. "The Constitution of Namibia: an Overview." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008366.

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Namibia finally achieved independence on 21 March, 1990, after a long struggle and many false hopes and setbacks. In a nutshell: the territory was colonized by Germany. It was seized by South African forces during the First World War, and then made the subject of a League of Nations Mandate, administered by South Africa, after the war. Following the Second World War, South Africa tried to incorporate the territory, a move resisted by the United Nations. In 1966 the International Court of Justice denied standing to Ethiopia and Liberia to allege breaches of the mandate. However, shortly thereafter the UN voted to terminate the mandate. At about the same time the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO) launched its armed struggle. South Africa's response to these developments was to implement plans for the closer integration of the territory into the South African state, and into the system of apartheid. As a result, a system of native authorities, based on ethnicity, was introduced.In 1975 the “Turnhalle” talks were started which, although rejected by most of the black groups, led to the establishment of a constituent Assembly. During the same period, a “Contract Group” of Western Nations began to negotiate with South Africa over a settlement for Namibia. The ultimate proposals were accepted by the UN, SWAPO and South Africa, and the plans were recognized by UN Resolution 435. But immediately thereafter problems began to arise, and talks about implementation stopped and started for a number of years.
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Van Wolputte, Steven. "Cattle Works: Livestock Policy, Apartheid and Development in Northwest Namibia, c 1920–1980." African Studies 66, no. 1 (April 2007): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180701275972.

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35

Stell, Gerald, and Tom Fox. "Ethnicity in discourse: the interactional negotiation of ethnic boundaries in post-apartheid Namibia." Ethnic and Racial Studies 38, no. 6 (September 22, 2014): 976–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.948476.

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Kornes, Godwin. "National culture in post-apartheid Namibia: state-sponsored cultural festivals and their histories." Anthropology Southern Africa 39, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2016.1139284.

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37

Mubangizi, John Cantius. "The Constitutional Protection of Socio-Economic Rights in Selected African Countries: A Comparative Evaluation." African Journal of Legal Studies 2, no. 1 (2006): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736345.

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AbstractThis article evaluates the extent to which a few selected African countries have incorporated socio-economic rights in their constitutions, the mechanisms through which such rights are realised, the challenges such realisation entails and the approach taken by the courts and other human rights institutions in those countries towards the realisation and enforcement of those rights. The survey examines South Africa, Namibia, Uganda and Ghana. Apart from the logical geographical spread, all these countries enacted their present constitutions around the same time (1990 to 1996) in an attempt to transform themselves into democratic societies. In a sense, these countries can be seen as transitional societies, emerging as they have done, from long periods of apartheid and foreign domination or autocratic dictatorships. The latter is true for Uganda and Ghana while the former refers to South Africa and Namibia. The article concludes that South Africa has not only made the most advanced constitutional provision for socio-economic rights, it has also taken the lead in the judicial enforcement of such rights, an experience from which the other countries in the survey can learn.
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Crafford, D. "Uitdagings vir die Ned Geref Kerk in Suidelike Afrika met Malawi en Zambië as illustrasiegebiede." Verbum et Ecclesia 11, no. 1 (July 18, 1990): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v11i1.1009.

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Challenges for the Dutch Reformed Church in Southern Africa with Malawi and Zambia as illustration areas What will be the challenges for the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa if in the coming decades its isolation from Africa could be ended because of political developments in a post-apartheid era? The Dutch Reformed Church planted indigenous churches in many African Countries like Botswana, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique and Namibia. The role of the church in Africa will be determined by its relations with these younger churches. The challenges in the fields of evangelism, church ministry, the youth and in the socioeconomic and political areas are illustrated specifically in the cases of Malawi and Zambia.
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Bauer, Gretchen, Wade Pendleton, and Iina Soiri. "Katutura: A Place Where We Stay. Life in a Post-Apartheid Township in Namibia." African Studies Review 41, no. 2 (September 1998): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524852.

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40

Carstens, Peter, and Wade C. Pendleton. "Katutura, a Place Where We Stay: Life in a Post-Apartheid Township in Namibia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 3 (1997): 682. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220622.

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41

Williams, Christian A. "Imagining the Post-Apartheid State: An Ethnographic Account of Namibia, by John T. Friedman." Anthropology Southern Africa 36, no. 3-4 (January 2013): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02580144.2013.10887042.

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42

De Wolf, Jan. "Imagining the post-apartheid state. An ethnographic account of Namibia, by Friedman, John T." Social Anthropology 21, no. 2 (May 2013): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8676.12016_9.

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43

SPARKS, D. L. "Katutura A Place Where We Stay: Life in a post-apartheid township in Namibia." African Affairs 96, no. 383 (April 1, 1997): 300–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007843.

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44

Miescher, Giorgio, and Dag Henrichsen. "Visualizing African football in apartheid Namibia: photography, posters and constructions of consumers and nationalism." Soccer & Society 13, no. 2 (February 22, 2012): 277–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2012.640507.

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45

Corder, H. M., and D. M. Davis. "Book Review: Confronting Apartheid. A Personal History of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine (2018)." South African Law Journal 138, no. 2 (2021): 469–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/salj/v138/i2a9.

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46

Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.

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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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47

Ali, Shanti Sadiq. "United Nations' Role in South Africa: Constraints and Possible Options." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (July 1986): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200301.

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The principle of the elimination of racism and racial discrimination, of which apartheid is an institutionalised form, has become one of the cornerstones of the international community's concerns. As the community's watchdog, the United Nations has accorded, a high priority to this principle. Article 56 of the United Nations Charter stipulates thatbn ‘all members pledge themselves to take joint action in cooperation with the Organisation for the achievement of the purposes set forth in Article 55’, which includes ‘universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.’ Equally, the concern of the international community has been evident in the progressive evolution of the General Assembly's recommendations, resolutions and decisions, of the relevant international instruments, of its policy of sanctions, albeit by no means satisfactory, and the prominence this principle receives in various UN organs and activities, in particular the programmes undertaken under the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. However, the supportive role of the United Nations in the struggle being waged against apartheid within South Africa and Namibia, highly commendable though it is, has unfortunately been considerably weakened by the lack of consensus in dealing with systematic violations of international norms by the Pretoria regime for the maintenance of apartheid, as well as over the strategies to be adopted to resist this unjust and oppressive system. In the specific context of the present structure of the United Nations, particularly the powers given to the Security Council, these divergencies are found to be major constraints as they have the inevitable impact of impeding enforcement measures. As a consequence today, the continuing gulf between international law and reality threatens the very credibility of the world organisation especially as far as its human rights policies with regard to South Africa are concerned. The struggle within the United Nations system against apartheid, inevitably slow moving, nonetheless continues as can be seen from the evolution of measures taken. It will also be seen that the world body, undeterred by persistent disagreements over principle, its interpretation and enforcement, continues to explore possible options in shaping policies to be able to deal more effectively with the scourge of apartheid and thereby strengthen the ethical foundations of the international community and a civilised system of peaceful coexistence. The situation, therefore, though highly complicated, is not entirely hopeless. On the contrary there is room for optimism that meaningful consequences will emerge from these efforts of the United Nations to eliminate apartheid as well as to bring about a qualitative change in and protection of a whole range of human rights.
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48

Suzman, James. "Etosha Dreams: an historical account of the Hai//om predicament." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 2 (May 12, 2004): 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000102.

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In 1954 several hundred Hai//om San were evicted from their homes in Etosha National Park in the former South West Africa. As a result they joined the legions of landless generational farm-labourers who sustained an uneconomic and heavily subsidised white-owned commercial agricultural sector. This paper explores the predicament of this community vis-à-vis land rights in post-apartheid Namibia. It draws on recent historical research to contextualise Hai//om demands for land, and discusses the emergence of history as a dominant paradigm for the articulation of contemporary Hai//om identity. Likewise it explores the Hai//om's invocation of history to justify their demands for greater parity in land access. In doing so, it queries the usefulness of invoking an indigenous rights model as a justification for Hai//om land claims.
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49

Marx, Lauren Camille. "THE PEOPLE OF RIEMVASMAAK AND THE SOCIOECONOMIC IMPACT OF LAND REDISTRIBUTION: HISTORICAL ANALYSIS 1995–2013." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 1 (September 22, 2016): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/1581.

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In terms of apartheid policies, the people of Riemvasmaak were forcefully removed in 1973/74 to Namibia and the Eastern Cape. Efforts to bring the people of Riemvasmaak back to their land gained momentum in 1993. Finally the decision to give the entire 74 000ha back to the people was taken in February 1994, and Riemvasmaak was registered as a Presidential Launch Project, one of the first land-restitution projects in post-apartheid South Africa. Most of the original residents returned to their land at the end of 1995 and in 2002 the people of Riemvasmaak received the title deeds to the plots on which they were living. While this is a noble project, the people of Riemvasmaak originally faced serious problems such as abject poverty, poor soil quality, no secondary schools, no tar roads, poor access between settlements, inadequate transport and limited access to water. However, in the last eighteen years, a great deal of impetus has been placed on agrarian transformation, rural development and land reform, which included improved economic and social infrastructure. This oral research study will therefore undertake to analyse the everyday lives of the people living in Riemvasmaak, the improvement in quality of life in the area as well as what regaining their land has meant for these people if seen against the backdrop of the history of forced removals in South Africa.
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50

Fumanti, Mattia. "Imagining the Post-Apartheid State: An Ethnographic Account of Namibia John T. Friedman (Oxford: Berghahn, 2011)." PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 36, no. 1 (May 2013): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/plar.12012.

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