Relevant bibliographies by topics / Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990"

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Whitman, Dan. "OUTSMARTING APARTHEID: An Oral History of United States–South Africa Cultural and Educational Exchange, 1960–1999." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 2 (2015): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/11.

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Outsmarting Apartheid is an oral history of educational and cultural exchange programs conducted by the United States Government with citizens of South Africa during the apartheid period. The “OA” collection, published in one volume by the University Press of the State University of New York in April of 2014, conveys the stories of those who administered the programs, as well as those who benefitted, during three troubled decades of South African history. The exchanges involved some 2-3000 participants during a dark period of social unrest and institutionalized injustices. Quietly in the background, U.S. diplomats and their South African colleagues bent rules and stretched limits imposed by the apartheid regime. Collectively they played cat-and-mouse games to outsmart the regime through conniving and bravado. The author’s year as executive director of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training (Arlington, Virginia), 2006-07, provided a methodology and archiving structure forming the basis of the interviews, conducted over a two-year period in the United States and South Africa. There was little optimism at the time for South Africa’s political or social future during the 1960-1990 period. After Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990 and during his presidency of 1995-99, the country discovered rich cadres from within, of intellectuals, artists, journalists, scientists, and political leaders prepared to take on the task of constructing the New South Africa. In no small measure, these exchange programs contributed to the quick and sudden realization of suppressed wishes and aspirations for a majority of South Africa’s citizens -- of all ethnic and racial backgrounds.
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Pfister, Roger. "Gateway to international victory: the diplomacy of the African National Congress in Africa, 1960–1994." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (2003): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004147.

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The African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa extended the struggle against apartheid into the international arena when it was banned in 1960. This aspect of its policy became crucial and remained paramount until South Africa's first democratic elections were held in 1994. This paper focuses on the ANC's attempts to secure the support of the community of African states, and singles out three themes that were dominant in the period under review, namely acceptance by the African states; the modus operandi of their assistance; and their role in the negotiation process. The findings are based partly on new archival documentation, drawing two main conclusions. First, the ANC only won exclusive backing from African states after a lengthy struggle. Second, their diplomatic support proved to be a pivotal factor during the negotiations in South Africa after 1990, significantly contributing to the ANC's eventual victory in 1994.
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MACMILLAN, HUGH. "DEBATING THE ANC'S EXTERNAL LINKS DURING THE STRUGGLE AGAINST APARTHEID." Africa 85, no. 1 (2015): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000692.

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Several recent publications have explored the African National Congress's (ANC's) external links during South Africa's apartheid years. The following four texts offer an insight into the very different personal and methodological approaches that have so far shaped attempts to understand this aspect of the ANC's struggle. The section starts with a review of Stephen Ellis's recent book External Mission: the ANC in exile, 1960–1990 by Hugh Macmillan, who argues that Ellis overemphasizes the relationship between the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In a response to this review, Stephen Ellis justifies his approach by pointing to the importance of interpretation for the production of history, but also by referring to the different networks and resources, both in South Africa and beyond, on which he and Macmillan were able to draw. A review of Hugh Macmillan's new book The Lusaka Years: the ANC in exile in Zambia, 1963 to 1994 by Arianna Lissoni follows. Lissoni agrees with the author that the debate about the ANC in exile must be understood in the context of contemporary disaffection with South Africa's ruling party. Emphasizing the specificity of the Zambian experience, she welcomes Macmillan's focus on the multiplicity of experiences in exile as potentially opening new avenues for further study and reflection on the ANC. Finally, Mariya Kurbak's consideration of Irina Filatova and Apollon Davidson's The Hidden Thread: Russia and South Africa in the Soviet era explains that the authors' close understanding of Russian–South African relations enables them to illuminate the previously hidden importance of the Soviet Union in the history of South Africa and the ANC.
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Krotee, March L. "Apartheid and Sport: South Africa Revisited." Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no. 2 (1988): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.5.2.125.

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The South African government’s socially based policy of segregation and discrimination, or “apartheid,” has caused tremendous external, as well as internal, pressures to reverse the government’s inhumane treatment of its repressed populace. Until recently none of the pressures have been more forceful than those evoked by the sporting world and the United Nations. Since 1960, these forces have served to isolate South Africa from most international sports competitions, including the Olympic Games. At one juncture, various leanings in apartheid policy seemed to point toward a tilt in attitudinal posture not only in regard to sport but to various related apartheid conduct. Recent events, however, have elucidated a continued dominant posture concerning South Africa’s all-encompassing socially repressive apartheid practice. It appears that, unless the South African government initiates swift and salient apartheid expiration, the perilous game they are playing may get out of hand.
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Rich, Paul. "United States containment policy, South Africa and the apartheid dilemma." Review of International Studies 14, no. 3 (1988): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113257.

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Since the early 1970s, South Africa has become an increasingly important issue within US foreign policy after a long period of benign neglect. For a considerable part of the post-war period, US decision-makers felt it possible to avoid a direct confrontation with the moral and ethical issues involved in the South African government's policy of apartheid; the relative geographical isolation of the country from many central theatres of East–West conflict in central Europe, the Middle East and South East Asia ensured that South Africa was not in the front line of strategically vital states. Furthermore, South Africa's membership of the Commonwealth until 1960 meant that, for many US policy makers, South Africa could be seen as an issue within Commonwealth relations and thus not one for direct US involvement.
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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.
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Graham, Matthew. "Finding Foreign Policy: Researching in Five South African Archives." History in Africa 37 (2010): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0026.

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The turbulent modern history of South Africa, which includes notable events such as the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the banning and exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), and the dramatic transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, has drawn academics from a number of fields to studying the nation from a variety of angles. Two such topics which have attracted scholarly attention are the foreign policy of South Africa both during apartheid, and subsequently after its demise in 1994, and the multi faceted activities of the liberation movements fighting against it. When looking at the international relations of South Africa from the end of the Second World War, through until the present day, it is almost impossible to analyse this dimension of South Africa's past without examining the lasting effects that the political mindset of apartheid had upon foreign policy decision making, and the international community. Likewise, the history of the liberation movements such as the ANC and the PAC were shaped by their attempts to defeat apartheid and the eventual end to the struggle. The histories of the ANC and South African foreign policy are inextricably linked, demonstrating the importance of what has, and is occurring in the country, creating a complex, but truly intriguing area of research for academics.Conducting archival research on these two areas of interest is relatively easy in South Africa, with on the whole, well stocked, largely deserted, and easy to use archives located across the country.
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Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.

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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje's most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.
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Nord, Catharina. "Healthcare and Warfare. Medical Space, Mission and Apartheid in Twentieth Century Northern Namibia." Medical History 58, no. 3 (2014): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.31.

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AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.
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Cabrita, Joel. "Writing Apartheid: Ethnographic Collaborators and the Politics of Knowledge Production in Twentieth-Century South Africa." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (2020): 1668–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa512.

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Abstract Knowledge production in apartheid-era South Africa was a profoundly collaborative process. In particular, throughout the 1930s–1950s, the joint intellectual labor of both Africans and Europeans created a body of knowledge that codified and celebrated the notion of a distinct realm of Zulu religion. The intertwined careers of Swedish missionary to South Africa Bengt Sundkler and isiZulu-speaking Lutheran pastor-turned-ethnographer Titus Mthembu highlight the limitations of overly clear demarcations between “professional” versus “lay” anthropologists as well as between “colonial European” versus “indigenous African” knowledge. Mthembu and Sundkler’s decades-long collaboration resulted in a book called Bantu Prophets in South Africa ([1948] 1961). The work is best understood as the joint output of both men, although Sundkler scarcely acknowledged Mthembu’s role in the conceptualization, research, and writing of the book. In an era of racial segregation, the idea that African religion occupied a discrete, innately different sphere that the book advanced had significant political purchase. As one of a number of African ideologues supportive of the apartheid state, Mthembu mobilized his ethnographic findings to argue for innate racial difference and the virtues of “separate development” for South Africa’s Zulu community. His mysterious death in 1960 points to the high stakes of ethnographic research in the politically fraught climate of apartheid South Africa.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990"

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Yusuf, Nasir Abba, and M. Z. Shamase. "The role of the international community towards dismantling the apartheid regime in South Africa: 1960-1990." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1764.

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A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of History, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2018.<br>This research study delves into the role of the international community towards dismantling the apartheid regime in South Africa during the period 1960-1990. It argues that racial discrimination in apartheid South Africa came into being gradually over the centuries of white settlement that began when the Dutch East India Company founded a colony on the Cape in 1652. Dutch settlers were joined by English colonials who fought and won control of South Africa at the end of the nineteenth century. White control followed independence from Britain and the descendents of Dutch setters regained political power when the Afrikaner-dominated National Party (NP), which governed South Africa until 1994, won all-white elections in 1948. One of the National Party’s main goals was to codify centuries of de facto white domination. The legislative cornerstones of apartheid – including the Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 (prohibiting marriage between people of different races), the Population Registration Act and Group Areas Act, both of 1950, the Reservation of Separate Amenities and Bantu Education Bills both of 1953 – constructed distinct racial categories, and sought to ensure that racial groups were kept physically separate; and that black, Asian, and coloured South Africans receive inferior education and remain weak in political and economic terms. This research study posits that collective action against apartheid came out of, and involved, a number of different historical experiences, related to different historical processes and structural contexts. The reaction of the outside world to the development of apartheid was widespread and posed a sustained challenge to the South African regime, which, facing myriad internal and external threats, eventually capitulated to make way for a new, democratic dispensation during the 1990s. Central to the argument in this research study is that while countries throughout the world took various measures to weaken and topple apartheid, it was particularly the anti-apartheid movements in the United Kingdom (UK), the United States of America (USA), support from the Soviet Union, pressure by the United Nations (UN), the OAU and the Frontline States that mounted the most serious of these challenges to the apartheid state.
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Wood, Robert Jameson. "Business, state and society in the Western Cape from 1960 to 1990." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018502.

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This research examines the relationship between business, the state and society in South Africa -- particularly the Western Cape -- over the period from 1960 to 1990, viewed against the background of economic conditions in this region, South Africa and the world. Utilising a development history approach, it is based on an extensive study of primary and secondary documentation, supplemented by a panel of in-depth interviews and observation. This study finds that the relationship between business and apartheid incorporated both functional and dysfunctional elements, although over time the benefits diminished and the costs multiplied. The latter, Regulation Theory suggests, is true for any institutional order, but it could be argued that, under apartheid, the particularly fragile and contradictory nature of the institutional arrangement made inevitable crises more rapid and more pronounced. On the one hand, apartheid restricted the economic development of the country, as a result of a range of factors from skills shortages to the visible waste of resources on grand ideological projects and security; as suggested by Resource Curse Theory, minerals windfalls tend to encourage irresponsible behaviour by governments. On the other hand, certain businesses prospered, notably the Afrikaner business sector. All business benefited from the overall growth of the 1950s and 1960s, whilst niche players often did quite well even during the 1980s. Further, the South African businessmen, both English- and Afrikaans-speaking, were skilful in adapting to the difficult conditions brought about by apartheid, and in many cases they prospered. As highlighted by Business Systems Theory, embedded social ties and informal relations may help either support or compensate for formal regulatory pressures. Many of these general trends were particularly accentuated in the Western Cape. The fact that business protests against government policies were often more motivated by concerns as to future property rights and of social disorder, rather than human rights, does indeed raise serious moral issues. However, in helping encourage political reform, they may have made a positive contribution. This study is founded on three related strands of thinking within the political economy tradition, Resource Curse Theory, Regulation Theory and Business Systems Theory, with the emerging common ground between these three bodies of thought being highlighted. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, non-mineral producing regions tend to be particularly adversely affected in mineral rich countries, and there is little doubt that the region bore all the costs of the collapse of the gold price in the 1980s, and lacked the deeper capital base of the now Gauteng region to cushion the shock. Whilst apartheid may, as we have seen, have served conservative sectors of agriculture and mining quite well for many years, it also involved large costs incurred through social engineering experiments and the increasing demands of the security establishment. Resource Curse Theory suggests that national economies become dangerously dependent on the vagaries of commodities markets, and that the process of institutional design and evolution is hampered by assumptions of easy money which may temporary resolve the negative consequences of any institutional shortcomings. The poor price of gold in much of the 1980s brought about a crisis in the system, and, there is little doubt that this contributed to the demise of the order. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, the experience of the Western Cape, a region of the country poor in minerals, was often one of inefficient and wasteful state intervention, coupled with increasingly poor performance of non-mineral related industries. Indeed, the effects of the recession of the 1980s were most pronounced in non-mineral producing areas of the country, particularly in the Western Cape. Regulation Theory highlights that no set of institutions and practices is ever totally coherent and functional, but at specific times may work to promote both certain types of economic activity and overall growth. It is wrong to suggest that because an order only works for some players at specific times it is simply dysfunctional or does not work properly at all. However, over time, internal contradictions mount and the benefits diminish. A particular feature of the apartheid order was that some of its core benefits at its height were particularly concentrated on some players (segments of Afrikaner commerce and industry, mining and agriculture), whilst the costs were shared across a wider range of players, with a disproportionate burden being borne by the black majority. A further feature was that the costs were often indirect and spread over many years if the benefits were sometimes immediate: this would include the persistent dysfunctionality of much of the South African education system and the criminal ecosystem that was nurtured through sanctions busting. Internal contradictions and spreading dysfunctionality rarely leads to a conscious and coherent period of institutional redesign, but rather an incoherent, experimental and contested process, such as characterized late apartheid reforms, and, indeed, the post February-1990 negotiation process. Finally, again at a theoretical level, as Business Systems Theory highlights, it is important to take account of the formal and informal ties interlinking firms in different sectors in the region, and firms and government, and the extent to which regions within a particular country may follow very distinct developmental trajectories. The benefits and the costs of the system diffused unevenly in the region, giving many players both a stake in the existing order, and an interest in some or other type of reform.
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Norton, Michelle Lesley. "Judges and politics : a study of sentencing remarks in South African political trials, 1960-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323677.

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Singh, Anne-Marie. "Governing crime in post-apartheid South Africa, 1990-96." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312341.

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Polakow-Suransky, Sasha. "The unspoken alliance : Israel and apartheid South Africa, 1960-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439296.

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Greyling, Sean Andrew. "Rhodes University during the segregation and apartheid eras, 1933 to 1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002397.

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In 2004 Rhodes University celebrated its centenary. At a Critical Tradition Colloquium opportunity was given to explore the university’s past. In particular, its liberal image was questioned and its role during apartheid brought under scrutiny. This thesis investigates the questions raised at the Colloquium. It aims to cover the whole apartheid era in one coherent narrative by addressing the history of Rhodes during that era and how it handled issues of race and politics. It begins in 1933, when the first black student applied to Rhodes, and ends in 1990, when apartheid was drawing to a close.
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Klaaren, Jonathan Eugene. "A contextual history of Christian institutional involvement in legal assistance to the victims of apartheid, 1960-1982." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14340.

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Bibliography: leaves 120-126.<br>The perspective of this dissertation is one grounded in taking an option for the poor and the oppressed in the South African context. Ultimately, this perspective is a theological belief. The perspective is thus that of an explicit choice against apartheid and for social justice. This choice is made on the basis of a social analysis of the South African context. The attempt to write this dissertation from the perspective of the poor and the oppressed is unlikely to succeed completely. As a privileged white, the perspective of the author cannot be fully identified with that of the poor and the oppressed in South Africa. Nonetheless, the attempt is made to write this dissertation from a liberating perspective.
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Betts, Mellissa Jeanne. "Namibia's no man's land race, space, and identity in the history of Windhoek coloureds under South African rule 1915-1990 /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1932135281&sid=19&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Lancaster, Rupert Giles Swinburne. "A small town in the early apartheid era: A history of Grahamstown 1946-1960 focusing on "White English" perspectives." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013161.

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This Thesis examines the socio-political perceptions of Grahamstown, a small South African City, during the period 1946 to 1960. The ‘White English’ population of Grahamstown is the specific focus, as it formed the dominant social group during the period and consequently provided the majority of information for this work. During this period the majority of Grahamstowns ‘White English’ population thought of their City as holding many attractive features and experiences despite the slum-conditions and poverty that were rife in the Locations. During the British Royal Familie’s tour of the Union of South Africa in 1947, Grahamstown was one of the Cities visited. The loyalty that Grahamstown’s ‘White English’ citizens felt towards the Royal Family and the United Kingdom is explored in connection with the regard that ‘White English’ Grahamstown held for the 1820 Settlers. To highlight the Grahamstown City Council’s activities during this period five events are analysed: The Grahamstown Financial Crisis, The Grahamstown Housing Crisis, The Beer Hall Debate, The establishment of a Tuberculosis Hospital and the granting of Full University Status to Rhodes University College. It is shown, with regard to the politics of the period, that ‘White English’ Grahamstown, unequivocally supported the United Party and were vocally anti-Nationalist. The implementation of Apartheid policies within Grahamstown is explored, with specific focus placed upon the Group Areas Act. Finally the anti-republican sentiment espoused by ‘White English’ Grahamstown is reviewed.
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Ngonyama, Lulama Smuts. "Born free: an exploration of national identity construction in post-apartheid South Africa: the case of the youth born from 1990." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020349.

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National identity in South Africa is, and has been, a complex concept, with diverse and contested attempts at its embodiment. This research extends the discourse of identity politics in the post 1994 democratic South Africa to beyond the discourse of racial politics, and notions of oppressor and oppressed to the complexities of resistance and the eventual establishment of a democratic South Africa. The research draws on the views and experiences of young South Africans, born after 1990, regarding what constitutes a South African identity. The research participants represent the socio-cultural and economic spectrum of the city of Cape Town, in the Western Province of South Africa. Schools were chosen across this spectrum to allow for heterogeneity of research sample to reflect the different population groups that comprise the South African population. The areas the schools were chosen from included those that existed during the apartheid era and those that have since been developed. Schools included were those historically delineated according to apartheid-constructed racial groups, and one that was established after 1994 as a non-state school. The exploration of the data reveals a population of young people who have moved beyond the imposed identities created by the apartheid system to an actively inclusive conception of what it means to be a South African in a post-apartheid context. Additionally, the research shows that this inclusive national identity also allows for the acknowledgement and expression of the diversity of cultures and languages existent in South African society. There is also an understanding that socio-economic issues such as poverty, poor education and continued imbalances from the Apartheid era need to be addressed to ensure a stable and unified South Africa. Therefore, the research found that this research contends that young people born after 1990 are committed to a respectful and representative national identity that affords all South Africans an equal place in society.
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Books on the topic "Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990"

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Wayne, Oosthuizen, and Warren Siebrits Modern and Contemporary Art., eds. States of emergence: South Africa 1960-1990. Warren Siebrits Modern and Contemporary Art, 2002.

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Sharpeville: An apartheid massacre and its consequences. Oxford University Press, 2011.

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Marx, Anthony W. Lessons of struggle: South African internal opposition, 1960-1990. Oxford University Press, 1992.

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Singh, Anne-Marie. Governing crime in post-apartheid South Africa, 1990-96. Singh, 2000.

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Christian resistance to apartheid: Ecumenism in South Africa, 1960-1987. Skotaville, 1989.

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M, Price Robert. The apartheid state in crisis: Political transformation in South Africa, 1975-1990. Oxford University Press, 1991.

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Movement, Anti-apartheid. Six months of change: A review of developments in South Africa, January-June 1990. The Movement, 1990.

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author, Karis Thomas 1919, and Gerhart Gail M. author, eds. From protest to challenge: A documentary history of African politics in South Africa, 1882-1990. Jacana, 2013.

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Die Homeland-Politik in Südafrika: Die Entwicklung und Kontrolle der territorialen, demographischen, politischen und ökonomischen Ressourcen der Grossen Apartheid zwischen 1950 und 1990. P. Lang, 1997.

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Rural resistance in South Africa: The Mpondo revolts after fifty years. Brill, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990"

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Leedy, Todd H. "Racing on the Rand: Black Competitive Cycling around Johannesburg, 1930–1960." In Sport and Apartheid South Africa. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003205272-2.

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Grundlingh, Marizanne, and Albert Grundlingh. "Fractured Fandom and Paradoxical Passions: Explaining Support for New Zealand All Black Rugby Teams in South Africa, 1960–2018." In Sport and Apartheid South Africa. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003205272-11.

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Ulriksen, Marianne S. "A Racialised Social Question: Pension Reform in Apartheid South Africa." In One Hundred Years of Social Protection. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54959-6_7.

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AbstractThe post-WWII period was the “golden age” of welfare-state development. Not so in South Africa, where pension policies did not undergo any significant reforms during the entire apartheid era (1948–1990). This chapter takes a constructivist approach to unpacking the marginal reform efforts in social security in an otherwise reform-fervent apartheid regime. Through in-depth analyses of historical accounts and parliamentary debates, I investigate the ideational underpinnings of and justifications for pension policy developments. The reasons for the state’s limited pension reforms are the ideas of “separate development” and different levels of “civilisation” whereby the white regime could justify taking primary responsibility for only their “own people”.
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Burki, Namara. "Conflicting Solidarities: The French Anti-apartheid Movement and the Liberation Struggle in South Africa, Circa 1960–1991." In Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53284-0_9.

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Jewitt, Martin. "Sanctions and Stalemate." In The Unwinding of Apartheid UK-South African Relations, 1986-1990, edited by Patrick Salmon. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429503757-1.

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Jewitt, Martin. "The Long Haul." In The Unwinding of Apartheid UK-South African Relations, 1986-1990, edited by Patrick Salmon. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429503757-2.

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Jewitt, Martin. "From P.W. Botha to F.W. de Klerk." In The Unwinding of Apartheid UK-South African Relations, 1986-1990, edited by Patrick Salmon. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429503757-3.

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Jewitt, Martin. "The Release of Nelson Mandela." In The Unwinding of Apartheid UK-South African Relations, 1986-1990, edited by Patrick Salmon. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429503757-4.

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Bethlehe, Louise. "11 February 1990, South Africa: Apartheid and After." In The Edinburgh Companion to Twentieth-Century Literatures in English. Edinburgh University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748620111.003.0020.

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Arellano, Nicole, Wallace Chigona, Jeanne Moore, and Jean-Paul Van Belle. "ICT-Based Community Development Initiatives in South Africa." In Encyclopedia of Developing Regional Communities with Information and Communication Technology. IGI Global, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59140-575-7.ch070.

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South Africa has seen many changes in the decade since the mid-1990’s but it is still struggling to rectify the damage caused by apartheid, which aimed to maintain white domination while extending racial segregation and emphasising territorial separation (Chokshi et al., 1995). The legacy of apartheid has left a large percentage of South Africa’s population living in poverty, many without proper housing or associated facilities and minimal, if any infrastructure. Another devastating effect of apartheid is the high percentage of illiteracy within South Africa due to the lack of educational amenities available to non-whites during that era. Fifty percent of the population of 42 million lives below the poverty line while 13.6% of the population aged 15 and over is not able to read or write (World Fact Book, 2003).
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