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Yusuf, Nasir Abba, and M. Z. Shamase. "The role of the international community towards dismantling the apartheid regime in South Africa: 1960-1990." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1764.
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A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Department of History, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2018.<br>This research study delves into the role of the international community towards dismantling the apartheid regime in South Africa during the period 1960-1990. It argues that racial discrimination in apartheid South Africa came into being gradually over the centuries of white settlement that began when the Dutch East India Company founded a colony on the Cape in 1652. Dutch settlers were joined by English colonials who fought and won control of South Africa at the end of the nineteenth century. White control followed independence from Britain and the descendents of Dutch setters regained political power when the Afrikaner-dominated National Party (NP), which governed South Africa until 1994, won all-white elections in 1948. One of the National Party’s main goals was to codify centuries of de facto white domination. The legislative cornerstones of apartheid – including the Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 (prohibiting marriage between people of different races), the Population Registration Act and Group Areas Act, both of 1950, the Reservation of Separate Amenities and Bantu Education Bills both of 1953 – constructed distinct racial categories, and sought to ensure that racial groups were kept physically separate; and that black, Asian, and coloured South Africans receive inferior education and remain weak in political and economic terms. This research study posits that collective action against apartheid came out of, and involved, a number of different historical experiences, related to different historical processes and structural contexts. The reaction of the outside world to the development of apartheid was widespread and posed a sustained challenge to the South African regime, which, facing myriad internal and external threats, eventually capitulated to make way for a new, democratic dispensation during the 1990s. Central to the argument in this research study is that while countries throughout the world took various measures to weaken and topple apartheid, it was particularly the anti-apartheid movements in the United Kingdom (UK), the United States of America (USA), support from the Soviet Union, pressure by the United Nations (UN), the OAU and the Frontline States that mounted the most serious of these challenges to the apartheid state.
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Wood, Robert Jameson. "Business, state and society in the Western Cape from 1960 to 1990." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018502.
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This research examines the relationship between business, the state and society in South Africa -- particularly the Western Cape -- over the period from 1960 to 1990, viewed against the background of economic conditions in this region, South Africa and the world. Utilising a development history approach, it is based on an extensive study of primary and secondary documentation, supplemented by a panel of in-depth interviews and observation. This study finds that the relationship between business and apartheid incorporated both functional and dysfunctional elements, although over time the benefits diminished and the costs multiplied. The latter, Regulation Theory suggests, is true for any institutional order, but it could be argued that, under apartheid, the particularly fragile and contradictory nature of the institutional arrangement made inevitable crises more rapid and more pronounced. On the one hand, apartheid restricted the economic development of the country, as a result of a range of factors from skills shortages to the visible waste of resources on grand ideological projects and security; as suggested by Resource Curse Theory, minerals windfalls tend to encourage irresponsible behaviour by governments. On the other hand, certain businesses prospered, notably the Afrikaner business sector. All business benefited from the overall growth of the 1950s and 1960s, whilst niche players often did quite well even during the 1980s. Further, the South African businessmen, both English- and Afrikaans-speaking, were skilful in adapting to the difficult conditions brought about by apartheid, and in many cases they prospered. As highlighted by Business Systems Theory, embedded social ties and informal relations may help either support or compensate for formal regulatory pressures. Many of these general trends were particularly accentuated in the Western Cape. The fact that business protests against government policies were often more motivated by concerns as to future property rights and of social disorder, rather than human rights, does indeed raise serious moral issues. However, in helping encourage political reform, they may have made a positive contribution. This study is founded on three related strands of thinking within the political economy tradition, Resource Curse Theory, Regulation Theory and Business Systems Theory, with the emerging common ground between these three bodies of thought being highlighted. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, non-mineral producing regions tend to be particularly adversely affected in mineral rich countries, and there is little doubt that the region bore all the costs of the collapse of the gold price in the 1980s, and lacked the deeper capital base of the now Gauteng region to cushion the shock. Whilst apartheid may, as we have seen, have served conservative sectors of agriculture and mining quite well for many years, it also involved large costs incurred through social engineering experiments and the increasing demands of the security establishment. Resource Curse Theory suggests that national economies become dangerously dependent on the vagaries of commodities markets, and that the process of institutional design and evolution is hampered by assumptions of easy money which may temporary resolve the negative consequences of any institutional shortcomings. The poor price of gold in much of the 1980s brought about a crisis in the system, and, there is little doubt that this contributed to the demise of the order. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, the experience of the Western Cape, a region of the country poor in minerals, was often one of inefficient and wasteful state intervention, coupled with increasingly poor performance of non-mineral related industries. Indeed, the effects of the recession of the 1980s were most pronounced in non-mineral producing areas of the country, particularly in the Western Cape. Regulation Theory highlights that no set of institutions and practices is ever totally coherent and functional, but at specific times may work to promote both certain types of economic activity and overall growth. It is wrong to suggest that because an order only works for some players at specific times it is simply dysfunctional or does not work properly at all. However, over time, internal contradictions mount and the benefits diminish. A particular feature of the apartheid order was that some of its core benefits at its height were particularly concentrated on some players (segments of Afrikaner commerce and industry, mining and agriculture), whilst the costs were shared across a wider range of players, with a disproportionate burden being borne by the black majority. A further feature was that the costs were often indirect and spread over many years if the benefits were sometimes immediate: this would include the persistent dysfunctionality of much of the South African education system and the criminal ecosystem that was nurtured through sanctions busting. Internal contradictions and spreading dysfunctionality rarely leads to a conscious and coherent period of institutional redesign, but rather an incoherent, experimental and contested process, such as characterized late apartheid reforms, and, indeed, the post February-1990 negotiation process. Finally, again at a theoretical level, as Business Systems Theory highlights, it is important to take account of the formal and informal ties interlinking firms in different sectors in the region, and firms and government, and the extent to which regions within a particular country may follow very distinct developmental trajectories. The benefits and the costs of the system diffused unevenly in the region, giving many players both a stake in the existing order, and an interest in some or other type of reform.
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Norton, Michelle Lesley. "Judges and politics : a study of sentencing remarks in South African political trials, 1960-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323677.
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Singh, Anne-Marie. "Governing crime in post-apartheid South Africa, 1990-96." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312341.
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Polakow-Suransky, Sasha. "The unspoken alliance : Israel and apartheid South Africa, 1960-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439296.
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Greyling, Sean Andrew. "Rhodes University during the segregation and apartheid eras, 1933 to 1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002397.
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In 2004 Rhodes University celebrated its centenary. At a Critical Tradition Colloquium opportunity was given to explore the university’s past. In particular, its liberal image was questioned and its role during apartheid brought under scrutiny. This thesis investigates the questions raised at the Colloquium. It aims to cover the whole apartheid era in one coherent narrative by addressing the history of Rhodes during that era and how it handled issues of race and politics. It begins in 1933, when the first black student applied to Rhodes, and ends in 1990, when apartheid was drawing to a close.
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Klaaren, Jonathan Eugene. "A contextual history of Christian institutional involvement in legal assistance to the victims of apartheid, 1960-1982." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14340.
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Bibliography: leaves 120-126.<br>The perspective of this dissertation is one grounded in taking an option for the poor and the oppressed in the South African context. Ultimately, this perspective is a theological belief. The perspective is thus that of an explicit choice against apartheid and for social justice. This choice is made on the basis of a social analysis of the South African context. The attempt to write this dissertation from the perspective of the poor and the oppressed is unlikely to succeed completely. As a privileged white, the perspective of the author cannot be fully identified with that of the poor and the oppressed in South Africa. Nonetheless, the attempt is made to write this dissertation from a liberating perspective.
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Betts, Mellissa Jeanne. "Namibia's no man's land race, space, and identity in the history of Windhoek coloureds under South African rule 1915-1990 /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1932135281&sid=19&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Lancaster, Rupert Giles Swinburne. "A small town in the early apartheid era: A history of Grahamstown 1946-1960 focusing on "White English" perspectives." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013161.
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This Thesis examines the socio-political perceptions of Grahamstown, a small South African City, during the period 1946 to 1960. The ‘White English’ population of Grahamstown is the specific focus, as it formed the dominant social group during the period and consequently provided the majority of information for this work. During this period the majority of Grahamstowns ‘White English’ population thought of their City as holding many attractive features and experiences despite the slum-conditions and poverty that were rife in the Locations. During the British Royal Familie’s tour of the Union of South Africa in 1947, Grahamstown was one of the Cities visited. The loyalty that Grahamstown’s ‘White English’ citizens felt towards the Royal Family and the United Kingdom is explored in connection with the regard that ‘White English’ Grahamstown held for the 1820 Settlers. To highlight the Grahamstown City Council’s activities during this period five events are analysed: The Grahamstown Financial Crisis, The Grahamstown Housing Crisis, The Beer Hall Debate, The establishment of a Tuberculosis Hospital and the granting of Full University Status to Rhodes University College. It is shown, with regard to the politics of the period, that ‘White English’ Grahamstown, unequivocally supported the United Party and were vocally anti-Nationalist. The implementation of Apartheid policies within Grahamstown is explored, with specific focus placed upon the Group Areas Act. Finally the anti-republican sentiment espoused by ‘White English’ Grahamstown is reviewed.
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Ngonyama, Lulama Smuts. "Born free: an exploration of national identity construction in post-apartheid South Africa: the case of the youth born from 1990." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020349.
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National identity in South Africa is, and has been, a complex concept, with diverse and contested attempts at its embodiment. This research extends the discourse of identity politics in the post 1994 democratic South Africa to beyond the discourse of racial politics, and notions of oppressor and oppressed to the complexities of resistance and the eventual establishment of a democratic South Africa. The research draws on the views and experiences of young South Africans, born after 1990, regarding what constitutes a South African identity. The research participants represent the socio-cultural and economic spectrum of the city of Cape Town, in the Western Province of South Africa. Schools were chosen across this spectrum to allow for heterogeneity of research sample to reflect the different population groups that comprise the South African population. The areas the schools were chosen from included those that existed during the apartheid era and those that have since been developed. Schools included were those historically delineated according to apartheid-constructed racial groups, and one that was established after 1994 as a non-state school. The exploration of the data reveals a population of young people who have moved beyond the imposed identities created by the apartheid system to an actively inclusive conception of what it means to be a South African in a post-apartheid context. Additionally, the research shows that this inclusive national identity also allows for the acknowledgement and expression of the diversity of cultures and languages existent in South African society. There is also an understanding that socio-economic issues such as poverty, poor education and continued imbalances from the Apartheid era need to be addressed to ensure a stable and unified South Africa. Therefore, the research found that this research contends that young people born after 1990 are committed to a respectful and representative national identity that affords all South Africans an equal place in society.
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Irwin, Ryan M. "The Gordian Knot: Apartheid and the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272297260.
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McIntosh, Robert. "State policies in rural South Africa c. 1948 to c. 1960 : Bantu authorities, policy formation and local responses." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313791.
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Abstract The thesis explores the formation, implementation and execution of 'Bantu administration' policies in the African 'reserves' of South Africa. The study begins with an examination of the institutions of segregation, the strains during the 1940s, and the responses of the government of JC Smuts and of the Nationalist opposition. The thesis covers the administrations of OF Malan, JG Strijdom and HF Verwoerd, from 1948 until the beginning of the period of 'grand apartheid', c1960. It examines a major dispute within the cabinet over African representation in state legislatures during Malan's administration and explains its ramifications. It explores the development of the policy of political apartheid, under EG Jansen and Verwoerd, both Ministers of Native Affairs, until the passage of the Bantu Authorities Act of 1951. The narrative continues with an inquiry into politics of African representation, the establishment of Bantu Authorities, and the related policies of 'betterment'. The nature of decision-making and centreperiphery interaction between the 'Head Office' of the Department of Native Affairs and its local officers are of particular concern. The administrative assault on Africans in the reserves, the developing policy of 'self-government' withi n the framework of 'separate development' and the final elimination of any African political representation are all critically examined. Three case studies illustrate the effects of these policies on African communities in the Northern Transvaal. These include the imposition of political structures predicated on a priori 'ethnic' divisions, the distortion of rural development programmes, and the early mass removal of the Mamathola people
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Mthembi, Phillip. "Repositioning of the South African Communist Party (SACP) in the politics of post-apartheid South Africa : a critical study of SACP from 1990-2010." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1434.
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Thesis (M.A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014<br>The study was about the South African Communist Party (SACP) and its entry into SA
politics after 1990. The main question is whether it should contest elections independently of its Tripartite alliance partners led by ANC in democratic SA. As a democratic country it
allows any party to participate in the elections. Given that space SACP can contest and
triumph electorally thus assume the reins of government. For SA to become socialist, SACP has to campaign and triumph electorally for this to happen. The study followed a qualitative research paradigm. Purposeful sampling was used to collect data through in-depth interviews with information-rich respondents who have specialist knowledge about the study. Interviews and document analysis were used for data collection. For this reason, open-ended questions in the form of an interview guide were used to solicit information, perceptions and attitudes towards and about SACP. A tape recorder was used to capture information from these interviews. The recorded data was transcribed and coded into themes one by one which in turn formed part of the research portfolio. From the study findings contemporary SACP is a product of the revisionism that has come to characterise the post-Cold War. It is not surprising why the party then is not ready to contest election alone.
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Bischof, Michael H. Kellerhals-Maeder Andreas Sibold Noëmi. "Südafrika im Spiegel der Schweizer Botschaft : die politische Berichterstattung der Schweizer Botschaft in Südafrika während der Apartheidära 1952 - 1990 /." Zürich : Chronos, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2761526&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Hall, Ruth. "The politics of land reform in post-apartheid South Africa, 1990 to 2004 : a shifting terrain of power, actors and discourses." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547756.
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Heaney, Michael John. "Beyers Naude, Ekumeniese baanbreker in Suid-Afrika : 1960-1994 (Afrikaans)." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2004. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-09292004-101012/.
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Murray, Noëleen. "Architectural modernism and apartheid modernity in South Africa a critical inquiry into the work of architect and urban designer Roelof Uytenbogaardt, 1960-2009." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11183.
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Roelof Sarel Uytenbogaardt who died in 1998 was, and remains, an important and influential figure in the disciplines of architecture and urban design in South Africa. As a prolific practitioner and academic at the University of Cape Town his influence has been far-reaching. Making use of previously unexamined archival material, this study examines - in detail - the extent of this influence. Importantly the thesis seeks to situate Uytenbogaardt’s work in relation to the rise of apartheid and speculates about the persistence of modernism in contemporary spatial practice. Through examining both the conception and reception of Uytenbogaardt’s buildings and urban plans, the work locates modernist approaches to design prevalent in architecture and urban design as products of apartheid modernity. The controversial and contested nature of Uytenbogaardt’s works provides space for critical analysis and this is evident in the uneven reception of his projects. Architects and urban designers revere him as a ‘master’ while pubic sentiment has very often been strongly negative. This is most strikingly evident in the case of the recent proposed destruction of one of Uytenbogaardt’s most controversial works, the Werdmuller Centre. Constructed in the 1970s after forced removals in Cape Town’s suburb of Claremont, since 2007 architects and urban designers have argued passionately for its retention as an example of ‘timeless’ modernist heritage. Through this and other examples, the thesis explores the complexities presented by professional practice in architecture and urban design in the context of designing buildings for designated publics under apartheid. It argues that the work of practitioners and academics such as Uytenbogaardt is intimately linked to the social crisis of apartheid and that the resultant relationship is one of the complex and interrelated crises of modernist design that persist in post-apartheid South Africa.
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Konieczna, Anna. "L'histoire d'une relation spéciale : les relations entre la France et l'Afrique du Sud dans les années 1958-1974." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0055.
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Basée sur des archives françaises et sud-africaines inédites, cette thèse offre une analyse approfondie des relations franco-sud-africaines sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle et de Georges Pompidou (1958-1974). La relation est qualifié de « spéciale » pour plusieurs raisons : le fait qu’il s’agit de liens avec un pays non-francophone qui n’appartient pas à la zone d’influence traditionnelle de la France, le contexte dans lequel elle se noue (le processus de décolonisation simultané à la condamnation internationale du régime d’apartheid), la spécificité de ses éléments constitutifs (une coopération particulièrement intensive dans les domaines « sensibles » du militaire et du nucléaire), et enfin le cadre officiel asymétrique et déséquilibré de cette relation. Divisée en quatre parties, organisées selon une logique chronologique, l’étude présente l’évolution de cette « relation spéciale » et ses différentes dimensions : bilatérale (relations militaires, nucléaires et économiques), régionale (relations en Afrique méridionale, dans la zone de l’océan Indien et en Afrique) et multilatérale (débats à l’ONU, au FMI, et dans le cadre de la CEE). A travers l’analyse des discussions au sein des institutions françaises et des prises de position dans les enceintes internationales, cette analyse reconstitue l’attitude ambiguë de la France envers la question de l’apartheid, les contradictions de la politique d’indépendance française de même que de la politique africaine de la France. Tout en privilégiant le cadre officiel, elle propose aussi une analyse du rôle des « intermédiaires » – parlementaires, entreprises et « marchands de canons » – dans la conduite et la réalisation des objectifs de la politique française vis-à-vis de l’Afrique du Sud<br>Based on the original French and South African archives, this dissertation examines the relationship between France and South Africa under the administration of Charles de Gaulle et Georges Pomidou. Several elements explain why this relation may be qualified as « special »: the fact that South Africa didn’t belong to the traditional zone of French influence, the context in which this relation emerges (the process of decolonization along with the international condemnation of the regime of apartheid), its specialization (the close cooperation in the military and nuclear field) and its official atypical frame. Divided into four chronological parts, the dissertation presents the evolution of this « special relationship » and its different dimensions: bilateral (relations in military, nuclear and economic field), regional (relations in Southern Africa, in zone of the Indian Ocean and in Africa) and multilateral (debats at UN, IMF and EEC). By analyzing the discussions within the French institutions and the statements in international arena, this study reconstructs the ambiguous attitude of France towards the question of apartheid, the contradictions of the French policy of national independence as well of the French African policy. While the dissertation emphasizes the official framework, it also tempts to analyses the role of intermediates (parliamentarians, enterprises and military industry) in the conduct of French policy towards South Africa
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Moukambi, Victor. "Relations between South Africa and France with special reference to military matters, 1960-1990." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1228.
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Clowes, Lindsay. "Making it work : aspects of marriage, motherhood and money-earning among white South African women 1960-1990." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21733.
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Bibliography: pages 201-215.<br>This study provides a feminist perspective on aspects of change in white women's lives in South Africa between 1960 and 1990. Changing patterns of women's work, where work encompasses unpaid domestic labour as well as paid employment outside the home, are traced. The different ways in which women have combined their socially defined obligations as wives and mothers, as employees or employers, are considered. The primary sources used include open-ended interviews with women, magazines and the publications of women's organisations. The period 1960-1973 was one in which most white women left the paid labour force after marrying. Towards the end of the period, in the context of a booming economy and a perceived shortage of skilled white labour, more white wives were remaining in employment after marriage. The media, women's organisations, the state, big business and white male workers were addressing, in different ways, the conflict between white wives entering paid employment and the necessity to protect traditional values whereby 'good' wives stayed at home. 1974-1984 saw large and increasing numbers of white wives taking up paid work, both part-time and full-time. The period saw employed wives becoming increasingly commonplace, while the range of occupations open to them expanded. Observing that most remained in the lower levels of corporate hierarchies, women's organisations focused on eliminating the 'glass ceilings' said to block women's entry to higher paid positions. By 1985-1990, women were encouraged to be ambitious, assertive and to strive for self-fulfilment through their careers. The conflict of trying to achieve in the male dominated business world, combined with a sexual division of labour that persisted in defining the home and the family as women's work, saw many women leave the work place to start up home-based businesses.
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Mangi, Lutfullah. "U.S. policy towards South Africa, c.1960-c.1990 : from political realism to moral engagement." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1994. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28708/.
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This is a study of United States' policy towards South Africa between 1976 and 1986, the important period in the history of their relationship. It sets out to explain that there had never been a basic shift in successive U.S. policies towards the Republic. The driving force behind the Ford, Carter and Reagan doctrines towards Southern Africa, with focus on South Africa, had been to secure the U.S. national interests---economic and military/strategic. These policies, however, were based on belief of negotiated settlement to achieve majority rule in the region, and were critical of the apartheid system in South Africa. Throughout the period under discussion, South Africa has never remained important in U.S. policy planning, except the period of the mid 1980s, when it attracted the attention of high-level policy-makers, including the President and the Congress. It was during this time that the Republic appeared as a major political issue of U.S. domestic constituencies and on foreign policy agenda. It was partly because of the well publicized crisis in South Africa, and partly because of the Reagan administration's attitude towards the anti-apartheid groups. The combination of these factors had led the defeat of the Reagan administration's policy of constructive engagement and the implementation of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 in which Congress, under public pressure, deviced its policy towards South Africa.
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Moultrie, T. A. "Apartheid's children : social institutions and birth intervals during the South African fertility decline, 1960-1998." Thesis, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (University of London), 2001. http://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/1386838/.
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Previous research on the demography of South Africa has not resolved whether the South African fertility decline should be viewed as rapid given the institutional forces ranged against the everyday lives of African South Africans, or as slow, given the country’s level of socio-economic development and the vigour with which successive governments implemented family planning programmes. The thesis presents a detailed demographic analysis of the South African fertility decline. By 1996, fertility among African women had fallen to 3.5 children per woman, not even half the level estimated for 1960. However, projected median birth intervals increased from around 30 months in 1970 to greater than 60 months by the late 1990s. Using official and historical sources, many of which are in Afrikaans, the thesis argues that the institutional context that prevailed under apartheid is responsible for the slow decline in African fertility and the increase in birth intervals. Birth intervals increased because African women used contraception for neither fertility limitation nor birth spacing as they are conventionally understood. This secular trend towards longer birth intervals is neither parity- nor cohort-specific. African women used modern contraception to postpone childbearing sine die as a result of the impositions of apartheid. Hence a third, new, pattern of contraceptive use is identified. The continued increase in birth intervals after the end of apartheid is not associated with changes in marriage patterns, or social instability caused by internal unrest. Birth intervals have increased most for educated, wealthier and urban women. Using the South African fertility decline as an example, the thesis argues that the institutional context in which a fertility decline occurs plays an important role in determining the pace of that decline.
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Whittle, Granville Christiaan. "The role of the South African Democratic Teachers Union in the process of teacher rationalisation in the Western Cape between 1990 and 2001." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24835.
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This thesis postulates that the inability of the post-apartheid government to deal decisively with the “legacies of apartheid education” is linked to the macro-educational policy trajectory endorsed by the African National Congress government in the early 1990s. It notes that post-apartheid education policymaking shows similarities with the National Party reforms initiated towards the end of the 1980s in education. In the late 1980s the apartheid government implemented a broad educational framework consonant with the rise of neo-liberal restructuring emerging internationally. It is argued that the teacher unions, and the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU) in particular, were active role-players in shaping the new educational trajectory and discourse and that it was particularly because of the acquiescence of the unions that the government was able to embark on the road of neo-liberal restructuring with very little organised opposition. SADTU’s weak opposition to the rising influence of neo-liberal educational restructuring greatly facilitated the creation of a two-tier education system that South Africa is grappling with today, one for the rich and one for the poor.<br>Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2008.<br>Education Management and Policy Studies<br>PhD<br>unrestricted
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Mopp, Adrian Carl. "National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018.
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The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
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O'Brien, Kevin A. "The assassins' web : South Africa's counter-revolutionary strategy, securocracy and operations (with particular reference to the special tasking of security force units) 1978-1990." Thesis, University of Hull, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342876.
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Badat, Mohamed Saleem. "Black student politics under apartheid : the character, role and significance of the South African Students' Organisation, 1968 to 1977, and the South African National Students' Congress, 1979 to 1990." Thesis, University of York, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338550.
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Akinyemi, Mathilda Chinyere. "Origins, articulations and continuities in foreign policy and foreign policy formation : the case of civilian and military governments in Nigeria 1960-1990 with special reference to South Africa." Thesis, University of Kent, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385625.
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Jacobs, Mzamo Wilson. "Zambia, the ANC and the struggle against apartheid, 1964-1990." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13401.
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Greyling, Carolien Lucia. "From apartheid to democracy: the emergence of ultraconservatives in Ermelo 1960-1994." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24535.
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Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters in History at the University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa 2017<br>This dissertation examines and explains the underlying social, ideological and economic reasons why the white population of Ermelo gravitated to a politics of the extreme in the years 1960-1994. In contrast to commonly held views that the growth of ultraconservatism correlates neatly with economic trends this dissertation argues that ultraconservatism in Ermelo emerged due to varying complex and at times contradictory reasons. By examining white society at the time of conquest in the 1860s, it is argued that whites in this area formed racist views from the time of settlement as the commercial success of their newly acquired farmland was dependant on the exploitation of cheap black labour. The focus of this study is however, on the emergence of new ultraconservative political parties from the late 1960s to the early 1990s which formed in reaction to National Party and local political dynamics. It is argued that the bedrock of conservative views was moulded during the time of initial settlement, however, for various reasons throughout the years these views were held and propagated. This study is a local history of ultraconservatism in Ermelo and illuminates particularities in the town’s white politics within the context of profound changes in Afrikaner politics nationally. White working-class workers and farmers supported ultraconservatives while white business people supported the NP and their politics of reform. This dissertation made use of public and private archives as well as life history interviews with various long-time residents of the town. It is argued that although capitalism was the main motivator for ultraconservative views and politics in the mid 1800s, it was also capitalism that brought about reform and created a platform for negotiation in the 1990s when ultraconservative political parties threatened the peaceful transition into a democratic South Africa.<br>XL2018
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Durbach, David Justin. "A study of the linkages between popular music and politics in South Africa under Apartheid in the 1980s." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18725.
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This dissertation seeks to explore how the exercise of political power and the
music industry impacted each other in South Africa under apartheid during the
1980s. It does so by looking firstly at the ways in which the South African
government used music to promote apartheid. Secondly, it looks at the role of
South African popular musicians in the struggle against apartheid in the country,
specifically their role in civil society and the methods they employed to fight
apartheid while avoiding censorship. It looks at key musical developments of the
decade and explores their political implications, focusing on three popular genres:
bubblegum (or disco), crossover and reggae. Thirdly, it explores the role of South
African music and musicians in the struggle against apartheid outside South
Africa. Finally, it looks at the role of music in the international anti-apartheid
movement and the contribution of the international music community to the
struggle.<br>Political Sciences<br>M.A. (African Politics)
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Heywood, Julia. "The politics of memory and commemoration in the post-apartheid era: a case study of 32-Battalion." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/19878.
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A research report submitted by the Wits School of Arts, Film and Television Department, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Film and Television. Johannesburg 2015<br>This research report looks at the politics of memory, commemoration and representation in the new South Africa with a focus on 32-Battalion. The research draws on interviews and testimonies of ex-SADF soldiers who were members of the unit and unpacks how when considering memory and remembering, a multitude of viewpoints emerge. Factors such as the impact of the ideological transition from apartheid to democracy and the resultant impact on ex-SADF soldiers as well as the reshaping of the country’s official history which has been shaped to suit the current political climate, are considered. The research reflects on how these political processes which include exclusions of unwanted histories have affected nation building in South Africa post 1994.
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Fourie, Wiida Elizabeth. "'n Fenomenologiese interpretasie van Afrikaanse briefskrywers aan beeld se persepsies van die sosio-politieke veranderinge in Suid-Afrika (1990 en 2004)." Diss., 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1493.
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Text in Afrikaans<br>It has become clear that the continued existence of the Afrikaner in the 21st century will demand a recontextualisation of the identity and values attached to being an Afrikaans-speaking South African in a post-apartheid South Africa. Various institutions and intellectuals are already busy with this process. The study used the social phenomenology of Alfred Schutz to describe and analyse the first steps taken in the recontextualisation of Afrikaner identity from the perspective of letter writers to the Afrikaans daily newspaper, Beeld.
Phenomenology accepts that the world of everyday life is man's fundamental and pervasive reality. Schutz uses concepts like the social stock of knowledge, typifications and intersubjectivity to explain how people interpret their everyday reality so that it becomes meaningful to themselves and others in communication. The task of the phenomenologist would be to question the taken-for-grantedness of this life world and identify its underlying principles (or essences).
The study found that, while the letter writers did adjust their typification of the Self, no fundamental review of their typification of the Other (black South Africans) took place. Letter writers managed to free themselves of the baggage of apartheid after De Klerk gave up power in 1990 and declared white South Africa ready for negotiations for a new democratic South Africa. Together with giving up power, letter writers also freed themselves from the aspect of Christian-nationalism which was one of the fundamental building blocks of Afrikanerskap. The Afrikaner of 2004 seems to be a white minority, proud of their language and culture, and fighting for their right to speak and hear Afrikaans.
However, no major revision of the Other has taken place. The study will show that letter writers have adjusted their perception of blacks in so far as it became practically relevant to do so for survival in the new South Africa. Very few, if any, fundamental changes took place in terms of the perception of racial or cultural superiority.<br>Communication Science<br>M.A. (Communication)
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Mnaba, Victor Mxolisi. "The role of the church towards the Pondo revolt in South Africa from 1960-1963." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1801.
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In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them.
On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963.
This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people.
Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963.<br>Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology<br>M.Th. (Church History)
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Black, David Alexander. "Indoctrination to indifference? : perceptions of South African secondary school history education, with special reference to Mpumalanga, 1960–2012." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/14487.
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It is generally agreed that during the apartheid era secondary school History education was perceived as either an indispensible aid toward furthering the National Party’s social and political programme of separate development by some sections of the South African community or as an insidious form of indoctrination by other sections of the community. One of the contentions of this thesis is that this form of apology or indoctrination was less successful than is generally believed. The white English and Afrikaans-speaking sections of the community, although practising very different cultures shared many perceptions, including the perception that secondary school History education was less important than was the study of other subjects. The result was that at least since the 1960s, History was a subject in decline at most South African white secondary schools. History education enjoyed a mixed reception on the part of black secondary school educators during the apartheid era although the majority of black secondary school educators and learners, particularly after the 1976 Soweto Uprising, rejected the subject as a gross misrepresentation of historical record. The demise of History as a secondary school subject during the post-apartheid era is well documented. The case is made that this is due to factors such as poor teaching and the tendency by school administrations to marginalise the subject. My own 2008 and 2012 research indicates that while many South African adults display a negative attitude toward secondary school History education, secondary school learners have a far more positive outlook. The finding of this thesis is that the future for History education in South Africa is not as bleak as many imagine it appears to be.<br>History<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Booth-Yudelman, Gillian Carol, and Gillian Carol Booth Yudelman. "South African political prison-literature between 1948 and 1990 : the prisoner as writer and political commentator." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/15480.
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This thesis examines works written about imprisonment by
four South African political prison writers who were incarcerated
for political reasons. My Introduction focuses on current
research and literature available on the subject of political
prison-writing and it justifies the study to be undertaken.
Chapter One examines the National Party's policy pertaining to
the holding of political prisoners and discusses the work of
Michel Foucault on the subject of imprisonment as well as the
connection he makes between knowledge and power. This chapter
also considers the factors that motivate a prisoner to write.
Bearing in mind Foucault's findings, Chapters Two to Five
undertake detailed studies of La Guma's The Stone Country, Dennis
Brutus's Letters to Martha, Hugh Lewin's Bandiet and Breyten
Breytenbach's The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist,
respectively. Particular emphasis is placed on the reaction of
these writers against a repressive government. In addition,
Chapters Two to Five reflect on the way in which imprisonment
affected them from a psychological point of view, and on the
manner in which they were, paradoxically, empowered by their
prison experience. Chapters Four and Five also consider capital
punishment and Lewin and Breytenbach's response to living in a
hanging jail. I contemplate briefly the works of Frantz Fanon in
the conclusion in order to elaborate on the reasons for the
failure of the system of apartheid and the policy of political
imprisonment and to reinforce my argument.<br>English Studies<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (English)
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Msimanga, Nondumiso. "De-stressing race. Documenting 'The trauma of freedom' in post-apartheid South Africa; through the viewpoint of a black female born during the state of emergency (1985-1990)." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/11104.
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M.A., Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2011<br>This study is as an examination into the everyday experience of Freedom in our
democracy as a traumatic one.
I outline my search as a Sartrean existential project, via the definitions of the key
terms in the investigation: Race, Trauma, Freedom, Post-apartheid, South Africa,
Black and Female. I make use of a practice-as-research mode of exploration through
the methodology of Narrative Inquiry to discover the stories that give meaning to my
being; as a free being. Through a critical reflection on the theatrical praxis, I draw
meaning as to what it means to be a young Black woman in South Africa today.
Freedom as a conceptual fact and the awareness thereof is outlined as the cause of the
distress that has been termed the ‘Trauma of Freedom’. What this work reveals to me
is the paradoxical optimism that is inherent within the ‘Trauma of Freedom.
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Tayler, Judith Anne. "With her shoulder to the wheel: the public life of Erika Theron (1907-1990)." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4943.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a biographical study of Erika Theron (1907-1990), an Afrikaner woman who played a significant role in many aspects of public life in South Africa in a critical time in the country‘s history. The study seeks to give recognition to her achievements, which have received scant attention in a historiography with a masculine bias. At the same time it examines her changing role from collaborator to critic of the apartheid system.
Certain defining features of Theron‘s life have been highlighted. First, Theron grew up in a staunchly Afrikaner nationalist, service-oriented family which encouraged loyalty to her own people and civic responsibility. Second, she was unusual among Afrikaner women of her generation, in that she was highly educated, independent and ready to assume leadership roles. She became a pioneer in a number of fields, attaining high professional rank and holding important public offices – frequently as the first woman to do so in the country.
The thesis focuses on five areas of Theron‘s public life. After returning from post-graduate studies abroad, she worked with Hendrik Verwoerd in the campaign to uplift poor whites, particularly the rehabilitation and re-integration of the Afrikaner poor. She thereafter commenced a long career as a social work academic, which included a number of milestones for her new discipline, for the profession of social work and for the advancement of women in academia. From the 1950s she served on the town council of Stellenbosch, including terms as deputy mayor and mayor. She played an important role in historic conservation but was also instrumental in the rigorous institution of apartheid structures in the town during the early days of National Party rule. In the early 1970s she served as chairman of the Commission of Enquiry into Coloured Affairs which influenced her personal views on the country‘s race policies. She became a public critic of many aspects of the apartheid system and vocal advocate for coloured rights.<br>History<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Olivier, Dawie. "Former SADF soldiers' experience of betrayal: a phenomenological study." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/14501.
Full textAbstract:
Existing literature identify betrayal as one of the major challenges that former SADF soldiers face in the “new” South Africa, and identify a need for studying the nature and types of betrayal and the effects it has on relationships. This study aimed to describe and interpret former SADF soldier‟s lived experience by focusing on the psychology of betrayal. A cross-sectional qualitative research methodology was used, guided by an interpretive phenomenological approach. Data was gathered through semi-structured interviews, and the data was analysed using Heidegger‟s hermeneutical principles. The identified themes are (1) in the belly of the beast, (2) different agendas, (3) volte-face, (4) keeping the score (5) and just carry on. The findings offer deeper insights and understanding into how former SADF soldiers experience betrayal and the impact it has on their everyday lives.<br>Psychology<br>M.A. (Psychology)
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Molipa, Thato Paul. "Racism as a contradiction of the official social teachings of the Church of the Province of Southern Africa (Anglican) and in particular the diocese of Johannesburg from 1948 to 1990." 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17490.
Full textAbstract:
Racism as legislated by the government of South Africa, found its way into every sphere of
South African life, political, social, economic and religious. Racism became another culture.
It was in this culture that the Church of the Province of Southern Afiica (Anglican) and the
diocese of Johannesburg found itself.
To be credible and true to its calling, this church in its social teachings taught against racism
on the grounds that it is anti-Christian and denies the essential truths of the gospel. However
a contradiction in its teachings presented itself. Racism came to be found to be alive in its life
and structures. The church came to not practice what it preached. Its practice did not follow
its theory.
For this church to be the church, racism needs to be purged from its life, practice and
structures. A new way of life in the church has to be created and followed.<br>M.Th. (Systematic Theology)
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"Evangelicals and ecumenism in South Africa 1960-1990 : opportunities and pitfalls." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/83.
Full textAbstract:
The study explores the relationship of the evangelical movement in South Africa with the ecumenical movement. The focus of the latter was taken as organizationally embodied in the South African Council of Churches. The time period 1960 - 1990 was chosen for the study as this was a period of great socio political upheaval and testing for the churches. This was also a period that marked both the escalation of the struggle against apartheid as well as the accentuation of the differences that churches had among themselves as they were confronted with the reality of apartheid. The author believes that the trying times in view, 1960 -1990; best clarify the lessons that could be learned by both evangelicals and ecumenicals. The trials of this period presented the churches of South Africa unique opportunities for growth in the midst of intense struggles. The study seeks to unpack theological lessons that would perhaps not be as easy to see at a different time, for example under conditions of peace and quiet.<br>Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2007.
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Mabasa, Wilson. "Local content protection in the motor vehicle industry in South Africa, 1960-1990." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5953.
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Bažantová, Eliška. "Politika apartheidu v Jihoafrické unii (Jihoafrické republice) po druhé světové válce a její reflexe v zahraničí na příkladu události v Sharpeville v roce 1960." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313482.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the policy of apartheid in the SAU and later in the SAR and its reflexion in the foreign countries. Massacre in Sharpeville, which took place on March 21, 1960 close to Johannesburg had an important impact on the approach to the policy of racial segregation. South African police opened fire on the crowd of protesters against pass law, 69 people were killed and many others wounded. Sharpeville became a symbol of the policy of racial segregation and oppression of the non - white population of South Africa and it gained worldwide response. Thesis is focused on the impact of this event on the short - term domestic crisis. The main part deals with the influence in international relations. It analyzes the impact of worldwide critique of apartheid on the relation with Commonwealth, United Nations Organization, Organization of the African Unity and USA. Key words Apartheid, South African Union, South African Republic, Sharpeville
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Mphahlele, Sentsho Ernest. "Student unrest at black universities in Southern Africa, with special reference to the University of the North, 1960-1990." Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2165.
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Kondlo, Kwandiwe Merriman. "'In the twilight of the Azanian Revolution': the exile history of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Africa) : (1960-1990)." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/1375.
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D.Litt. et Phil.<br>Very little has been written on this subject, especially during the exile period, which is covered by the research. As a result, a lacuna exists in our understanding of 20th century history of the liberation struggle in South Africa. This study is an attempt to reconstruct aspects of the missing link. It locates the exile history of the Pan Africanist Congress within a broader framework of political developments in Southern Africa. By so doing a wide canvas of factors essential to the colouring of this period are brought to the fore. The study therefore focuses on the internal conflicts in the PAC and how they impacted on the functioning of the organisation during the exile period. The thesis traces the events which led to the banning of the PAC and demonstrates how the organisation re-established itself in exile. Most importantly, it focuses on a critical period which existing scholarly works and even popular literature has overlooked, i.e. the period between 1960 to 1962. The thesis traces the re-formation of the PAC’s official infrastructure in Lesotho. It proceeds to examine the organisational developments and internal conflicts at the headquarters of the PAC in Tanzania from 1964 to 1990. It examines sources of conflict during various periods of leadership, i.e. from P.K. Leballo (1962 - 1979), Vusumzi Make period (1979-1981), Nyathi John Pokela (1981-1985) to Johnson Mlambo (1985-1990). In the last two chapters the thesis examines conditions inside PAC camps and the evolution of the PAC’s military strategy as sources of conflict. In all the chapters, the permeating theme is that the PAC lacked solid organisational foundations, which manifested in the lack of clear organisational policies respected by everyone, including the leadership of the organisation. The thesis concludes that the history of the PAC in exile is an example of how poor organisational structures can immobilize the progress of a liberation movement.<br>Prof. G. Verhoef
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Makhathini, Bheka A. "Crossing borders : a critical study of Michael Dingake's My fight against apartheid (1987) and Helao Shityuwete's Never follow the wolf : the autobiography of a Namibian freedom fighter (1990)." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4181.
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