Journal articles: 'Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990'

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Whitman, Dan. "OUTSMARTING APARTHEID: An Oral History of United States–South Africa Cultural and Educational Exchange, 1960–1999." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 2 (2015): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/11.

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Outsmarting Apartheid is an oral history of educational and cultural exchange programs conducted by the United States Government with citizens of South Africa during the apartheid period. The “OA” collection, published in one volume by the University Press of the State University of New York in April of 2014, conveys the stories of those who administered the programs, as well as those who benefitted, during three troubled decades of South African history. The exchanges involved some 2-3000 participants during a dark period of social unrest and institutionalized injustices. Quietly in the background, U.S. diplomats and their South African colleagues bent rules and stretched limits imposed by the apartheid regime. Collectively they played cat-and-mouse games to outsmart the regime through conniving and bravado. The author’s year as executive director of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training (Arlington, Virginia), 2006-07, provided a methodology and archiving structure forming the basis of the interviews, conducted over a two-year period in the United States and South Africa. There was little optimism at the time for South Africa’s political or social future during the 1960-1990 period. After Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990 and during his presidency of 1995-99, the country discovered rich cadres from within, of intellectuals, artists, journalists, scientists, and political leaders prepared to take on the task of constructing the New South Africa. In no small measure, these exchange programs contributed to the quick and sudden realization of suppressed wishes and aspirations for a majority of South Africa’s citizens -- of all ethnic and racial backgrounds.

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Pfister, Roger. "Gateway to international victory: the diplomacy of the African National Congress in Africa, 1960–1994." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (2003): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004147.

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The African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa extended the struggle against apartheid into the international arena when it was banned in 1960. This aspect of its policy became crucial and remained paramount until South Africa's first democratic elections were held in 1994. This paper focuses on the ANC's attempts to secure the support of the community of African states, and singles out three themes that were dominant in the period under review, namely acceptance by the African states; the modus operandi of their assistance; and their role in the negotiation process. The findings are based partly on new archival documentation, drawing two main conclusions. First, the ANC only won exclusive backing from African states after a lengthy struggle. Second, their diplomatic support proved to be a pivotal factor during the negotiations in South Africa after 1990, significantly contributing to the ANC's eventual victory in 1994.

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MACMILLAN, HUGH. "DEBATING THE ANC'S EXTERNAL LINKS DURING THE STRUGGLE AGAINST APARTHEID." Africa 85, no. 1 (2015): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000692.

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Several recent publications have explored the African National Congress's (ANC's) external links during South Africa's apartheid years. The following four texts offer an insight into the very different personal and methodological approaches that have so far shaped attempts to understand this aspect of the ANC's struggle. The section starts with a review of Stephen Ellis's recent book External Mission: the ANC in exile, 1960–1990 by Hugh Macmillan, who argues that Ellis overemphasizes the relationship between the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP). In a response to this review, Stephen Ellis justifies his approach by pointing to the importance of interpretation for the production of history, but also by referring to the different networks and resources, both in South Africa and beyond, on which he and Macmillan were able to draw. A review of Hugh Macmillan's new book The Lusaka Years: the ANC in exile in Zambia, 1963 to 1994 by Arianna Lissoni follows. Lissoni agrees with the author that the debate about the ANC in exile must be understood in the context of contemporary disaffection with South Africa's ruling party. Emphasizing the specificity of the Zambian experience, she welcomes Macmillan's focus on the multiplicity of experiences in exile as potentially opening new avenues for further study and reflection on the ANC. Finally, Mariya Kurbak's consideration of Irina Filatova and Apollon Davidson's The Hidden Thread: Russia and South Africa in the Soviet era explains that the authors' close understanding of Russian–South African relations enables them to illuminate the previously hidden importance of the Soviet Union in the history of South Africa and the ANC.

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Krotee, March L. "Apartheid and Sport: South Africa Revisited." Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no. 2 (1988): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.5.2.125.

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The South African government’s socially based policy of segregation and discrimination, or “apartheid,” has caused tremendous external, as well as internal, pressures to reverse the government’s inhumane treatment of its repressed populace. Until recently none of the pressures have been more forceful than those evoked by the sporting world and the United Nations. Since 1960, these forces have served to isolate South Africa from most international sports competitions, including the Olympic Games. At one juncture, various leanings in apartheid policy seemed to point toward a tilt in attitudinal posture not only in regard to sport but to various related apartheid conduct. Recent events, however, have elucidated a continued dominant posture concerning South Africa’s all-encompassing socially repressive apartheid practice. It appears that, unless the South African government initiates swift and salient apartheid expiration, the perilous game they are playing may get out of hand.

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Rich, Paul. "United States containment policy, South Africa and the apartheid dilemma." Review of International Studies 14, no. 3 (1988): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113257.

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Since the early 1970s, South Africa has become an increasingly important issue within US foreign policy after a long period of benign neglect. For a considerable part of the post-war period, US decision-makers felt it possible to avoid a direct confrontation with the moral and ethical issues involved in the South African government's policy of apartheid; the relative geographical isolation of the country from many central theatres of East–West conflict in central Europe, the Middle East and South East Asia ensured that South Africa was not in the front line of strategically vital states. Furthermore, South Africa's membership of the Commonwealth until 1960 meant that, for many US policy makers, South Africa could be seen as an issue within Commonwealth relations and thus not one for direct US involvement.

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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.

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Graham, Matthew. "Finding Foreign Policy: Researching in Five South African Archives." History in Africa 37 (2010): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0026.

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The turbulent modern history of South Africa, which includes notable events such as the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the banning and exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), and the dramatic transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, has drawn academics from a number of fields to studying the nation from a variety of angles. Two such topics which have attracted scholarly attention are the foreign policy of South Africa both during apartheid, and subsequently after its demise in 1994, and the multi faceted activities of the liberation movements fighting against it. When looking at the international relations of South Africa from the end of the Second World War, through until the present day, it is almost impossible to analyse this dimension of South Africa's past without examining the lasting effects that the political mindset of apartheid had upon foreign policy decision making, and the international community. Likewise, the history of the liberation movements such as the ANC and the PAC were shaped by their attempts to defeat apartheid and the eventual end to the struggle. The histories of the ANC and South African foreign policy are inextricably linked, demonstrating the importance of what has, and is occurring in the country, creating a complex, but truly intriguing area of research for academics.Conducting archival research on these two areas of interest is relatively easy in South Africa, with on the whole, well stocked, largely deserted, and easy to use archives located across the country.

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Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.

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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje&apos;s most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.

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Nord, Catharina. "Healthcare and Warfare. Medical Space, Mission and Apartheid in Twentieth Century Northern Namibia." Medical History 58, no. 3 (2014): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.31.

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AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.

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Cabrita, Joel. "Writing Apartheid: Ethnographic Collaborators and the Politics of Knowledge Production in Twentieth-Century South Africa." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (2020): 1668–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa512.

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Abstract Knowledge production in apartheid-era South Africa was a profoundly collaborative process. In particular, throughout the 1930s–1950s, the joint intellectual labor of both Africans and Europeans created a body of knowledge that codified and celebrated the notion of a distinct realm of Zulu religion. The intertwined careers of Swedish missionary to South Africa Bengt Sundkler and isiZulu-speaking Lutheran pastor-turned-ethnographer Titus Mthembu highlight the limitations of overly clear demarcations between “professional” versus “lay” anthropologists as well as between “colonial European” versus “indigenous African” knowledge. Mthembu and Sundkler’s decades-long collaboration resulted in a book called Bantu Prophets in South Africa ([1948] 1961). The work is best understood as the joint output of both men, although Sundkler scarcely acknowledged Mthembu’s role in the conceptualization, research, and writing of the book. In an era of racial segregation, the idea that African religion occupied a discrete, innately different sphere that the book advanced had significant political purchase. As one of a number of African ideologues supportive of the apartheid state, Mthembu mobilized his ethnographic findings to argue for innate racial difference and the virtues of “separate development” for South Africa’s Zulu community. His mysterious death in 1960 points to the high stakes of ethnographic research in the politically fraught climate of apartheid South Africa.

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Møller, Valerie. "The South African pension system." Ageing and Society 18, no. 6 (1998): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x98227152.

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A. Sagner. 1998. The 1944 Pension Laws Amendment Bill: old-age security policy in South Africa in historical perspective, ca. 1920–1960. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 10–14.S. van der Berg. 1998. Ageing, public finance and social security in South Africa. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 3–9.The latest issue of Southern African Journal of Gerontology traces the origins of the South African social pensions system and addresses contemporary issues. In her editorial, Monica Ferreira (1998) notes that South Africa is one of only two countries in Africa that operates a social old-age system. Although the value of the South African social pension system is low in terms of real income (R490 in July 1998 – approximately US$100), the pension is generous in comparison with other developing countries. The take-up rate of the pension is virtually 90 per cent in the case of Africans, who historically were the most disadvantaged group under apartheid.

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Ross, Andrew C., Daryl M. Balia, Paul Makhubu, Gabriel M. Setiloane, Ivan H. M. Peden, and Paul Gifford. "Christian Resistance to Apartheid: Ecumenism in South Africa 1960-1987." Journal of Religion in Africa 23, no. 2 (1993): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581225.

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Manulak, Daniel. "“A marathon, not a sprint”: Canada and South African apartheid, 1987–1990." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 1 (2020): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020917179.

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In 2020, Canada does not maintain diplomatic ties with Iran or Saudi Arabia partly owing to their human rights violations—a choice which has eroded its capacity to act meaningfully in these countries. Thirty years ago, the Brian Mulroney government was faced with a similar decision: to sever relations with the white minority regime in South Africa or use its limited but real influence to contribute constructively to an end to apartheid. This article examines how Canada “punched above its weight” on an issue seemingly peripheral to its national interests from 1987 to 1990. It was during these oft-overlooked years—South Africa’s “darkest days”—that Canada engaged through multilateral fora, bilaterally, and its embassy to sustain global pressure and attention on apartheid. In so doing, the Mulroney government became a diplomatic battleground between its major allies, Pretoria, and its African Commonwealth partners. Such efforts were not without costs, but Canada’s “advanced middling” role helped to bring about a peaceful transition towards majority rule in South Africa and thus holds contemporary lessons for policymakers.

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ABRAHAMS, Charles. "The South African Experience: Litigating Remedies." Business and Human Rights Journal 6, no. 2 (2021): 270–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bhj.2021.25.

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AbstractMany transnational corporations (TNCs) that conducted business in South Africa during apartheid had deemed it profitable and desirable, despite the country’s systemic human rights violations against its majority black population. In the aftermath of the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre and 1976 student uprising, various United Nations and other international resolutions condemned TNCs for their incestuous relationship with apartheid South Africa and called for international sanctions against the regime. The demise of apartheid in 1994 brought about a new democratic, constitutional dispensation based on respect for human rights. However, attempts at holding TNCs liable for aiding and abetting the apartheid regime were fraught with obstacles and proved unsuccessful. Yet, the pursuit of strategic, class action litigation in areas as diverse as collusive conduct in bread manufacturing to occupational lung disease in South Africa’s goldmining industry have proven to be more successful in developing legal remedies against corporate harm. Areas impacted are extended legal standing under the common law, development of new causes of action and generous application of contingence fees arrangement.

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Walker, M. "History and History Teaching in Apartheid South Africa." Radical History Review 1990, no. 46-47 (1990): 298–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1990-46-47-298.

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Freund, Bill. "Labour Studies and Labour History in South Africa: Perspectives from the Apartheid Era and After." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (2013): 493–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000217.

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AbstractThis article attempts to introduce readers to the impressive and influential historical and contemporary literature on South African labour. A literature with some earlier antecedents effectively applied classic sociological and historical themes to the specific conditions of South African political and economic development. Research on the phase of politicized and militant white worker action ties up with research into the international pre-World War I labour movement. The strength of this literature reflected the insurgent labour movement linked to political struggle against apartheid before 1990. After this review, the second half of the paper tries to consider and contextualize the challenging post-apartheid labour situation together with its political aspects. With the successful conclusion of the anti-apartheid struggle, students of the labour movement, as well as of South African society, have become more aware of the distance between establishing a liberal democracy and actually changing society itself in a direction leading towards less inequality and an improved life for those at the bottom of society, or even the broad mass of the population. As recent literature reveals, the development of post-apartheid South Africa has been a differential and problematic experience for labour.

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Macqueen, Ian. "Students, Apartheid and the Ecumenical Movement in South Africa, 1960–1975." Journal of Southern African Studies 39, no. 2 (2013): 447–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2013.765693.

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de Cock, Wessel. "‘Wij waren nette mensen, wij gooiden geen stenen’ : De discussie over de solidariteit met gewelddadig verzet tegen apartheid in de eerste Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging: het Comité Zuid-Afrika (1960-1971)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (2020): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.004.deco.

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Abstract ‘We were fine people; we did not throw stones.’ Debates in the early Dutch anti-apartheid movement about solidarity with violent resistance to apartheid in South-AfricaIn 1956 the first Dutch anti-apartheid movement, the Comité Zuid-Afrika (CZA), was found. Following the example of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, the CZA modelled itself as a politically representative moderate movement that was based on solidarity with the oppressed black population in South-Africa. As this article shows, the meaning of this solidarity became fiercely contested within the movement after the African National Congress (ANC) shifted from non-violent action towards armed resistance in the wake of the Sharpeville bloodbath in 1960. Following David Featherstone’s conceptualization of solidarity as a ‘relationship’ that is not a static given, this research shows that solidarity was constantly being contested and redefined in debates between individual members of the CZA. Within the movement many feared that solidarity, once declared, was by definition unconditional. The CZA eventually defined its relationship of solidarity with the ANC as support for non-violent resistance only. Its successor, the Anti-ApartheidsBeweging Nederland (AABN), which like other international anti-apartheid movements in the early 1970s was led by younger and more ideological activists, defined solidarity as unconditional. This different understanding of solidarity made this second generation of anti-apartheid activists participants in the violent resistance against apartheid.

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ROOS, NEIL. "ALCOHOL PANIC, SOCIAL ENGINEERING, AND SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE MANAGEMENT OF WHITES IN EARLY APARTHEID SOCIETY, 1948–1960." Historical Journal 58, no. 4 (2015): 1167–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1400065x.

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AbstractThe connection between ideologies of nation, alcohol abuse, and social engineering have not received systematic attention from historians. This article offers a case-study from the history of apartheid South Africa. Working around a fragment of apartheid history, a bureaucratic panic that excessive white drinking threatened the stability of the racial order, it explores geneaologies of state responses to white drinking in South Africa. It then concentrates on the role of Geoffrey Cronje, an intellectual / bureaucrat who not only drove the panic but then used it to implement new forms of social engineering in white South African society. Drawing on penal and welfarist traditions as well as medical models of treatment, he introduced a system for the discipline and correction of whites who drank heavily that drew on both state and private resources. I examine how the defiance of those incarcerated for drinking helped shaped subsequent, lighter-handed responses that managed the drinking of greater numbers of whites. This article may provide avenues for investigating alcohol abuse, state intervention, and social engineering in a range of mid-twentieth-century societies.

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Dubbeld, Bernard. "Breaking the Buffalo: The Transformation of Stevedoring Work in Durban Between 1970 and 1990." International Review of Social History 48, S11 (2003): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001287.

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In Durban, South Africa, stevedoring workers were the most physically powerful workers of all, and were known as onyathi in Zulu, or buffalo, which aptly described the physical and collective nature of their work. Throughout the century, the stevedoring industry was especially labour-intensive, necessitating teams of workers. As in most industries in South Africa, African workers built and maintained the docks. These buffalo developed the linkage that made Durban a thriving city and sustained the apartheid economy. Yet today the buffalo are all but gone, replaced by onboard warehouses known as containers. Machines have replaced the men once so integral to the survival of the city.

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Strauss, Piet. "Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk en die Afrikanervolk kerkordelik verwoord." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 2, no. 2 (2016): 447–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2016.v2n2.a21.

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The Dutch Reformed Church and the Afrikaner – in its church orderThe Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) and the Afrikaner people had close ties in the 1960’s. This was intensified by the apartheid system in South Africa. The policy of apartheid was supported by the DRC, most of the Afrikaners and the National Party in government. In 1962 the DRC determined in its church order that it will protect and build the Christian-Protestant character of the Afrikaner people. This group was singled out by a church that was to be for believers of all nations. It also gave the DRC an active part in the development of this group. The documents Church and Society-1986 and Church and Society-1990 changed all this. The close links between the DRC and Afrikaans cultural institutions ended and the DRC declared that it caters to any believer. The church order article about the Afrikaner was omitted.

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Abel, Martin. "Long-Run Effects of Forced Resettlement: Evidence from Apartheid South Africa." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 4 (2019): 915–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050719000512.

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In an attempt to divide and marginalize the black population, the apartheid regime forcefully relocated some 3.5 million South Africans to rural homelands between 1960 and 1980. This event, considered one of history’s largest social engineering exercises, created overcrowded and economically deprived communities of displaced people. This article uses geo-coded data to explore the long-term effects of removals on current measures of social capital. Comparing people within the same homeland, I show that those living close to former resettlement camps have higher levels of trust towards members of their social network, people in general, and members of other ethnic groups. These findings are important, as solidarity among suppressed people is believed to be a critical factor in explaining the demise of the apartheid regime.

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Stevens, Simon. "The Turn to Sabotage by The Congress Movement in South Africa*." Past & Present 245, no. 1 (2019): 221–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz030.

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Abstract Why did leaders of the Congress movement in South Africa abandon their exclusive reliance on non-violent means in the struggle against apartheid, form an armed unit (Umkhonto we Sizwe), and launch a campaign of spectacular sabotage bombings of symbols of apartheid in 1961? None of the earlier violent struggles from which Congress leaders drew inspiration, and none of the contemporaneous insurgencies against white minority rule elsewhere in southern Africa, involved a similar distinct, preliminary and extended phase of non-lethal symbolic sabotage. Following the 1960 Sharpeville massacre, Congress leaders feared the social and political consequences of increased popular enthusiasm for using violence. Nelson Mandela, Joe Slovo, and the other founders of Umkhonto we Sizwe did not launch their sabotage campaign because they believed it would prompt a change of heart among white South Africans, nor because they believed urban sabotage bombings were a necessary prelude to the launch of rural guerrilla warfare. Rather, the sabotage campaign was a spectacular placeholder, a stopgap intended to advertise the Congress movement's abandonment of exclusive non-violence and thus to discourage opponents of apartheid, both inside and outside South Africa, from supporting rival groups or initiating uncontrolled violent action themselves.

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Palombo, Matthew. "The Emergence of Islamic Liberation Theology in South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 1 (2014): 28–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12301272.

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AbstractThere is a growing interest in Islamic liberation theology today, and seminal authors such as Ali Shariati, Alighar Ali Engineer (1984, 1990), Farid Esack (1984, 1997), and Hamid Dabashi (2008) have developed its central commitments. In South Africa the earliest representative text was the ‘Review of Faith’ (1984) by Farid Esack, used by the Call of Islam (est. 1984) for cultivating personal piety and conscientization (critical consciousness) against apartheid. Based on recent interviews, unpublished manuscripts, and published works, this article demonstrates how Islamic liberation theology emerged in the political praxis of Muslims against settler colonialism and apartheid. In this subaltern history, political Islam as political praxis and not state building generated a unique discursive space for an Islamic liberation theology to emerge within the confluence of two ideological paths: those of humanism and Islamism.

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Iheduru, Okechukwu C. "Post-Apartheid South Africa and Its Neighbours: a Maritime Transport Perspective." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 1 (1996): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005518x.

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The official dismantling of apartheid, the release of Nelson Mandela after 27 years imprisonment in Febuary 1990, and especially the first multi-racial elections in April 1994 followed by the inauguration of the Government of National Unity (GNU), have marked this decade as the most fascinating in the history of South Africa.

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Diakhaté, Babacar. "Political Activism and Family Matters in Nadine Gordimer‘s My Son’s Story (1990)." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i1.1530.

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Before independence, South Africa experienced her most socio-political turbulences because of Apartheid. Peter Abrahams, John Maxwell Coetzee and Nadine Gordimer depict racial discrimination, political and sexual violence and social injustice in the context of Apartheid. The aims of this article is to portray “political affairs”, “family matters” and private passions in Nadine Gordimer’s My Son’s Story. It also brings to light Sonny’s motivation to become a political activist and join the blacks in the resistance against racial discrimination.

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Freund, Bill, and Robert M. Price. "The Apartheid State in Crisis: Political Transformation in South Africa, 1975-1990." International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (1992): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220174.

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Giliomee, Hermann, and Robert M. Price. "The Apartheid State in Crisis: Political Transformation in South Africa, 1975-1990." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 3 (1992): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076248.

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Dale, Richard, and Robert M. Price. "The Apartheid State in Crisis: Political Transformation in South Africa, 1975-1990." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 1 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485861.

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Gerhart, Gail M., and Robert M. Price. "The Apartheid State in Crisis: Political Transformation in South Africa, 1975-1990." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 2 (1992): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045216.

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Christopher, A. J. "The Final Phase of Urban Apartheid Zoning in South Africa, 1990/1." South African Geographical Journal 74, no. 1 (1992): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03736245.1992.10586391.

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32

Landsberg, Chris. "Pax South Africana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 436–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519570.

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AbstractThis essay examines the leading role adopted by the South African governments of Nelson Mandela, abo Mbeki, and Jacob Zuma to promote R2P between 1994 and 2010. In response to the sociopolitical oppression and devastation wrought by apartheid between 1948 and 1990, South African governments since 1994 have played an activist role in developing new norms in international affairs. Describing the South African posture on R2P as one of engagement and 'quiet diplomacy', the essay notes that the country has pushed for multilateral institutions to become the major repositories of the R2P norm. Within Africa, South Africa was instrumental in negotiating the continent's shift of position on the R2P norm from one of 'non-intervention' to one of 'non-indifference'. South Africa has also sought to implement R2P through political processes and negotiations rather than through sanctions and the use of force—an engagist stance that the country adopted during its controversial two years on the UN Security Council (2007–2008), contrary to the tougher approach recommended by powerful Western members of the Security Council. Emphasis is placed on the capacity constraints with which South Africa continues to struggle, as it seeks to operationalise its position on R2P.

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Grundlingh, Albert. "Revisiting the ‘Old’ South Africa: Excursions into South Africa's Tourist History under Apartheid, 1948–1990." South African Historical Journal 56, no. 1 (2006): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470609464967.

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Cottrell, Jill. "The Constitution of Namibia: an Overview." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008366.

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Namibia finally achieved independence on 21 March, 1990, after a long struggle and many false hopes and setbacks. In a nutshell: the territory was colonized by Germany. It was seized by South African forces during the First World War, and then made the subject of a League of Nations Mandate, administered by South Africa, after the war. Following the Second World War, South Africa tried to incorporate the territory, a move resisted by the United Nations. In 1966 the International Court of Justice denied standing to Ethiopia and Liberia to allege breaches of the mandate. However, shortly thereafter the UN voted to terminate the mandate. At about the same time the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO) launched its armed struggle. South Africa's response to these developments was to implement plans for the closer integration of the territory into the South African state, and into the system of apartheid. As a result, a system of native authorities, based on ethnicity, was introduced.In 1975 the “Turnhalle” talks were started which, although rejected by most of the black groups, led to the establishment of a constituent Assembly. During the same period, a “Contract Group” of Western Nations began to negotiate with South Africa over a settlement for Namibia. The ultimate proposals were accepted by the UN, SWAPO and South Africa, and the plans were recognized by UN Resolution 435. But immediately thereafter problems began to arise, and talks about implementation stopped and started for a number of years.

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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africaâ€™s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africaâ€™s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.

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Morrell, Robert. "Raewyn Connell and the Making of Masculinity Studies in South Africa." Boyhood Studies 13, no. 2 (2020): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/bhs.2020.130209.

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The study of masculinity in South Africa scarcely existed in 1990. A minor interest in gender was focused on women and inequality. South Africa was emerging from four decades of apartheid. It was into this environment that Raewyn Connell’s ideas were introduced, adopted and adapted. Raewyn herself made a number of trips to South Africa in the 1990s and 2000s and found a ready reception for her theories about masculinity. South Africa was in transition feeling its way from white minority rule and authoritarianism toward democracy and a commitment to ending poverty, inequality, racism, and the oppression of women. In this article, I describe how Raewyn’s idea energized scholarship, created a new research interest in men and masculinity, and contributed to gender activism.

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Irwin, Ryan M. "Apartheid on Trial: South West Africa and the International Court of Justice, 1960–66." International History Review 32, no. 4 (2010): 619–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2010.534610.

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Kirkby, Diane. "Connecting work identity and politics in the internationalism of ‘seafarers … who share the seas’." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 2 (2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417692965.

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‘We seafarers … who share the seas’ is the expression of a collective identity and mutual responsibility. This article examines that collective identity among members of the Seamen’s Union of Australia and asks, what did internationalism mean in practice to seafarers themselves? Employing an oral history method, coupled with a reading of the union’s own printed media, it explores the seafarers’ understanding of internationalism that they claimed was ‘the language of seafarers’. It was grounded in the nature and reality of their work, and became their politics. The article takes as a case study the campaigns to restore democracy in Greece and Chile after military coups in 1967 and 1973 respectively, and the longer campaign against apartheid in South Africa, which began earlier, before 1960, and ended later, in 1990. These campaigns were conducted alongside many other trade unions, both in Australia and overseas, but maritime workers brought a unique inflection to activism as their internationalism expressed their connectedness across the oceans on which they sailed.

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39

Hamill, James. "The Crossing of the Rubicon: South Africa' s Post-Apartheid Political Process 1990-1992." International Relations 12, no. 3 (1994): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789401200302.

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40

Hunter, Eva. "Lauretta Ngcobo’sAnd They Didn’t Die(1990) in Post-Apartheid South Africa – a Critical Rereading." Scrutiny2 22, no. 1 (2017): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125441.2017.1345381.

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41

Dick, Archie L. "Ethnic Identity and Library Development in Apartheid South Africa: The Cape Library Association, 1960–1975." Libri 58, no. 1 (2008): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/libr.2008.001.

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42

Mubangizi, John Cantius. "The Constitutional Protection of Socio-Economic Rights in Selected African Countries: A Comparative Evaluation." African Journal of Legal Studies 2, no. 1 (2006): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736345.

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AbstractThis article evaluates the extent to which a few selected African countries have incorporated socio-economic rights in their constitutions, the mechanisms through which such rights are realised, the challenges such realisation entails and the approach taken by the courts and other human rights institutions in those countries towards the realisation and enforcement of those rights. The survey examines South Africa, Namibia, Uganda and Ghana. Apart from the logical geographical spread, all these countries enacted their present constitutions around the same time (1990 to 1996) in an attempt to transform themselves into democratic societies. In a sense, these countries can be seen as transitional societies, emerging as they have done, from long periods of apartheid and foreign domination or autocratic dictatorships. The latter is true for Uganda and Ghana while the former refers to South Africa and Namibia. The article concludes that South Africa has not only made the most advanced constitutional provision for socio-economic rights, it has also taken the lead in the judicial enforcement of such rights, an experience from which the other countries in the survey can learn.

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43

Paleker, Gairoonisa. "The B-Scheme subsidy and the ‘black film industry’ in apartheid South Africa, 1972–1990." Journal of African Cultural Studies 22, no. 1 (2010): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13696810903488629.

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44

Graham, Matthew. "Campaigning Against Apartheid: The Rise, Fall and Legacies of the South Africa United Front 1960–1962." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 46, no. 6 (2018): 1148–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2018.1506871.

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45

Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa’s Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1 (2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1.2090.

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Abstract:

For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.

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46

Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.

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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.

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Bertens, Madelief G. B. C., Stanley Ulijaszek, Sławomir Kozieł, and Maciej Henneberg. "Late childhood and adolescence growth sensitivity to political transition: the case of South African Cape coloured schoolchildren during and post-apartheid." Anthropological Review 75, no. 1 (2012): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10044-012-0002-6.

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Abstract South Africa underwent major social and economic change between 1987 and 1995. The release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990 proclaimed an end to the political system of apartheid, and the first freely elected non-White government in 1994 instigated social and economic reforms aimed at alleviating the consequences of apartheid. This paper aims to examine the impact of these socio-economic and political changes on height, weight and body mass index (BMI) in childhood and late adolescence. An analysis was carried out of longitudinal data of 258 urban and rural South African Cape Coloured schoolchildren (6-18 years old) across the transitional periods from apartheid between 1987 and 1990, to this transition between 1991 and 1993, and finally to post-apartheid between 1994 and 1995. The anthropometric measures were standardized into age independent Z-scores. Analyses of variance with repeated measures were conducted to examine the growth in height, weight and BMI across these periods. The results show a significant main effect of measurement periods on height, weight and BMI Z-scores. Across time, the subjects increased in overall size, height, weight and BMI. For all the anthropometric measures there was a significant interaction effect between measurement period and sex, but none between measurement period and SES. The average increase in height, weight and BMI across time differed significantly for girls and boys, the average z-scores being greater in girls than in boys. For boys, there was little difference in height, weight and BMI Z-scores according to SES, and little increase across periods. Girls were generally taller, heavier with greater BMI than boys, and their scores increased across the time periods. High SES girls were taller, heavier and had higher BMI than low SES girls. Across the measurement periods, BMI and weight somewhat converged between the high and low SES girls. In the discussion these differences reflecting social sex distinctions are addressed.

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Smit, Dirkie, and Elna Mouton. "Shared Stories for the Future? Theological Reflections on Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa." Journal of Reformed Theology 2, no. 1 (2008): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973108x272649.

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AbstractFor South Africa, both the 20th and 21st centuries began with facing a painful past while searching for a shared future: the experiences of the war (1899-1902) between the colonial British Empire and the two Boer Republics, and the legacy of official apartheid (1948-1990), respectively. According to many, these histories are deeply inter-related in that the sufferings which the Truth and Reconciliation Commission faced were partly caused by the inadequate handling of the sufferings of the war. From a Christian perspective, focusing on stories of women, the essay considers three such issues; namely, questions of truth and suffering, guilt and responsibility, and reconciliation and justice—while reflecting on the tension between forgiving and forgetting.

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Vahed, Goolam, and Ashwin Desai. "The Coming of Nelson and the Ending of Apartheid Cricket? Gatting’s Rebels in South Africa, 1990." International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 15 (2016): 1786–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2017.1330261.

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50

Katumba, Samy, and David Everatt. "Urban Sprawl and Land Cover in Post-apartheid Johannesburg and the Gauteng City-Region, 1990–2018." Environment and Urbanization ASIA 12, no. 1_suppl (2021): S147—S164. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975425321997973.

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Johannesburg and the broader Gauteng City-Region in which it is located are considered to be the economic powerhouse of South Africa. This has led to massive population growth in the region, as well as severe inequality. Given South Africa’s history of racially excluding black South Africans from urban areas, ongoing research in this area has to analyse land cover and define ‘sprawl’ in a context where the technical language has politically loaded overtones. This article tries to understand the scale of informality within a broader examination of urbanization and sprawl. It concludes that in the absence of a formally adopted urban edge and under massive pressure from population growth (natural and via migration), formal dwellings (residential and economic) have grown unchecked, and informality is now growing at high speed and also largely without regulation or control. With no apparent political will to stop urban sprawl, both informal and formal covers are steadily pushing towards provincial borders, while densifying in Johannesburg in particular.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Apartheid – South Africa – 1960-1990'

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