To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Apartheid – South Africa.
Journal articles on the topic 'Apartheid – South Africa'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Apartheid – South Africa.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Worsfold, Brian. "Eurocentrism in hybridity : a critique of Charles Van Onselen's "The Seed is Mine: the life of Kas Maine, a South African Sharecropper 1894-1985"." Journal of English Studies 2 (May 29, 2000): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.59.
Full textAbstract:
For decades, contributors to the literary discourses of South Africa, writers, critics and commentators alike, worked to end apartheid. Now that apartheid is over, new discourses must evolve. For this reason, at this critical time of transition, all literary works coming out of South Africa are crucial to the continuity of South African literatures. Charles van Onselen's work would be a remarkable social history at any time but, coming as it does in the immediate post-apartheid period, it takes on a special relevance. This fictionalised social history which records the survival of a MaSotho peasant farmer in the western Transvaal during the pre-apartheid and apartheid periods gives a unique insight into an area of human existence that remains virtually unrecorded and only touched on in Sol T. Plaatje's Native Life in South Africa, written in 1910. This minutely-documented account of Kas Maine's story reflects the human condition of the Black population in rural South Africa as the screws of proxy European colonisation are tightened by South Africa's neo-colonialists. More significantly, van Onselen reconstructs the rural Black South African man whom apartheid not only degraded but also concealed from view. To what extent, however, is this reconstruction that of a White South African and what are his reasons for producing a model at this moment in South Africa's history?
2
Worsfold, Brian. "Eurocentrism in hybridity : a critique of Charles Van Onselen's "The Seed is Mine: the life of Kas Maine, a South African Sharecropper 1894-1985"." Journal of English Studies 2 (May 29, 2000): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.65.
Full textAbstract:
For decades, contributors to the literary discourses of South Africa, writers, critics and commentators alike, worked to end apartheid. Now that apartheid is over, new discourses must evolve. For this reason, at this critical time of transition, all literary works coming out of South Africa are crucial to the continuity of South African literatures. Charles van Onselen's work would be a remarkable social history at any time but, coming as it does in the immediate post-apartheid period, it takes on a special relevance. This fictionalised social history which records the survival of a MaSotho peasant farmer in the western Transvaal during the pre-apartheid and apartheid periods gives a unique insight into an area of human existence that remains virtually unrecorded and only touched on in Sol T. Plaatje's Native Life in South Africa, written in 1910. This minutely-documented account of Kas Maine's story reflects the human condition of the Black population in rural South Africa as the screws of proxy European colonisation are tightened by South Africa's neo-colonialists. More significantly, van Onselen reconstructs the rural Black South African man whom apartheid not only degraded but also concealed from view. To what extent, however, is this reconstruction that of a White South African and what are his reasons for producing a model at this moment in South Africa's history?
3
Kagee, Ashraf, and Joseph L. Price. "Apartheid in South Africa." Journal of Black Studies 25, no. 6 (July 1995): 737–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479502500606.
Full text
4
Dombroski, Kenneth R. "South Africa After Apartheid." Journal of Democracy 17, no. 3 (2006): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2006.0044.
Full text
5
Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, Heribert Adam, and Kogila Moodley. "South Africa without Apartheid." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 1 (1986): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042963.
Full text
6
Krotee, March L. "Apartheid and Sport: South Africa Revisited." Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no. 2 (June 1988): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.5.2.125.
Full textAbstract:
The South African government’s socially based policy of segregation and discrimination, or “apartheid,” has caused tremendous external, as well as internal, pressures to reverse the government’s inhumane treatment of its repressed populace. Until recently none of the pressures have been more forceful than those evoked by the sporting world and the United Nations. Since 1960, these forces have served to isolate South Africa from most international sports competitions, including the Olympic Games. At one juncture, various leanings in apartheid policy seemed to point toward a tilt in attitudinal posture not only in regard to sport but to various related apartheid conduct. Recent events, however, have elucidated a continued dominant posture concerning South Africa’s all-encompassing socially repressive apartheid practice. It appears that, unless the South African government initiates swift and salient apartheid expiration, the perilous game they are playing may get out of hand.
7
Morgan, Eric J. "The World Is Watching: Polaroid and South Africa." Enterprise & Society 7, no. 3 (September 2006): 520–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700004390.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the Polaroid Corporation’s “experiment” in South Africa during the 1970s, which began after African American workers pressured the company to pull its operations out of South Africa in protest of the white minority government’s apartheid policies. It argues that Polaroid’s initiatives, little studied until now, led other American companies to question their presence in South Africa and inspired both student divestment movements at Harvard and other colleges and universities and the efforts of Leon Sullivan, whose 1977 “Sullivan Principles” urged American companies to treat their workers in South Africa as they would treat their counterparts in the United States in an effort to battle racism and apartheid. Despite Polaroid’s efforts, engagement with South Africa and apartheid proved futile, which initiated a larger movement to completely disengage from South Africa.
8
Duin, Pieter Van, and Alfred Tokollo Moleah. "South Africa: Colonialism, Apartheid and African Dispossession." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 1 (1995): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221341.
Full text
9
BARBER, JAMES. "South Africa: Colonialism, apartheid and African dispossession." African Affairs 94, no. 374 (January 1995): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098777.
Full text
10
UDJO, ERIC O. "A RE-EXAMINATION OF LEVELS AND DIFFERENTIAL IN FERTILITY IN SOUTH AFRICA FROM RECENT EVIDENCE." Journal of Biosocial Science 35, no. 3 (July 2003): 413–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932003004139.
Full textAbstract:
The final estimate of South Africa's population as of October 1996 from the first post-apartheid census by Statistics South Africa was lower (40·6 million) than expected (42 million). The expectation of a total population of 42 million was largely based on results of apartheid projections of South Africa's population. The results of the last apartheid census in South Africa in 1991 had been adjusted such that it was consistent with results modelling the population size of South Africa. The discrepancy between the final estimate of the 1996 census and that expected from the modelling described above, and the departure by Statistics South Africa from previous practice of adjusting the census results to be consistent with demographic models, has generated controversies regarding the accuracy of the final results from the 1996 census. This study re-examines levels and differential in fertility in South Africa from recent evidence in order to assess whether or not the fertility inputs in projections of South Africa's population during the apartheid era overestimated fertility.
11
Gumede, Vusi, and Mduduzi Biyase. "Educational reforms and curriculum transformation in post-apartheid South Africa." Environmental Economics 7, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.07(2).2016.7.
Full textAbstract:
Educational reforms and curriculum transformation have been a priority in South Africa since the establishment of the Government of National Unity in 1994. Education is critical in redressing the injustices of apartheid colonialism which created an inequitable and fragmented education system. Factors such as school access, governance, curriculum, teacher deployment and financial resources have also gone through the education policy mill. While relatively impressive progress is observed regarding legislative interventions, policy development, curriculum reform and the implementation of new ways of delivering education, many challenges remain. Key among the challenges relates to the quality of education, twenty two years since the dawn of democracy. To contribute to the debate on educational reforms and pertaining to the quality of education, the paper discusses the various curriculum reforms of South Africa’s education sector and provides a brief evaluation of the trends in policies affecting equity and quality in the South African education environment. The paper finds that the quality of education is critical for many reasons
12
Pirie, Gordon H. "Southern African Air Transport After Apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010752.
Full textAbstract:
Aviation in Southern Africa was subject throughout the 1980s to increasingly intense political pressures. As ever, the cause was protests about apartheid. The severe blow that black African countries dealt to South African Airways (S.A.A.), the Republic's state-owned national airline, in the 1960s by withdrawing overflying rights was magnified by similar action from a wider spectrum of non-African governments. In the mid-1980s, Australia and the United States of America, for example, revoked S.A.A.'s landing rights, and forbad airlines registered in their countries from flying to South Africa. Other carriers, such as Air Canada, closed their offices and then terminated representation in South Africa.
13
Hentz, James J. "South Africa and the political economy of regional cooperation in Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 1 (February 16, 2005): 21–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0400059x.
Full textAbstract:
Post-apartheid South Africa has recast its regional relations. Nonetheless, much of the literature depicts its policy as a projection of captured interests, for instance big business as embedded in Pretoria's apparent neo-liberal turn. Instead, post-apartheid South Africa's regional relations represent a political compromise, albeit not necessarily an explicit one, that reflects the different visions of South Africa's regional role and their respective political bases. Because their policies reflect the push and pull of competing constituencies, democratic states are rarely one dimensional. Post-apartheid South Africa is no exception, as it attempts to square the political circle of competing political constituencies, such as big business and labour. South Africa's regional relations and, in particular, its policy of regional economic cooperation/integration, are best understood as a reflection of the competing interests within its domestic political economy.
14
Dessì, Ugo. "Soka Gakkai International in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Religions 11, no. 11 (November 11, 2020): 598. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11110598.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes the activities of Soka Gakkai International (SGI) in South Africa, a largely Christian country with the presence of very strong African Independent and Pentecostal churches, where Buddhism has mostly attracted the attention of a small minority of white middle-class people interested in meditational practices. By focusing on SGI South Africa, which has been able to reach out to a significant number of black, and, to a lesser extent, Coloured and Indian/Asian members, this ethnographic study aims to contribute to the understanding of Buddhism’s interplay with a broader cross-section of post-apartheid South African society, and, secondarily, to add to the existing literature on this Japanese new religious movement overseas. After a brief overview of the historical development of SGI in South Africa, my analysis focuses on SGI South Africa’s main ritual, social, and missionary activities; its interplay with local religions; its attempts to establish a meaningful link with South African culture; and, finally, on the religious experiences and narratives of SGI’s South African members.
15
Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (May 10, 2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.
Full textAbstract:
From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.
16
Groenmeyer, Sharon. "Intersectionality in Apartheid and Post-apartheid South Africa." Gender, Technology and Development 15, no. 2 (January 2011): 249–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097185241101500204.
Full text
17
Arnold, Millard W. "Engaging South Africa after Apartheid." Foreign Policy, no. 87 (1992): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149165.
Full text
18
Bystrom, Kerry. "WritingRootsin Post-Apartheid South Africa." Safundi 14, no. 1 (January 2013): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2012.760830.
Full text
19
Tyagi, Jyoti. "After apartheid: reinventing South Africa?" Africa Review 6, no. 2 (May 14, 2014): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2014.916847.
Full text
20
Graham, Matthew. "Finding Foreign Policy: Researching in Five South African Archives." History in Africa 37 (2010): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0026.
Full textAbstract:
The turbulent modern history of South Africa, which includes notable events such as the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the banning and exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), and the dramatic transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, has drawn academics from a number of fields to studying the nation from a variety of angles. Two such topics which have attracted scholarly attention are the foreign policy of South Africa both during apartheid, and subsequently after its demise in 1994, and the multi faceted activities of the liberation movements fighting against it. When looking at the international relations of South Africa from the end of the Second World War, through until the present day, it is almost impossible to analyse this dimension of South Africa's past without examining the lasting effects that the political mindset of apartheid had upon foreign policy decision making, and the international community. Likewise, the history of the liberation movements such as the ANC and the PAC were shaped by their attempts to defeat apartheid and the eventual end to the struggle. The histories of the ANC and South African foreign policy are inextricably linked, demonstrating the importance of what has, and is occurring in the country, creating a complex, but truly intriguing area of research for academics.Conducting archival research on these two areas of interest is relatively easy in South Africa, with on the whole, well stocked, largely deserted, and easy to use archives located across the country.
21
Khan, Pervaiz. "South Africa: from apartheid to xenophobia." Race & Class 63, no. 1 (July 2021): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968211020889.
Full textAbstract:
How to explain the violent xenophobic attacks in South Africa in recent years? Two militant South African activists, Leonard Gentle and Noor Nieftagodien, interviewed here, analyse the race/class bases for the anti-foreigner violence in terms of the echoes/reverberations of apartheid and the rise of neoliberalism. They argue that remnants of apartheid have endured through the reproduction of racial and tribal categories, which has contributed to the entrenchment of exclusionary nationalist politics and the fragmentation of black unity. South Africa’s specific history of capitalist development, the African National Congress’s embraces of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and rainbowism, on the other, have produced the underlying conditions of precarity and desperation that resulted in the normalisation of xenophobia. The unions, too, have failed to recognise the new shape of the ‘working class’. Gentle and Nieftagodien outline the need to contend with the broader social conditions, the global economic crisis, neoliberalism and the deep inequalities it engenders in order to counteract the rising tide of xenophobia and build working-class unity.
22
More, Mabogo Percy. "Locating Frantz Fanon in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 2 (July 28, 2016): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909614561103.
Full textAbstract:
There is a huge re-emergence of Frantz Fanon’s ideas and an equally huge interest in his work in post-apartheid South Africa, both in the academy and social movement and organizations. Contrary to some commentators, particularly his biographers, this article aims to locate Fanon within the South African struggle for liberation. It is argued here that Fanon, throughout his life, as evidenced by his writings, was highly concerned about apartheid just as he was about French Algerian colonialism. For him, the paper claims, apartheid was synonymous with colonialism and therefore his critique of colonialism was just as much a critique of apartheid. The resurgence of his name and ideas in the country is a consequence of this critique.
23
Barbosa Filho, Evandro Alves, and Ana Cristina de Souza Vieira. "ANALISANDO A TRANSIÇÃO DA ÁFRICA DO SUL À DEMOCRACIA: neoliberalismo, transformismo e restauração capitalista." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n1p328-346.
Full textAbstract:
Desde 1994 a África do Sul pôs fim à sua estrutura oficial de segregação, baseada na ultra exploração da força de trabalho negra e na total segregação racial: o Apartheid. Embora esse sistema tenha acabado e o país seja governado pelo antigo movimento de libertação nacional, o African National Congress (ANC), as desigualdades sociais se aprofundaram. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os processos políticos que condicionaram a transição Sul-africana do Apartheid à democracia. A pesquisa tem natureza qualitativa e foi realizada por meio de revisão bibliográfica da sociologia crítica sulafricana, da análise de documentos oficiais e na análise crítica de discurso. O estudo identificou que a transição à democracia foi tutelada pela mais rica fração da burguesia sul-africana e viabilizada pelo ANC, que aderiu às ideologias neoliberais.Palavras-chave: Apartheid. África do Sul. Transição. Neoliberalismo.ANALYZING SOUTH AFRICA'S TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY: neoliberalism, transformism and capitalist restorationAbstractSince 1994 South Africa has put an end to its official segregation structure, based on the overexploitation of the black workforce and total racial segregation: The Apartheid. Although this system is over and the country is ruled by the former national liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC), social inequalities have deepened. This paper aims to analyze the political processes that conditioned the South African transition from Apartheid to democracy. The research has a qualitative approach and It was conducted through a bibliographical review of South African critical sociology, analysis ofofficial documents and critical discourse analysis. The study found that the transition to democracy was led by the wealthiest fraction of the South African bourgeoisie and made possible by the ANC, which adopted the neoliberal ideologies.Keywords: Apartheid. South Africa. Transition. Neoliberalism.
24
Rich, Paul. "United States containment policy, South Africa and the apartheid dilemma." Review of International Studies 14, no. 3 (July 1988): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113257.
Full textAbstract:
Since the early 1970s, South Africa has become an increasingly important issue within US foreign policy after a long period of benign neglect. For a considerable part of the post-war period, US decision-makers felt it possible to avoid a direct confrontation with the moral and ethical issues involved in the South African government's policy of apartheid; the relative geographical isolation of the country from many central theatres of East–West conflict in central Europe, the Middle East and South East Asia ensured that South Africa was not in the front line of strategically vital states. Furthermore, South Africa's membership of the Commonwealth until 1960 meant that, for many US policy makers, South Africa could be seen as an issue within Commonwealth relations and thus not one for direct US involvement.
25
Park, Yoon Jung. "State, Myth, and Agency in the Construction of Chinese South African Identities, 1948–1994." Journal of Chinese Overseas 4, no. 1 (2008): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325408788691390.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractBased on the author's PhD research, this article focuses on the fluid and contested nature of the identities — racial, ethnic, and national — of people of Chinese descent in South Africa in the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. The research focuses on the approximately 12,000-strong community of second-, third-, and fourth-generation South African-born Chinese South Africans. It reveals that Chinese South Africans played an active role in identity construction using Chinese history, myths and culture, albeit within the constraints established by apartheid. During the latter part of apartheid, movement up the socio-economic ladder and gradual social acceptance by white South Africa propelled them into nebulous, interstitial spaces; officially they remained “non-white” but increasingly they were viewed as “honorary whites.” During the late 1970s and 1980s, the South African state attempted to redefine Chinese as “white” but these attempts failed because Chinese South Africans were unwilling to sacrifice their unique ethnic identity, which helped them to survive the more dehumanizing aspects of life under apartheid.
26
McKendrick, B. W., and M. Leketi. "Politics and Human Welfare: Retinitis Pigmentosa Patients in South Africa." Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 84, no. 6 (June 1990): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x9008400603.
Full textAbstract:
Many welfare organizations serving visually disabled people limit their role to restorative and therapeutic services. In changing apartheid South Africa, the well-being of visually disabled people is still affected by racial division in society. By examining the impact of apartheid on the well-being of African and white South Africans with retinitis pigmentosa, evidence is presented to justify the involvement of South African welfare organizations in the wider political and social change process.
27
Stolp, Mareli. "New Music for New South Africans: The New Music Indabas in South Africa, 2000–02." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 143, no. 1 (2018): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690403.2018.1434354.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis article explores the content, scope and impact of an annual contemporary music festival in South Africa, the first of which was presented in 2000 by New Music South Africa (NMSA), the South African chapter of the International Society for Contemporary Music (ISCM). It explores the New Music Indabas of 2000–02 against the background of the political and cultural transformations that characterized South Africa, especially in the aftermath of the end of apartheid. Research into the archive of NMSA provided an entry point into understanding South African cultural, social and political life in the early years of the country's democracy. The ‘separate development’ rhetoric of the totalitarian apartheid regime, in power from 1948 to 1994, prevented cultural exchange and connection between musics and musicians in South Africa for decades; this article explores the ways in which the New Music Indabas attempted to right these historical imbalances, and to forge new directions for South African art-music production and practice.
28
Worrall, Denis. "The Real Struggle in South Africa: An Insider's View." Ethics & International Affairs 2 (March 1988): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1988.tb00531.x.
Full textAbstract:
The outsider, international approach to ending apartheid in South Africa tends to take an overly moral stance, one that ultimately ignores a complex political, economic and racial situation. Thus effective outside action and intervention fails to help remedy or improve what it finds offensive. Denis Worrall draws on 20th century South African history and his own experience as a South African to show some of the less obvious but extremely important facets of apartheid that bare directly on its dissemination.
29
Nord, Catharina. "Healthcare and Warfare. Medical Space, Mission and Apartheid in Twentieth Century Northern Namibia." Medical History 58, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.31.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.
30
Sithole, S. L., and Ntsako S. Mathonsi. "Local Governance Service Delivery Issues during Apartheid and Post-apartheid South Africa." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v3i3.87.
Full textAbstract:
The debate on service delivery and governance takes a centre stage across disciplines, schools of thought, countries, and in all platforms where people are able to raise their views othe two subjects. According to scholars and analysts, service delivery and <br />governance are closely related, and in many forms of government, service delivery occurs at the lower sphere which is the sphere closer to communities. TheSouth African context can serve as an exact scenario of this model. This makes local government to be a very important subject on matters of service delivery. South Africa has an interesting history that makes scholars, analysts, commentaries, and media companies worldwide to always keep a close eye on what happens in the country. This becomes clear from the analysis which makes the country to be theorised as a colonisation of a special type. It therefore becomes inevitable to consider the antecedents that shaped the manner in which governance and service delivery were mapped out in South Africa. This paper serves as analysis of local government and service delivery both in apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa.
31
Badru, Pade. "Not Yet Uhuru: The Unfinished Revolution in Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (June 2012): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428053.
Full textAbstract:
In Kwandiwe Kondlo’s In the Twilight of the Revolution (2009), which examines the role of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania in South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle as the backdrop, this article surveys the momentum of social revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa during the decolonization era that started in the mid-20th century and ended with South Africa’s transition to a multi-racial democracy in 1994. It argues that the failure of the African elite to achieve a genuine independence from both colonial rule and South Africa’s apartheid system is largely because of inconsistent nationalist ideologies and the detachment of the African elite from the popular struggles of the people, which could have resulted in the revolutionary overthrow of the colonial state and the dawn of more progressive and autonomous states all across Black Africa. It concludes that this failure led to the continuing instability of the post-colonial states across Africa and, in South Africa, to the achievement of a particular form of multi-racial democracy with very little or no change to the real politics of apartheid and Boer domination.
32
Kosciejew, Marc Richard Hugh. "Disciplinary documentation in Apartheid South Africa." Journal of Documentation 71, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 96–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-10-2013-0130.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to argue that information is an important effect of documentation. It is in this way that documentation studies distinguishes between concepts of and practices with “information” and “document”: that is, documentation studies helps illuminate how information is created, stabilized, and materialized such that it can emerge and, in turn, how it can then be controlled, deployed, enforced, entrenched, managed, and used in many different ways, in various settings, and for diverse purposes. Design/methodology/approach – This paper presents a conceptual framework on documentation, drawing upon the work of Bernd Frohmann, Michel Foucault, Bruno Latour, Hannah Arendt, @@and Ian Hacking, and applied to a case study of Apartheid South Africa. Findings – Apartheid’s documentation helped achieve apartness at the macro and micro levels of society: on the macro level, the creation and subsequent separation of different racial and ethnic identities were drafted, adopted, and turned into law through legislative documents; on the micro level, these identities were reinforced through routines with personal documents and public signs. This documentation functioned as a documentary apparatus, providing a tangible link between individuals and their official racial and ethnic categories by creating a seamless movement of documents through various institutions; further it helped transform these racial and ethnic identities into lived facts that disciplined and controlled life. Originality/value – By examining documentation, one can present a fresh and unique perspective to understanding the construction of various things, such as the construction of identities. This conceptual framework contributes to Library and Information Science (LIS) by illuminating the central role of documentation in the creation, stabilization, materialization, and emergence of information. By using Apartheid South Africa as a case study, this paper demonstrates how this framework can be applied to shed new light on different kinds of phenomena in diverse contexts; consequently, it not only contributes to and extends parts of the scholarship on documentation studies within LIS, but also presents new directions for other academic disciplines and multidisciplinary analyses and research.
33
Klotz, Audie. "Norms and sanctions: lessons from the socialization of South Africa." Review of International Studies 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1996): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118364.
Full textAbstract:
In response to South Africa's increasingly institutionalized racial discrimination during the postwar years, transnational anti-apartheid activists advocated a vast array of global sanctions. With the formal abolition of apartheid in 1991, sanctions advocates celebrated the apparent success of the international community's efforts in promoting a global norm of racial equality in South Africa. Since similar sanctions are an increasingly popular policy in the post-Cold War world, the South African case offers a useful starting-point for re-evaluating the utility of sanctions as a non-military policy. However, despite the prominent role of a norm of racial equality in anti-apartheid sanctions, both advocates and critics of international sanctions still generally ignore norms analytically. Expanding our conceptual framework beyond the realist assumptions implicit in most sanctions analyses enables us o t understand better why international actors adopt sanctions and how these measures affect target states.
34
LANGMIA, FORTI ETIENNE. "From apartheid to Post-Apartheid: The Representational Trajectory to a Multiracial Nation in Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me, Andre Brink’s The Rights of Desire and Zakes Mda’s The Madonna of Excelsior." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 5 (June 8, 2021): 707–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.85.10277.
Full textAbstract:
This article, which draws inspiration from the literary works of three South African writers, focuses on the two (amongst many) major historic periods in the life of the present-day nation described as post-apartheid South Africa. The two periods, evident in the works of Andre Brink, Zakes Mda and Nadine Gordimer under review, are the reign of apartheid and the transition to a democratic multiracial society built on the principles of equality and the respect of the rights and freedoms of South Africans. From both historical and literary standpoints, the transition to multiracialism is the outcome of the struggle of the oppressed black population of South Africa against the oppressive monolithic racist regime which ruled the country on an official governance policy which it called ‘Apartheid’. In order to enforce this inhumane worldview, the said racist regime used means of brutality and savagery with the intention of transforming the country into a ‘white nation’ that would belong to a minority-turned majority known as the Afrikaners. The often callous and gruesome acts of inhumanity perpetrated by the different racist apartheid regimes (that ruled South Africa from 1948-1994) became a major concern to the world at large and South African anti-apartheid writers in particular. Thus this category of the country’s writers tended to use literature as an instrument of protest against racial discrimination, which brought untold hardship to the black population. Andre Brink, Zakes Mda, and Nadine Gordimer are among the writers whose works vividly trace the South African experience from apartheid to post-apartheid eras. Brink, Mda and Gordimer in their respective works attempt to portray the endeavours and challenges of reconstructing the new nation from the debris of close to four decades of the brutal regime. The main issues discussed in this article are analyzed from New Historicist and Postcolonial perspectives due to the peculiar postcolonial nature of South Africa.
35
Ellmann, Stephen. "Law in and Legitimacy South Africa." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 02 (1995): 407–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb01068.x.
Full textAbstract:
This mticle examines whether anti-apartheid lawyering might have legitimized the South Afncan legal system by asking what black South Ahcans actually thought of that system. Perhaps surprisingly, blrcks, and in particular African, appear to have accorded the legal system a measure of legitimacy despite the oppression they often suffered at its hands. Three paradigms of African opinion are offered to help us understand the complex African response to the legal system: the conservatives, forbearing, mutely concerned with such issues as order and security, and perhaps disposed to be deferential to institutions of white authority; the speakers, fueled by faith in the truth or power of their speech, and welcoming the opportunity to be heard that courts could povide; and the activists, adamantly detennined to bnng down apartheid, and judgrng institutions and people by their conhibution to that goal. For men and women thinking in these ways, anti-apartheid lawyering probably did contribute to legitimizing the legal system and that system's ideals. But this partial legitimation of the legal system is, in the end, no came for regret; instead, it may have helped the new South Africa begin building a nation governed by law.
36
Binns, Tony, and Etienne Nel. "Supporting Local Economic Development in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 17, no. 1 (February 2002): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690940110073800.
Full textAbstract:
South Africa's apartheid era has left a bitter legacy of retarded economic development. Local Economic Development has been identified by the South African government as a key strategy through which issues of development and, more importantly, poverty alleviation can be addressed by local governments. This paper reviews current Local Economic Development policy in South Africa, before proceeding to an examination and analysis of the impact of the primary government support mechanism designed to promote such development initiatives, namely the Local Economic Development Fund. Whilst such support is of vital importance, far greater levels of intervention will be needed to fully address the massive scale of current local development needs.
37
Yesufu, Shaka. "Human rights and the policing of disorder in South Africa: challenges and future directions." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 3 (May 31, 2021): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2021.001861.
Full textAbstract:
Unarguably, the South African Police during the apartheid era was characterised by brutality and state repression, including the political executions of several South African citizens who dared oppose the apartheid regime. The post-apartheid era has also witnessed deaths of citizens at the hands of the police during demonstrations, demanding better service delivery, higher wages, improved working conditions, and an end to marginalisation and poverty. The author presents some cases of police human rights violations concerning policing citizen’s protests. This is a qualitative study, relying on extensive literature review by previous researchers. The findings of this study are: The South Africa Police Service continues to violate citizen's right to protest, which is enshrined in the Republic of South Africa’s constitution under chapter 2 “Bill of Rights” and other international legal jurisprudence. The South African police have failed to perform their duties professionally and effectively when it comes to policing protests. Crown management remains an elusive issue both during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. The author recommends a demilitarization of the police consistent with the South African government policy recommendation, found in the National Development Plan 2030.
38
Adonis, Cyril K. "Generational victimhood in post-apartheid South Africa." International Review of Victimology 24, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758017732175.
Full textAbstract:
In post-apartheid South Africa, insufficient consideration is given to how historical injustices affect current generations and how they could affect future generations. This has implications for issues such as intergenerational justice and equity. Framed within historical trauma theory and the life-course perspective, this paper explores notions of victimhood in post-apartheid Africa. It draws on qualitative interviews conducted with 20 children and grandchildren (10 females and 10 males) of victims of apartheid-era gross human rights violations. The interview data, which were interpretively analysed, yielded a number of salient themes. Participants’ sense of victimhood is anchored in their continuing socio-economic marginalisation deriving from the structural legacy of apartheid, as well as the pervasive racism that continues to bedevil South Africa well into the post-apartheid era. This is compounded by the perceived lack of accountability for historical injustices and the responsibilities that they perceive the government to have towards them. Given this, the paper argues for a reconceptualisation of the notion of victimhood and giving greater consideration to the impact that the structural legacy of apartheid has on the contemporary existential realities of Black South Africans.
39
van Wyk, Anna-Mart. "Apartheid's Bomb and Regional Liberation: Cold War Perspectives." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00855.
Full textAbstract:
South Africa had a small, highly classified nuclear weapons program that produced a small but potent nuclear arsenal. At the end of the 1980s, as South Africa was nearing a transition to black majority rule, the South African government destroyed its nuclear arsenal and its research facilities connected with nuclear armaments and ballistic missiles. This article, based on archival research in the United States and South Africa, shows that the South African nuclear weapons program has to be understood in the context of the Cold War battlefield that southern Africa became in the mid-1970s. The article illuminates the complex U.S.–South African relationship and explains why the apartheid government in Pretoria sought nuclear weapons as a deterrent in the face of extensive Soviet-bloc aid to black liberation movements in southern Africa, the escalating conflict with Cuban forces and Soviet-backed guerrillas on Namibia's northern frontier, and the attacks waged by the African National Congress from exile. A clear link can be drawn between the apartheid government's quest for a nuclear deterrent, liberation in southern Africa, and the Cold War.
40
Kokobili, Alexander. "An Insight on Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s Struggle Against Apartheid in South Africa." Kairos 13, no. 1 (April 18, 2019): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32862/k.13.1.5.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses of Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s role against the apartheid system of racism and socio-political inequality in the Republic of South Africa. Tutu often denounced apartheid in his speeches and public advocacy promoting equality, reconciliation, and peaceful coexistence of all South Africans. The ideology of apartheid robbed the black race in South Africa of their human dignity which contradicts the Holy Bible which states, “So God created man in His own image; in the image of God He created him; male and female He created them” (Genesis 1:27). Despite this, the white National Party of South Africa in 1948 legitimized apartheid as a political system and gained support from the Dutch Reformed Church despite its anti-Christian ethics. Apartheid was adopted to place the white minority in the upper class, while the black majority was left with fewer rights and fewer privileges in South Africa. Desmond Tutu was one of the few Christian leaders in Africa who championed the course for black theology in the demolition of apartheid in South Africa. Tutu’s attitude during the apartheid struggle was not by violent protest or riots but rather through his sermons and public participation in activities clamoring for national unity, love, and equality of all South Africans.
41
MacFarlane, Campbell. "Terrorism in South Africa." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000893.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Republic of South Africa lies at the southern tip of the African continent. The population encompasses a variety of races, ethnic groups, religions, and cultural identities. The country has had a turbulent history from early tribal conflicts, colonialisation, the apartheid period, and postapartheid readjustment.Modern terrorism developed mainly during the apartheid period, both by activities of the state and by the liberation movements that continued to the time of the first democratic elections in 1994, which saw South Africa evolve into a fully representative democratic state with equal rights for all.Since 1994, terrorist acts have been criminal-based, evolving in the Cape Town area to political acts, largely laid at the feet of a predominantly Muslim organisation, People against Gangsterism and Drugs, a vigilant organisation allegedly infiltrated by Muslim fundamentalists. Along with this, has been terrorist activities, mainly bombings by disaffected members of white, right-wing groups.In the apartheid era, a Draconian series of laws was enacted to suppress liberation activities. After 1994, most of these were repealed and new legislation was enacted, particularly after the events of 11 September 2001; this legislation allows the government to act against terrorism within the constraints of a democratic system. Disaster management in South Africa has been largely local authority-based, with input from provincial authorities and Civil Defence. After 1994, attempts were made to improve this situation, and national direction was provided. After 11 September 2001, activity was increased and the Disaster Management Act 2002 was brought into effect. This standardized disaster management system at national, provincial, and local levels, also facilites risk assessment and limitation as well as disaster mitigation.The potential still exists for terrorism, mainly from right wing and Muslim fundamentalist groups, but the new legislation should stimulate disaster management in South Africa to new and improved levels.
42
Johnson, Malcolm, and Helen Q. Kivnick. "FORUM: Adulthood and Old Age under apartheid: A Psychosocial Consideration." Ageing and Society 8, no. 4 (December 1988): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x00007182.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTBased on Erik H. Erikson's life-cycle model as clarified by Erikson, Erikson, and Kivnick, this theoretical paper considers psychosocial development in the adulthood and old age of South Africa's black majority population, under the oppressive laws of apartheid. The author draws on empirical observations made during three months of fieldwork in South Africa. The paper rests on the propositions that apartheid may be expected to interfere with healthy psychosocial development in South African blacks throughout the life cycle, and that cultural strengths – exemplified by traditional singing – function as counterbalancing resources that promote psychosocial health, nonetheless. Adulthood and old age are discussed to illustrate the way black South Africans must negotiate every stage of life under the powerful, opposing influences of apartheid and indigenous culture.
43
Pillay, Anthony L. "Apartheid and Post-Apartheid Intern Clinical Psychology Training in South Africa." Psychological Reports 105, no. 3 (December 2009): 697–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.105.3.697-700.
Full textAbstract:
An analysis of race and sex of clinical psychology interns was undertaken at a major training hospital complex during the Apartheid and Postapartheid periods. 7 of 87 (8.1%) interns trained in the apartheid period were Black African. Significantly more Black Africans and women were trained during the Post-apartheid period. The results were discussed within the context of South Africa's social and political transition, as well as international trends relating to sex and professional psychology.
44
Joyson, Roshni, and Dr Cynthia Catherine Michael. "Racial Identity in Post-Apartheid South Africa: J.M. Coetzee’s Disgrace." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 9, no. 3 (March 28, 2021): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v9i3.10943.
Full textAbstract:
J.M. Coetzee is a South African novelist, critic and an active translator of Dutch and Afrikaans literature. His novels are conspicuous for their well- crafted composition, pregnant dialogues and analytical brilliance. Coetzee’s earlier novels question the apartheid regime, while his later works offer an apocalyptic vision of post- apartheid South Africa. His major works include Disgrace, Waiting for the Barbarians, Life and Times of Michael K, Boyhood, Age of Iron and The Childhood of Jesus. In 1999, Coetzee has been the recipient of numerous awards throughout his career, although he has a reputation for avoiding award ceremonies. Coetzee became the first author to be twice awarded the Booker Prize, winning it as second time for Disgrace which portrays the post-apartheid society. Coetzee went on to win the Nobel Prize for literature in 2003 for his entire body of works. During the years of apartheid, he was at the forefront of the anti-apartheid movement among writers. Scholar Isadore Dalia labelled J.M Coetzee as one of the most distinguished white writers with an anti-apartheid sentiment. Coetzee’s earlier novels question the apartheid regime, while his later works offer an apocalyptic vision of post- apartheid South Africa. Disgrace can be analyzed as a representative work of the new south Africa where the social problems relating binary oppositions such as black- white, white- immigrant, powerless- powerful, are stressed. This paper attempts to show through the protagonist, David Lurie, that the way to adapt to the changes in the country is to make a fresh start, a way to adapt to the new times, where no ideas of the old are retained. Frantz Fanon’s concepts within the field of post colonialism which he articulated in Black Skin, White Masks (1967) and The Wretched of the Earth (1963) have much relevance in Disgrace. The objective of this paper is to stretch his new ideas in a new direction by applying his theories on nation and culture onto a white subject Lurie, a white native South African. In the light of Fanon’s text, The Wretched of the Earth it can be argued that following the revolutionary political changes in South Africa in 1994, the former colonizer can be seen in the same way as the colonized usually is: a powerless native, regardless of racial identity.
45
Horáková, Hana. "Challenges to Political Cosmopolitanism: The Impact of Racialised Discourses in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (December 11, 2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.248.
Full textAbstract:
One of the key challenges of post-apartheid South Africa has been the need to create a South African “nation.” The efforts of the leading African National Congress started with Nelson Mandela’s reconciliatory discourse of a “rainbow nation,” via Thabo Mbeki’s concept of the African Renaissance, to the current stream of racial nationalism articulated as “Africanisation.” The present article attempts to examine the dilemma which the ANC as the major custodian of nation-building has been facing since the 1990s: how to reach a balance between a civic nationalism based on cosmopolitan values and the need to redress the legacy of apartheid and persisting racial inequalities. It is argued that the current culturalist discourse of Africanisation is not only contentious but also dangerous for the cohesion of the fragile democratic society of post-apartheid South Africa.
46
Tamarkin, Noah. "Religion as Race, Recognition as Democracy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 637, no. 1 (July 25, 2011): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211407702.
Full textAbstract:
Apartheid South Africa enacted physical, structural, and symbolic forms of violence on racially marked South Africans, and postapartheid South Africa has enacted ambitious—though also limited—laws, policies, and processes to address past injustices. In this article, the author traces the South African political histories of one self-defined group, the Lemba, to understand how the violence they collectively experienced when the apartheid state did not acknowledge their ethnic existence continues to shape their ideas of the promise of democracy to address all past injustices, including the injustice of nonrecognition. The Lemba are known internationally for their participation in DNA tests that indicated their Jewish ancestry. In media discourses, their racialization as black Jews has obscured their racialization as black South Africans: they are presented as seeking solely to become recognized as Jews. The author demonstrates that they have in fact sought recognition as a distinct African ethnic group from the South African state consistently since the 1950s. Lemba recognition efforts show that the violence of nonrecognition is a feature of South African multicultural democracy in addition to being part of the apartheid past. The author argues that the racialization of religion that positions the Lemba as genetic Jews simplifies and distorts their histories and politics of race in South Africa.
47
Alhadeff, Vic. "Journalism during South Africa's apartheid regime." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5924.
Full textAbstract:
Vic Alhadeff was chief sub-editor of The Cape Times, Cape Town’s daily newspaper, during the apartheid era. It was a staunchly anti-apartheid newspaper, and the government had enacted a draconian system of laws to govern and restrict what media could say. The effect was that anti-apartheid activists such as Mandela were not 'merely’ imprisoned, they were also banned, as was the African National Congress. Under the law, it was illegal to quote a banned person or organisation. This meant if there was to be an anti-apartheid rally in the city – and we reported it – it could be construed as promoting the aims of a banned organisation. As chief sub-editor, I had to navigate this minefield. In addition, most English-language newspapers were anti-apartheid and had a resident police spy on staff (one of our senior journalists); on a number of occasions I would receive a call from the Magistrate’s Office after the newspaper had gone to print at midnight, putting an injunction on a story. We would have to call back the trucks and dump the 100,000 copies of the newspaper and reprint. The challenge was to inform readers as what was happening and to speak out against apartheid – without breaking the law.
South Africa had its own Watergate equivalent. The apartheid government understood that English speakers generally were anti-apartheid, so it siphoned 64 million rands from the Defence budget and set up the Information Department. The aim was to purchase media outlets overseas which would be pro-apartheid, and it set up an English-language newspaper in South Africa, to be pro-apartheid. It was called The Citizen – and I was offered a job as deputy editor at double my salary, plus an Audi. (I declined the offer, for the record). Two journalists uncovered the scandal, and brought down the Prime Minister.
48
Rogerson, Christian M., and Jayne M. Rogerson. "Racialized Landscapes of Tourism: From Jim Crow USA to Apartheid South Africa." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 48, no. 48 (June 23, 2020): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2020-0010.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractTourism studies, including by geographers, give only minor attention to historically-informed research. This article contributes to the limited scholarship on tourism development in South Africa occurring during the turbulent years of apartheid (1948 to 1994). It examines the building of racialized landscapes of tourism with separate (but unequal) facilities for ‘non-Whites’ as compared to Whites. The methodological approach is archival research. Applying a range of archival sources tourism linked to the expanded mobilities of South Africa's ‘non-White’ communities, namely of African, Coloureds (mixed race) and Asians (Indians) is investigated. Under apartheid the growth of ‘non-White’ tourism generated several policy challenges in relation to national government's commitments towards racial segregation. Arguably, the segregated tourism spaces created for ‘non-Whites’ under apartheid exhibit certain parallels with those that emerged in the USA during the Jim Crow era.
49
Hosier, Richard H., Richard Tomlinson, Anthony Lemon, and David M. Smith. "Urbanization in Post-Apartheid South Africa." African Studies Review 36, no. 1 (April 1993): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525521.
Full text
50
Martin, William G., Anthony Lemon, and John D. Brewer. "Apartheid Exploded: Understanding Contemporary South Africa." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 4 (July 1988): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072703.
Full text