Academic literature on the topic 'Apartheid system; African National Congress'
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Journal articles on the topic "Apartheid system; African National Congress"
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Barbosa Filho, Evandro Alves, and Ana Cristina de Souza Vieira. "ANALISANDO A TRANSIÇÃO DA ÁFRICA DO SUL À DEMOCRACIA: neoliberalismo, transformismo e restauração capitalista." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 1 (2020): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n1p328-346.
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Desde 1994 a África do Sul pôs fim à sua estrutura oficial de segregação, baseada na ultra exploração da força de trabalho negra e na total segregação racial: o Apartheid. Embora esse sistema tenha acabado e o país seja governado pelo antigo movimento de libertação nacional, o African National Congress (ANC), as desigualdades sociais se aprofundaram. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os processos políticos que condicionaram a transição Sul-africana do Apartheid à democracia. A pesquisa tem natureza qualitativa e foi realizada por meio de revisão bibliográfica da sociologia crítica sulafricana, da análise de documentos oficiais e na análise crítica de discurso. O estudo identificou que a transição à democracia foi tutelada pela mais rica fração da burguesia sul-africana e viabilizada pelo ANC, que aderiu às ideologias neoliberais.Palavras-chave: Apartheid. África do Sul. Transição. Neoliberalismo.ANALYZING SOUTH AFRICA'S TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY: neoliberalism, transformism and capitalist restorationAbstractSince 1994 South Africa has put an end to its official segregation structure, based on the overexploitation of the black workforce and total racial segregation: The Apartheid. Although this system is over and the country is ruled by the former national liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC), social inequalities have deepened. This paper aims to analyze the political processes that conditioned the South African transition from Apartheid to democracy. The research has a qualitative approach and It was conducted through a bibliographical review of South African critical sociology, analysis ofofficial documents and critical discourse analysis. The study found that the transition to democracy was led by the wealthiest fraction of the South African bourgeoisie and made possible by the ANC, which adopted the neoliberal ideologies.Keywords: Apartheid. South Africa. Transition. Neoliberalism.
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Brauns, Melody, and Anne Stanton. "Governance of the public health sector during Apartheid: The case of South Africa." Journal of Governance and Regulation 5, no. 1 (2016): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v5_i1_p3.
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The healthcare system that the African National Congress (ANC) government inherited in 1994 can hardly be described as functional. Indeed the new government had inherited a combination of deliberate official policy, discriminatory legislation and at times blatant neglect. This paper presents an overview of the evolution of the healthcare system in South Africa. The structures set up under apartheid had implications for provision of public healthcare to South Africans and reveals how governance structures, systems and processes set up during apartheid had implications for the provision of public healthcare to South Africans.
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.
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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa’s Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1 (2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1.2090.
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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.
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Stapleton, T. J., and M. Maamoe. "An Overview of the African National Congress Archives at the University of Fort Hare." History in Africa 25 (1998): 413–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172197.
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Located in the small town of Alice in South Africa's Eastern Cape Province, the University of Fort Hare (UFH) was established in 1916 and for many years was the only institution of higher education in sub-equatorial Africa which was open to black students. Therefore, among Fort Hare's alumni are well-known African nationalists and politicians such as Oliver Tambo and Govan Mbeki of the African National Congress (ANC); Robert Sobukwe, who founded the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC); Mangosuthu Buthelezi of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP); Eluid Mathu, who was the first African member of the Kenya Legislative Council,;President Robert Mugabe and Herbert Chitepo of Zimbabwe; Prime Minister Ntsu Mokhehle of Lesotho; former Prime Minister Fwanyanga Mulikita of Uganda; and many others. While Fort Hare was taken over by the apartheid government in 1959 and incorporated into a network of ethnic universities within the homeland system, from the 1960s to early 1990s various banned liberation movements were active on campus and students periodically clashed with security forces. As a result, “[i]t is thus not surprising that with its venerable history of resistance and struggle, the UFH was chosen to be the repository of most of the archives of the Liberation Front.”
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Allo, Awol K. "The Courtroom as a Site of Epistemic Resistance: Mandela at Rivonia." Law, Culture and the Humanities 16, no. 1 (2016): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872116643274.
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The 1963–64 trial of Nelson Mandela and other leading members of the liberation movement was a political trial par excellence. In the courtroom, the Apartheid government was trying the accused for the crime of sabotage but in the court of public opinion, it was using the event of the trial to produce images and ideas aimed at slandering and discrediting the African National Congress (ANC) and the movement for a free and democratic South Africa. The defendants, on their part, used their trial to denounce the racist policies of Apartheid and to outline their vision of a post-Apartheid society. In this article, I want to read Nelson Mandela’s counter-historical mobilization of lived experiences and memories of Africans – the scars, chains, the rage and Apartheid’s unlivable juridical bind – as an act of epistemic resistance that re-opened epistemic battles and effected epistemic renegotiations. By submitting himself to the very law he denounces, strategically positioning himself at law’s aporetic sites and moments – those most fragile frontiers that are so heavily policed from transformative interventions – he bears witness to Apartheid’s rotten foundation. Drawing on modes of critique that are performative and genealogical, those that are possible within law’s frameworks and categories, Mandela both obeys and defies the law, uses and critiques it, resists and claims authority, at the very site he is called to account for charges of sabotage. The article will show, how, by attending to contradictions, discursive dynamics, and points of tension, Mandela the accused creates conditions of possibility for forms of critique that register without being co-opted or domesticated by the discourse and the system it resists.
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Dintwe, Setlhomamaru. "The African National Congress Led Government's (In)ability to Counter Public Corruption: A Forensic Criminological Perspective." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 1, no. 2 (2012): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v1i2.27.
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Since the advent of democracy in 1994, there has been a myriad of incidents of corruption involving the public servants in South Africa. Equally so, the government led by the African National Congress have developed various mechanisms aimed at dealing with the problem of corruption. The incidents of corruption, characterized by colossal thefts, embezzlements and rampant bribery are the basis of erudition around the ability of the African National Congress led government in dealing with corruption. Although this article acknowledges the presence of corruption during the apartheid era, its crux is mainly on whether the programmes employed by the African National Congress proved adequate in turning the tide against the scourge of corruption, which tends to erode the fabric upon which the South Africa’s economy is built. At the same breath, it is interesting to establish if the programmes employed by the ruling party encapsulate the internationally accepted elements reminiscent of an anti-corruption programmes worldwide. These elements <br />are inter-alia, measurement of public perceptions, creation of public awareness, disincentivising corruption, visible sanctions, bureaucratic reform and most mportantly, the political will in dealing with corruption. Corruption is an indicator of a defective system of public accountability which involves subversion of public interest for personal gains. An ability to deal with corruption manifests tself in two-fold paraphernalia. It encompasses understanding the causes of corruption on one hand and the calculated esponses in countering corruption on the other. It is against this background that his article endeavours to establish the advancement of the African National Congress in dealing with corruption in government.
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Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.
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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje&apos;s most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.
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Alhadeff, Vic. "Journalism during South Africa's apartheid regime." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (2018): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5924.
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Vic Alhadeff was chief sub-editor of The Cape Times, Cape Town’s daily newspaper, during the apartheid era. It was a staunchly anti-apartheid newspaper, and the government had enacted a draconian system of laws to govern and restrict what media could say. The effect was that anti-apartheid activists such as Mandela were not 'merely’ imprisoned, they were also banned, as was the African National Congress. Under the law, it was illegal to quote a banned person or organisation. This meant if there was to be an anti-apartheid rally in the city – and we reported it – it could be construed as promoting the aims of a banned organisation. As chief sub-editor, I had to navigate this minefield. In addition, most English-language newspapers were anti-apartheid and had a resident police spy on staff (one of our senior journalists); on a number of occasions I would receive a call from the Magistrate’s Office after the newspaper had gone to print at midnight, putting an injunction on a story. We would have to call back the trucks and dump the 100,000 copies of the newspaper and reprint. The challenge was to inform readers as what was happening and to speak out against apartheid – without breaking the law.
 South Africa had its own Watergate equivalent. The apartheid government understood that English speakers generally were anti-apartheid, so it siphoned 64 million rands from the Defence budget and set up the Information Department. The aim was to purchase media outlets overseas which would be pro-apartheid, and it set up an English-language newspaper in South Africa, to be pro-apartheid. It was called The Citizen – and I was offered a job as deputy editor at double my salary, plus an Audi. (I declined the offer, for the record). Two journalists uncovered the scandal, and brought down the Prime Minister.
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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT, and BENEDICT CARTON. "ALBERT LUTHULI'S PRIVATE STRUGGLE: HOW AN ICON OF PEACE CAME TO ACCEPT SABOTAGE IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 59, no. 1 (2018): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000718.
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AbstractIn December 1961, Albert Luthuli, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), arrived in Oslo to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Journalists in Norway noted how apartheid crackdowns failed to poison the new laureate's ‘courteous’ commitment to nonviolence. The press never reported Luthuli's acceptance that saboteurs in an armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe (MK or Spear of the Nation), would now fight for freedom. Analyzing recently available evidence, this article challenges a prevailing claim that Luthuli always promoted peace regardless of state authorities who nearly beat him to death and massacred protesting women, children, and men. We uncover his evolving views of justifiable violence, which guided secret ANC decisions to pursue ‘some kind of violence’ months before his Nobel celebration. These views not only expand knowledge of ‘struggle history’, but also alter understandings of Luthuli's aim to emancipate South Africa from a system of white supremacy that he likened to ‘slavery’.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Apartheid system; African National Congress"
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Naidoo, Kumaran. "Class, consciousness and organisation : Indian political resistance in Durban, South Africa, 1979-1996." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310296.
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Spiess, Clemens. "One-party-dominance in changing societies the African National Congress and Indian National Congress in comparative perspective ; a study in party systems and agency in post-colonial India and post-apartheid South Africa /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=97250981X.
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Spieß, Clemens [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "One-Party-Dominance in Changing Societies: The African National Congress and Indian National Congress in Comparative Perspective: A Study in Party Systems and Agency in Post-Colonial India and Post-Apartheid South Africa / Clemens Spieß ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : CrossAsia E-Publishing, 2006. http://d-nb.info/1218726458/34.
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Klein, Genevieve Lynette. "The Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) in Britain and support for the African National Congress (ANC), 1976-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.440707.
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Naidoo, Pathmaloshini, of Western Sydney Nepean University, and Faculty of Education. "The critical tradition : policy and process in South African education." THESIS_FE_XXX_Naidoo_P.xml, 1998. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/536.
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For the researcher, education is concerned fundamentally with the notion of human emancipation. In other words, it is only worth the name if it forms people capable of taking part in their own liberation. Education policy in South Africa prior to African National Congress victory in 1994 was dominated by the ideology of apartheid which led to a variety of malpractices in defining the role and status of education. The ANC victory in South Africa ushered in a period of awakening from a situation of oppression to the establishment of alternative education structures promising a redress of past imbalances through equality, justice and democracy as fundamental human rights. While the ANC policy documents may serve South African society in an educative way, it is equally important that this also implies, at a practical level, an increase in collective learning levels. This has to be done in ways that are undistorted and ways that do not devolve all authority to experts. As a preliminary to improving practices, it is vital to penetrate below the surface of the ANC policy documents to understand the true nature of things found to expose internal and external contradictions and distortions. As Durkheim (1994) says why strive for knowledge of reality if this knowledge cannot serve us in life. This implies that the pursuit of knowledge is of little value unless it can serve our interests as social and cultural beings. This thesis aims to examine the role played by the Reconstruction and Development Policy in South Africa's education system. It questions the viability of implementing the policies as set out in the policy documents, which the African National Congress claim to be derived from critical theory. The focus was on the reconstruction of the central and decisive events that have had implications for present educational policy and development. A methodological tool derived from critical theory was applied since it provided a form of meta-critique with an emancipatory rather than manipulative interest in criticism. Critical theory hence became a method of rational valuing and a powerful tool of internal and external criticism with the potential for use in practical as well as theoretical research. It thus becomes of value not only to a policy-maker but to a researcher or classroom practitioner as well. With regards to South Africa's present status, critical theory offers us a clear, less-distorted picture of how things are and at least suggests through transcendence of the existent, the possibility of how things may be different.<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Whittle, Granville Christiaan. "The role of the South African Democratic Teachers Union in the process of teacher rationalisation in the Western Cape between 1990 and 2001." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24835.
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This thesis postulates that the inability of the post-apartheid government to deal decisively with the “legacies of apartheid education” is linked to the macro-educational policy trajectory endorsed by the African National Congress government in the early 1990s. It notes that post-apartheid education policymaking shows similarities with the National Party reforms initiated towards the end of the 1980s in education. In the late 1980s the apartheid government implemented a broad educational framework consonant with the rise of neo-liberal restructuring emerging internationally. It is argued that the teacher unions, and the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU) in particular, were active role-players in shaping the new educational trajectory and discourse and that it was particularly because of the acquiescence of the unions that the government was able to embark on the road of neo-liberal restructuring with very little organised opposition. SADTU’s weak opposition to the rising influence of neo-liberal educational restructuring greatly facilitated the creation of a two-tier education system that South Africa is grappling with today, one for the rich and one for the poor.<br>Thesis (PhD (Education Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2008.<br>Education Management and Policy Studies<br>PhD<br>unrestricted
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Carim, Xavier. "Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974.
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This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
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Darracq, Vincent. "La question raciale à l'African National Congress (ANC) post-apartheid : production de discours, régulation et changement dans un parti politique." Phd thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR40037.
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Dans ce travail, on utilise la question raciale comme un prisme pour étudier le parti politique African National Congress (ANC), en se focalisant sur trois problèmes de recherche : la production de discours, la régulation et le changement partisan. Notre postulat de départ est que le positionnement idéologique nationaliste de l'ANC est un positionnement ambigu et pluriel, entre non-racialisme et nationalisme africain, entre caractère multi-classes et biais en faveur des pauvres et des travailleurs. C'est un consensus hétérogène sur ce positionnement multiple qui « tient » le parti ensemble. On entend tout d'abord démontrer que dans le contexte de la nouvelle Afrique du Sud démocratique et non-raciale, ce positionnement pluriel amène le parti à développer des discours alternatifs et à construire des identités collectives emboîtées, notamment dans son offre électorale. On étudie ensuite comment le nouvel environnement post-apartheid, celui d'une société normalisée où les clivages raciaux et socio-économiques évoluent, met en péril le consensus sur lequel repose l'ANC et émet des pressions sur le parti pour qu'il change et se repositionne. Enfin, on démontre qu'idéologie et organisation sont liées : du positionnement pluriel de l'ANC sur la question raciale découlent des règles formelles et informelles d'organisation et de fonctionnement<br>We use the racial question in South Africa to study the ruling ANC, through three main research topics: policy-making, organizational rules and party change. A plural consensus on the racial issue holds the party together. This plural position allows the ANC to produce different discourses and to construct diverse collective identities. This consensus is difficult to sustain in post-apartheid South Africa: the new environment prompts the party to change and clarify its position. Several organizational rules stem from the ANC's heterogeneous ideological perspective on the race issue
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Badat, Mohamed Saleem. "Black student politics under apartheid : the character, role and significance of the South African Students' Organisation, 1968 to 1977, and the South African National Students' Congress, 1979 to 1990." Thesis, University of York, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338550.
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Botiveau, Raphaël. "Negotiating union South Africa’s National Union of Mineworkers and the end of the post-apartheid consensus." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010332.
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Cette thèse de doctorat s’intéresse au principal syndicat sud-africain, le National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondé en 1982. Partant de ses premières années, au cours de la dernière décennie du régime d’apartheid, elle retrace sa trajectoire, en tant qu’organisation syndicale, dans l’après apartheid. L’industrie des mines emploie aujourd’hui près d’un demi-million de travailleurs en Afrique du Sud et cette recherche, entamée à l’automne 2009, a été marquée par les grandes grèves de mineurs qui ont débuté en janvier 2012. Plusieurs mines de platine visitées avant et, pour certaines, après ces conflits, ont été affectées et, notamment, celle où a été perpétré le « massacre de Marikana ». Le 16 août 2012, des unités de la police antiterroriste ont ouvert le feu sur les grévistes et tué 34 mineurs. Cette répression étatique d’une violence inégalée depuis l’apartheid n’a pas pour autant mis un terme aux grèves qui ont atteint leur paroxysme au cours du premier semestre 2014<br>Based on a case study of South Africa’s largest union – the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), this dissertation puts the current mining crisis in historical perspective. Beyond mining, it proposes keys to understand South Africa’s “negotiated” transformation from apartheid to democracy. It concludes that this country currently experiences what one can call the “end of the post-apartheid consensus”; a moment in which shared elitist conceptions of political and socioeconomic change developed during South Africa’s 1990s transition are starting to be decisively challenged. Departing from the NUM’s early years, in apartheid’s last decade, it analyses the union’s trajectory as a mineworker’s organisation after the end of while minority rule. Questioning NUM representations, in traditional struggle iconography, as a militant and revolutionary organisation, it argues that this union was also historically developed into a disciplined union, structured by and around strong core leadership. In other words, the main questions raised here here are : how are we to understand, in time, tensions between militancy on the one hand, and organisation on the other hand? How are we to accound in non-linear terms for the build up to 2012 Marikana strike and massacre, in a democratic context in which labour relations has supposedly become less adversarial and more workers friendly? What, in the NUM’s organisational ethos, can help us understand what happened, not as if Marikana was the expression of fundamental and untenable contradictions – class betrayal by another name, but as the result of sometimes unintended consequences of a nevertheless conscious and deliberate process aimed at organisation building and development? The main hypothesis that is put to work here is that NUM founders strategically built a centralised and efficient organisation, in order to survive in the mines’ repressive environment. This, in turn, generated tensions, which were to remain, between the grassroots and the top the organisation. In order to fulfil its organisational goals, the union also crucially invested in leadership development, at the expense of membership development. While claiming to be a socialist union that produced professional organisers and revolutionaries, the NUM nevertheless gave birth to professional negotiators who were more inclined towards negotiation than conflict. If the NUM achieved tremendous gains for workers through collective bargaining, the 2012 strikes and their aftermath have shown that mineworkers still aspire to militancy at the grassroots, and that they are ready to fight in order to transform the mining industry. This implies that the workers’ bread and butter demands are also rooted in more structural claims, which have gradually brought the “post-apartheid consensus”, which until 2012 prevailed as a shared narrative of how mining was to be democratised, into question<br>La presente tesi di dottorato si interessa del principale sindacato sudafricano il National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondato nel 1982. Partendo dai primi anni della sua creazione, che corrispondono all’ultimo decennio del regime dell’apartheid, ne ripercorre la traiettoria in quanto organizzazione sindacale nel postapartheid. L’industria mineraria impiega all’incirca mezzo milione di lavoratori in Sudafrica e la presente ricerca, avviata nell’autunno del 2009, si è svolta in parte durante gli importanti scioperi di minatori iniziati a gennaio 2012. Diverse miniere di platino visitate prima e, in alcuni casi, dopo le manifestazioni sono state protagoniste di questi eventi. Un esempio fra tutti è la miniera in cui si è perpetrato il “massacro di Marikana”. Il 16 agosto 2012, alcune unità della polizia antiterroriste hanno aperto il fuoco sui manifestanti e ucciso 34 minatori. Nonostante una repressione statale di tale violenza non si fosse più verificata dai tempi dell’apartheid, gli scioperi sono proseguiti e la situazione ha raggiunto il suo parossismo nel corso del primo semestre 2014
Books on the topic "Apartheid system; African National Congress"
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Tambo, Oliver. South Africa at the crossroads: 1987 Canon Collins Memorial Lecture. [s.n.], 1987.
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Tambo, Oliver. South Africa at the crossroads. British Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, 1988.
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Virmani, K. K. Nelson Mandela and apartheid in South Africa. Kalinga Publications, 1991.
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Mandela, Nelson. Nelson Mandela, speeches 1990: "intensify the struggle to abolish apartheid". Pathfinder, 1990.
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Richard, Rosenthal. Mission improbable: A piece of the South African story. David Philip Publishers, 1998.
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Schuringa, Kier. African National Congress papers (Lusaka and London, 1960-1991). University of the Western Cape, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Apartheid system; African National Congress"
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Onyebadi, Uche T., and Lindani Mbunyuza-Memani. "Women and South Africa's Anti-Apartheid Struggle." In African Studies. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch052.
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Credit for South Africa's liberation from the apartheid system of government under the National Party usually goes to forces within the country, especially the African National Congress under various leaders, from Oliver Tambo to Nelson Mandela. Also mentioned in the struggle for the abolition of the racist philosophy of government are the activities of independent, black-ruled countries in Africa and sympathetic nation-states, especially in Europe. Rarely highlighted are the activities of indigenous black women who operated within and outside the apartheid-ruled enclave. This chapter uses textual analysis to explore the political agitation of one such woman, Miriam Makeba, who used her music to communicate political messages that challenged the apartheid government. Makeba produced anti-apartheid songs and held performances that mobilized suppressed black South Africans to overthrow the internal colonialism imposed by the Afrikaner ruling elite. Now dead, Makeba lived to see an independent South Africa with Nelson Mandela as its first black president.
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Onyebadi, Uche T., and Lindani Mbunyuza-Memani. "Women and South Africa's Anti-Apartheid Struggle." In Advances in Media, Entertainment, and the Arts. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1986-7.ch002.
Full textAbstract:
Credit for South Africa's liberation from the apartheid system of government under the National Party usually goes to forces within the country, especially the African National Congress under various leaders, from Oliver Tambo to Nelson Mandela. Also mentioned in the struggle for the abolition of the racist philosophy of government are the activities of independent, black-ruled countries in Africa and sympathetic nation-states, especially in Europe. Rarely highlighted are the activities of indigenous black women who operated within and outside the apartheid-ruled enclave. This chapter uses textual analysis to explore the political agitation of one such woman, Miriam Makeba, who used her music to communicate political messages that challenged the apartheid government. Makeba produced anti-apartheid songs and held performances that mobilized suppressed black South Africans to overthrow the internal colonialism imposed by the Afrikaner ruling elite. Now dead, Makeba lived to see an independent South Africa with Nelson Mandela as its first black president.
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Grant, Nicholas. "Selling White Supremacy in the United States." In Winning Our Freedoms Together. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.003.0003.
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This chapter traces South African foreign policy responses to the civil rights movement in the United States. It explores how the National Party engaged with the racial politics of the Cold War in an attempt legitimize apartheid to an increasingly sceptical global audience. The National Party did not shy away from challenging negative portrayals of apartheid. In the United States, South African diplomatic officials mounted a systematic propaganda campaign to correct “misconceptions” and present the apartheid system in a positive light. Equating black protest with communist subversion, South African diplomats engaged in a deliberate and sustained effort to defend apartheid in the United States.
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"The hares, the hounds and the African National Congress: on joining the Third World in post-apartheid South Africa." In After the Third World? Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315868974-10.
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Harris, Joseph. "South Africa: Embracing National Health Insurance—In Name Only." In Achieving Access. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501709968.003.0005.
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Although a constellation of factors would seem to have predisposed South Africa to make major new commitments to expand access to healthcare after the fall of apartheid, embrace of National Health Insurance has taken place in name only more than 20 years later. The chapter suggests that this sad tragedy owes its fate paradoxically to dynamics of political competition that left the African National Congress unrivalled and unchallenged, with a strong mandate to rule. Torn between a desire for radical reform – that would destroy the medical schemes that serve a privileged few – and a more incremental and measured response that would leave them in place, amid a lack of political competition, the ruling party has opted for the status quo. And the entreaties of a professional movement have gone unanswered.
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Brown, Gavin. "Anti-apartheid solidarity in the perspectives and practices of the British far left in the 1970s and 1980s." In Waiting for the Revolution. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526113658.003.0005.
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Communists and members of the New Left were involved in the Anti-Apartheid Movement [AAM] from its origins in the Boycott Committee in the late 1950s. In its early days, the AAM welcomed support from individual communists, but was reluctant to be seen to be too close to the Communist Party. Nevertheless, members of the Communist Party of Great Britain [CPGB] played a significant role at all levels of the movement throughout its history. Fundamental to this was the relationship between the CPGB and the South African Communist Party [SACP] whose cadre played a central role in the exiled structures of the African National Congress [ANC]. In contrast to the CPGB, other left tendencies had more complicated relationships with the AAM’s leadership. This chapter examines the relationship of different far Left tendencies to the anti-apartheid struggle during the 1970s and 1980s.
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Lund, Francie. "Children, Citizenship and Child Support: The Child Support Grant in Post-Apartheid South Africa." In Registration and Recognition. British Academy, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265314.003.0019.
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In April 1998, the post-apartheid South African government introduced a monthly cash transfer for children in poor households. A requirement for getting the grant was that the birth of the child had to be registered, and the adult primary caregiver had to have the citizen identity document. The success of the system of support was contingent on the new democratic government's ability to integrate into one national welfare system what had been fragmented under apartheid into many racially separated systems; it also, ironically, built on the apartheid-era state pension delivery system. Within a decade the grant reached more than ten million children, and was associated with a rapid increase in birth registrations, marking the poorest children's first step into citizenship, and opening up the possibility of later access to other programmes and entitlements.
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Steytler, Nico. "The Withering Away of Politically Salient Territorial Cleavages in South Africa and the Emergence of Watermark Ethnic Federalism." In Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836544.003.0012.
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This chapter examines how a stable, legitimate, and highly regarded constitutional dispensation has successfully withered away the political salience of territorial cleavages in South Africa and paved the way for a stronger form of ethnic federalism. It first explains the context that led to South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy before discussing the period of constitutional engagement in 1990–96, focusing on the deal between the National Party (NP) and the African National Congress (ANC) that resulted in the adoption of an interim Constitution in December 1993. It also explores the constitutional provisions that sought to address the demands of the right-wing Afrikaners and the Zulu nationalists, along with the ratification of the final Constitution in 1996. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the outcome of the South African constitutional settlement and the important lessons that can be drawn from the unmaking of territorial politics in the country.
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Solomon, Hussein. "South Africa: Understanding South Africa’s confused and ineffective response to terrorism." In Non-Western responses to terrorism. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.003.0019.
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This chapter explores why the South African government’s responses to terrorism are confused and ineffective. A significant contributing factor is that the African National Congress (ANC), which has governed the country since the end of apartheid in 1994, was a former liberation movement who themselves were labelled `terrorist’ by Ronald Reagan’s United States and Margaret Thatcher’s Britain. While in exile, the ANC had forged close ties with other similarly labelled groups and these strong bonds have endured. This historical legacy negatively impacts the formulation and implementation of current counter-terrorism policies. What the ANC government needs to understand is that the nature of the terrorist threat has radically morphed in the past few decades, from terrorist movements pursuing limited political goals to religious terrorist movements with global pretensions and absolutely no possibility of compromise.
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Inman, Robert P., and Daniel L. Rubinfeld. "Mandela’s Federal Democracy." In Democratic Federalism. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691202129.003.0010.
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This chapter studies the central role that the institutions of Democratic Federalism played in South Africa's transition from apartheid to a multiracial democracy, one of the most important political events of the last century. While both apartheid's governing National Party (NP) and the resistance's African National Congress (ANC) agreed that the century of suppression and armed resistance must end, negotiations over exactly how the new democratic government should be designed were far from harmonious. The NP wished to protect the economic interests of the once-ruling elite and rural landowners, while the ANC was committed to a significant expansion of essential public services for the poor: health care, education, and housing. In the background was a desire to avoid the damaging consequences of Zimbabwe's monolithic unitary government, a concern for both the ANC and the NP. They compromised on a middle ground of shared governance with politically independent provincial and metropolitan governments constitutionally assigned to provide all important local services, and a separately elected national parliament and president responsible for setting the overall rate of taxation and funding for local services. The federal compromise has worked, so far, to the economic benefit of most South Africans.