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Journal articles on the topic 'Apartheid system; African National Congress'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Barbosa Filho, Evandro Alves, and Ana Cristina de Souza Vieira. "ANALISANDO A TRANSIÇÃO DA ÁFRICA DO SUL À DEMOCRACIA: neoliberalismo, transformismo e restauração capitalista." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 1 (2020): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n1p328-346.

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Desde 1994 a África do Sul pôs fim à sua estrutura oficial de segregação, baseada na ultra exploração da força de trabalho negra e na total segregação racial: o Apartheid. Embora esse sistema tenha acabado e o país seja governado pelo antigo movimento de libertação nacional, o African National Congress (ANC), as desigualdades sociais se aprofundaram. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os processos políticos que condicionaram a transição Sul-africana do Apartheid à democracia. A pesquisa tem natureza qualitativa e foi realizada por meio de revisão bibliográfica da sociologia crítica sulafricana

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2

Brauns, Melody, and Anne Stanton. "Governance of the public health sector during Apartheid: The case of South Africa." Journal of Governance and Regulation 5, no. 1 (2016): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v5_i1_p3.

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The healthcare system that the African National Congress (ANC) government inherited in 1994 can hardly be described as functional. Indeed the new government had inherited a combination of deliberate official policy, discriminatory legislation and at times blatant neglect. This paper presents an overview of the evolution of the healthcare system in South Africa. The structures set up under apartheid had implications for provision of public healthcare to South Africans and reveals how governance structures, systems and processes set up during apartheid had implications for the provision of publi

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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime ag

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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa’s Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1 (2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1.2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime ag

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5

Stapleton, T. J., and M. Maamoe. "An Overview of the African National Congress Archives at the University of Fort Hare." History in Africa 25 (1998): 413–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172197.

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Located in the small town of Alice in South Africa's Eastern Cape Province, the University of Fort Hare (UFH) was established in 1916 and for many years was the only institution of higher education in sub-equatorial Africa which was open to black students. Therefore, among Fort Hare's alumni are well-known African nationalists and politicians such as Oliver Tambo and Govan Mbeki of the African National Congress (ANC); Robert Sobukwe, who founded the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC); Mangosuthu Buthelezi of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP); Eluid Mathu, who was the first African member of the Kenya

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Allo, Awol K. "The Courtroom as a Site of Epistemic Resistance: Mandela at Rivonia." Law, Culture and the Humanities 16, no. 1 (2016): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872116643274.

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The 1963–64 trial of Nelson Mandela and other leading members of the liberation movement was a political trial par excellence. In the courtroom, the Apartheid government was trying the accused for the crime of sabotage but in the court of public opinion, it was using the event of the trial to produce images and ideas aimed at slandering and discrediting the African National Congress (ANC) and the movement for a free and democratic South Africa. The defendants, on their part, used their trial to denounce the racist policies of Apartheid and to outline their vision of a post-Apartheid society. I

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7

Dintwe, Setlhomamaru. "The African National Congress Led Government's (In)ability to Counter Public Corruption: A Forensic Criminological Perspective." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 1, no. 2 (2012): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v1i2.27.

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Since the advent of democracy in 1994, there has been a myriad of incidents of corruption involving the public servants in South Africa. Equally so, the government led by the African National Congress have developed various mechanisms aimed at dealing with the problem of corruption. The incidents of corruption, characterized by colossal thefts, embezzlements and rampant bribery are the basis of erudition around the ability of the African National Congress led government in dealing with corruption. Although this article acknowledges the presence of corruption during the apartheid era, its crux

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Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.

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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a sep

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9

Alhadeff, Vic. "Journalism during South Africa's apartheid regime." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (2018): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5924.

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Vic Alhadeff was chief sub-editor of The Cape Times, Cape Town’s daily newspaper, during the apartheid era. It was a staunchly anti-apartheid newspaper, and the government had enacted a draconian system of laws to govern and restrict what media could say. The effect was that anti-apartheid activists such as Mandela were not 'merely’ imprisoned, they were also banned, as was the African National Congress. Under the law, it was illegal to quote a banned person or organisation. This meant if there was to be an anti-apartheid rally in the city – and we reported it – it could be construed as promot

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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT, and BENEDICT CARTON. "ALBERT LUTHULI'S PRIVATE STRUGGLE: HOW AN ICON OF PEACE CAME TO ACCEPT SABOTAGE IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 59, no. 1 (2018): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853717000718.

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AbstractIn December 1961, Albert Luthuli, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), arrived in Oslo to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. Journalists in Norway noted how apartheid crackdowns failed to poison the new laureate's ‘courteous’ commitment to nonviolence. The press never reported Luthuli's acceptance that saboteurs in an armed wing, Umkhonto weSizwe (MK or Spear of the Nation), would now fight for freedom. Analyzing recently available evidence, this article challenges a prevailing claim that Luthuli always promoted peace regardless of state authorities who nearly beat him to death a

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Amoah, Christopher, Kahilu Kajimo-Shakantu, and Tanya van Schalkwyk. "The empirical reality of project management failures in the construction of social housing projects in South Africa." Journal of Facilities Management 18, no. 4 (2020): 417–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfm-04-2020-0018.

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Purpose The concept of government reconstruction development programme (RDP) social housing in South Africa was rolled out in 1994 after the African National Congress Government came to power when the apartheid rule was abolished. The main aim of the government was to enhance the lifestyles of the poor in society through the provision of houses that they could not afford in the open market. However, many concerns have been reported about the social housing project in terms of poor project implementation and the delivery of deliverables that do not befit the need of the end-users. This study ai

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(Freddy) Reddy, G. V. "Group-Analytic Work with the African National Congress." Group Analysis 26, no. 2 (1993): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0533316493262010.

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During the years of apartheid many young black South Africans fled to neighbouring states and joined the African National Congress. Psychological disturbances surfaced and the ANC appealed for voluntary professional help. The author describes how for ten years (1979-89), as an ANC member and psychiatrist living in Norway, he spent part of each year in ANC camps and schools helping the newly-built health teams with psychiatric expertise.

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REDDEN, THOMAS J. "THE US COMPREHENSIVE ANTI-APARTHEID ACT OF 1986: ANTI-APARTHEID OR ANTI-AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS?" African Affairs 87, no. 349 (1988): 595–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098093.

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14

Reed, Wm Cyrus, Sheridan Johns, and R. Hunt Davis. "Mandela, Tambo, and the African National Congress: The Struggle against Apartheid, 1948-1990." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 2 (1991): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219832.

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Rudakoff, Judith. "Somewhere, Over the Rainbow: White-Female-Canadian Dramaturge in Cape Town." TDR/The Drama Review 48, no. 1 (2004): 126–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420404772990745.

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In post-apartheid South Africa, economic inequity between the races, street violence, rivalries between the African National Congress and the Inkatha Freedom Party, and the AIDS pandemic continue to vex the nation. In this context, the larger narratives of apartheid and colonialism are joined by personal narratives of individual discovery. The result is theatre that is finding new forms, performance situations, and audiences.

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Sanders, A. J. G. M. "The Freedom Charter and Ethnicity— towards a Communitarian South African Society." Journal of African Law 33, no. 1 (1989): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008020.

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At national as well as international level the South African Freedom Charter has become a symbol of the long-standing struggle against apartheid. In this essay the emphasis will be on the charter's provisions relating to ethnicity. The question of ethnicity is a crucial one, for on its solution depends the outcome of the economic and other social problems which trouble South African society.The 1955 Freedom Charter, which was the outcome of a joint venture of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), the South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People's Organisation and the pred

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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of

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Heard, Anthony Hazlitt. "How I was fired." Index on Censorship 16, no. 10 (1987): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228708534328.

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Former editor of the Cape Times, who was awarded the International Federation of Newspaper Publishers’ Golden Pen of Freedom in 1986 after his interview with banned leader of the African National Congress Oliver Tambo, speaks about 16 years of editing under apartheid, and his dismissal in August

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Graham, Matthew. "Finding Foreign Policy: Researching in Five South African Archives." History in Africa 37 (2010): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0026.

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The turbulent modern history of South Africa, which includes notable events such as the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the banning and exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), and the dramatic transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, has drawn academics from a number of fields to studying the nation from a variety of angles. Two such topics which have attracted scholarly attention are the foreign policy of South Africa both during apartheid, and subsequently after its demise in 1994, and the multi faceted activities of the liberation

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Horáková, Hana. "Challenges to Political Cosmopolitanism: The Impact of Racialised Discourses in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.248.

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One of the key challenges of post-apartheid South Africa has been the need to create a South African “nation.” The efforts of the leading African National Congress started with Nelson Mandela’s reconciliatory discourse of a “rainbow nation,” via Thabo Mbeki’s concept of the African Renaissance, to the current stream of racial nationalism articulated as “Africanisation.” The present article attempts to examine the dilemma which the ANC as the major custodian of nation-building has been facing since the 1990s: how to reach a balance between a civic nationalism based on cosmopolitan values and th

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Thomson, Alex. "Incomplete Engagement: Reagan's South Africa policy Revisited." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (1995): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020863.

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Events in Southern Africa during the early 1990s have re-opened a debate over the effectiveness of the Reagan Administration's policy of ‘Constructive Engagement’. This was a controversy that had previously been laid to rest with the US Congress passing its Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act in October 1986, since the ensuing punitive sanctions imposed by the enactment of this legislation scuttled Ronald Reagan's strategy of using friendly persuasion to encourage the South African Government away from its practice of apartheid. Yet, with hindsight, it may appear that the President's method of dr

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Einarsdóttir, Jónína. "Iceland’s Involvement in the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, no. 1 (2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5.

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The transnational anti-apartheid movement was heavily motivated by the postwar emphasis on human rights and decolonisation, and challenged by Cold War politics and economic interests. The aim of this article is to examine Iceland’s involvement in the anti-apartheid struggles with focus on the establishment of the unified anti-apartheid movement SAGA (Suður-Afríkusamtökin gegn apartheid), its organisation and activities. What were the motives of SAGA’s activists and their subjective experiences? The political background in Iceland is outlined as well as a historical overview of anti-apartheid a

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Pfister, Roger. "Gateway to international victory: the diplomacy of the African National Congress in Africa, 1960–1994." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (2003): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004147.

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The African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa extended the struggle against apartheid into the international arena when it was banned in 1960. This aspect of its policy became crucial and remained paramount until South Africa's first democratic elections were held in 1994. This paper focuses on the ANC's attempts to secure the support of the community of African states, and singles out three themes that were dominant in the period under review, namely acceptance by the African states; the modus operandi of their assistance; and their role in the negotiation process. The findings are base

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Ejiogu, EC. "Post-Liberation South Africa: Sorting Out the Pieces." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (2012): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428041.

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The written history and narratives of the anti-apartheid liberation struggle in South Africa has been cast, albeit erroneously, as if it was waged and won solely by the African National Congress (ANC), its ally the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the three alliance partners that have held the reins of state power since the first multi-racial democratic elections in 1994. The truth is that the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania, the Azania People’s Organization (AZAPO), the New Unity Movement (NUMO), and several other liberatio

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Lauer, Meryl. "Dancing for the Nation: Ballet Diplomacy and Transnational Politics in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Dance Research Journal 50, no. 3 (2018): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767718000384.

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This article argues that nationalism and international diplomacy are embodied practices, as evidenced through the movement of international ballet dancers in South Africa. Under the apartheid regime, South African professional ballet received generous support from governmental sources. Since the transition to democracy, professional ballet companies have utilized creative strategies to court new sources of support including that of the ruling African National Congress. A key move in this campaign has been “ballet diplomacy” with Cuba—the transnational circulation of dancers, teachers, techniqu

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Kibble, Steve, and Ray Bush. "Reform of Apartheid and Continued Destabilisation in Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 2 (1986): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00006856.

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Continuous pressure against the South African Government has led to what previously seemed unthinkable: the reform of apartheid. Strikes from 1973 onwards, the Soweto revolt in 1976, the increasing resistance from school and consumer boycotts, the strengthening black trade-union movement and mass political organisations, and the unceasing campaign by the African National Congress, have led the State President, P. W. Botha, to declare in early 1986 that apartheid in its present form cannot be maintained, despite strong reactions from sections of Afrikaner interests. Many of the structures thoug

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Reddy, Thiven. "The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270493.

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Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a

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Moyer-Duncan, Cara. "Resistance documentaries in post-apartheid South Africa: Dear Mandela (Kell and Nizza, 2012) and Miners Shot Down (Desai, 2014)." Journal of African Cinemas 11, no. 1 (2019): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00004_1.

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During apartheid, a documentary film movement emerged, capturing ordinary people taking on the oppressive government and the exploitative capitalist industry. People were shown at work and in their communities organizing strikes, protesting against repression, and being subjected to violence. This grassroots film movement, which has been described as a cinema of resistance, served as a tool to educate viewers, document violence and inequality, and mobilize support against the apartheid regime. Two decades after the end of apartheid, a similar set of resistance films has begun to emerge – with

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Paret, Marcel. "Beyond post-apartheid politics? Cleavages, protest and elections in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (2018): 471–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000319.

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AbstractDeclining electoral support for South Africa's ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), suggests a potential weakening of the anti-apartheid nationalism that defined the immediate post-apartheid period. Using two surveys of voters in primarily poor and working-class black areas, conducted during the 2014 (national) and 2016 (local) elections, as well as three case studies of protest by workers, poor communities and students, this article examines the social cleavages and political dynamics that underpinned deepening political competition. Results show that voting decisions va

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van Wyk, Anna-Mart. "Apartheid's Bomb and Regional Liberation: Cold War Perspectives." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00855.

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South Africa had a small, highly classified nuclear weapons program that produced a small but potent nuclear arsenal. At the end of the 1980s, as South Africa was nearing a transition to black majority rule, the South African government destroyed its nuclear arsenal and its research facilities connected with nuclear armaments and ballistic missiles. This article, based on archival research in the United States and South Africa, shows that the South African nuclear weapons program has to be understood in the context of the Cold War battlefield that southern Africa became in the mid-1970s. The a

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Powers, Theodore. "Echoes of austerity." Focaal 2019, no. 83 (2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.830102.

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South Africa’s post-apartheid era has been marked by the continuation of racialized socioeconomic inequality, a social situation produced by earlier periods of settlement, colonization, and apartheid. While the ruling African National Congress has pursued a transformative political agenda, it has done so within the confines of neoliberal macroeconomic policy, including a period of fiscal austerity, which has had limited impact on poverty and inequality. Here, I explore how policy principles associated with austerity travel across time, space, and the levels of the state in South Africa, eventu

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Fubah, Mathias Alubafi. "The changing nature of statues and monuments in Tshwane (Pretoria) South Africa." Ethnography 21, no. 4 (2018): 438–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138118815515.

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This paper examines the changing nature of statues and monuments in post-apartheid South Africa with special focus on newly constructed statues and monuments at the Groenkloof Nature Reserve (GNR) in Tshwane. The paper highlights the extraordinary fascination of the African National Congress (ANC) government with statues and monuments in honour of anti-colonial and anti-apartheid icons. It demonstrates that by embarking on the construction of statues and monuments in honour of struggle icons, these icons have become the embodiment of a new iconography for South Africa. More importantly, the pa

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Southall, Roger. "Polarization in South Africa: Toward Democratic Deepening or Democratic Decay?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (2018): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218806913.

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Under apartheid, white oppression of the black majority was extreme, and South Africa became one of the most highly polarized countries in the world. Confronted by a counter-movement headed by the African National Congress (ANC), the ruling National Party (NP) was eventually pressured into a negotiation process that resulted in the adoption of a democratic constitution. This article outlines how democratization defused polarization, but was to be hollowed out by the ANC’s construction of a “party-state,” politicizing democratic institutions and widening social inequalities. This is stoking pol

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de Cock, Wessel. "‘Wij waren nette mensen, wij gooiden geen stenen’ : De discussie over de solidariteit met gewelddadig verzet tegen apartheid in de eerste Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging: het Comité Zuid-Afrika (1960-1971)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (2020): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.004.deco.

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Abstract ‘We were fine people; we did not throw stones.’ Debates in the early Dutch anti-apartheid movement about solidarity with violent resistance to apartheid in South-AfricaIn 1956 the first Dutch anti-apartheid movement, the Comité Zuid-Afrika (CZA), was found. Following the example of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, the CZA modelled itself as a politically representative moderate movement that was based on solidarity with the oppressed black population in South-Africa. As this article shows, the meaning of this solidarity became fiercely contested within the movement after the Afric

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Powers, Theodore. "Knowledge practices, waves and verticality: Tracing HIV/AIDS activism from late apartheid to the present in South Africa." Critique of Anthropology 37, no. 1 (2017): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x16671788.

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As the South African HIV/AIDS epidemic enters its fourth decade, universal access to treatment has begun to extend the lives of people living with HIV/AIDS. While the South Africa’s ruling party – the African National Congress – has seized on improved health to bolster their political profile, the key agitators in producing this outcome were South African HIV/AIDS activists. Narrative accounts of the extended initiative have focused on the organisations that led the campaign for treatment access, such as the Treatment Access Campaign. Reflecting present trends in social movement theory, the em

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Saul, JohnS. "The hares, the hounds and the African National Congress: on joining the Third World in post-apartheid South Africa." Third World Quarterly 25, no. 1 (2004): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0143659042000185345.

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Twala, Chitja. "The African National Congress (ANC) and the Construction of Collective Memory and Its impact in the Post-apartheid Era." Journal of Social Sciences 41, no. 2 (2014): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2014.11893351.

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Tetlák, Örs. "Választások és politikai szereplők a Dél-afrikai Köztársaságban." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 3-4. (2020): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.3-4.1.

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After the wasted decade of the Zuma presidency, Cyril Ramaphosa promised a renewal in South Africa in 2018. The post-state capture condition of the former economic and moral champion of the continent did not favor to regain either the confidence of the voters or of the investors. While the country had been prepairing for the sixth free general elections (25 years after the fall of the apartheid-regime), most of the domestic socio-economic problems remained unsolved. Inequality, unemployment, education, corruption, land reform and provision of public services are still the most important topics

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Badru, Pade. "Not Yet Uhuru: The Unfinished Revolution in Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (2012): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428053.

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In Kwandiwe Kondlo’s In the Twilight of the Revolution (2009), which examines the role of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania in South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle as the backdrop, this article surveys the momentum of social revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa during the decolonization era that started in the mid-20th century and ended with South Africa’s transition to a multi-racial democracy in 1994. It argues that the failure of the African elite to achieve a genuine independence from both colonial rule and South Africa’s apartheid system is largely because of inconsistent national

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Goodwin, Jeff. ""The Struggle Made Me a Nonracialist": Why There was so Little Terrorism in the Antiapartheid Struggle." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 2 (2007): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.2.c27p720k825u3636.

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Most theories of terrorism would lead one to have expected high levels of antiwhite terrorism in apartheid South Africa. Yet the African National Congress, the country's most important and influential antiapartheid political organization, never sanctioned terrorism against the dominant white minority. I argue that the ANC eschewed terrorism because of its commitment to "nonracial internationalism." From the ANC's perspective, to have carried out a campaign of indiscriminate or "categorical" terrorism against whites would have alienated actual and potential white allies both inside and outside

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Brooks, Heidi, Trevor Ngwane, and Carin Runciman. "Decolonising and re-theorising the meaning of democracy: A South African perspective." Sociological Review 68, no. 1 (2019): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119878097.

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Historically and today, social movements have often been at the forefront of envisioning the content of democracy. Although democracy itself is a contested concept, in general, definitions and measures of democracy are often drawn from the canon and experiences of the global North. Contributing to the growing decolonisation movement in the social sciences, this article examines understandings of democracy in the context of post-apartheid South Africa. It considers how ordinary people conceptualise democracy through an examination of its understanding in isiZulu, one of South Africa’s most domi

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Andreasson, Stefan. "The African national congress and its critics: ‘predatory liberalism’, black empowerment and intra-alliance tensions in post-apartheid South Africa." Democratization 13, no. 2 (2006): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340500524018.

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Rassool, Ciraj, and Leslie Witz. "The 1952 Jan Van Riebeeck Tercentenary Festival: Constructing and Contesting Public National History in South Africa." Journal of African History 34, no. 3 (1993): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033752.

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For all approaches to the South African past the icon of Jan Van Riebeeck looms large. Perspectives supportive of the political project of white domination created and perpetuate the icon as the bearer of civilization to the sub-continent and its source of history. Opponents of racial oppression have portrayed Van Riebeeck as public (history) enemy number one of the South African national past. Van Riebeeck remains the figure around which South Africa's history is made and contested.But this has not always been the case. Indeed up until the 1950s, Van Riebeeck appeared only in passing in schoo

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Powers, Theodore. "Authoritarian Violence, Public Health, and the Necropolitical State: Engaging the South African Response to COVID-19." Open Anthropological Research 1, no. 1 (2021): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opan-2020-0105.

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Abstract Following COVID-19’s arrival in March 2020, the South African government implemented a restrictive state-led response to the pandemic, limiting infections along with the survival strategies of those at greatest risk of illness. While the country’s aggressive tactics towards the pandemic have been lauded by some, the public health response has taken a violent turn towards the country’s historically marginalized Black urban population. How are we to make sense of the ruling African National Congress’ decision to utilize the South African state’s capacity for violence towards poor and wo

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Tyali, Siyasanga M. "Re-reading the Propaganda and Counter-Propaganda History of South Africa: On the African National Congress’ (ANC) Anti-Apartheid Radio Freedom." Critical Arts 34, no. 4 (2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2020.1725585.

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Engel, Ulf. "Zupta's Next Nightmare: The South African Local Government Elections of 3 August 2016." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (2016): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100207.

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On 3 August 2016 South Africa held its fifth local government elections (LGE) since the end of Apartheid in 1994. Against a backdrop of increasing political frustration with the ruling party's poor performance and continued debates about corruption and cronyism in the highest government circles, the African National Congress (ANC) maintained its dominant position but lost 8 per cent of the aggregate vote (53.91 per cent). The Democratic Alliance (DA) gained some 3 per cent (26.89 per cent) of the vote, and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), first-time LGE campaigners, garnered 8.02 per cent.

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Singh, Sachil Flores. "Social sorting as ‘social transformation’: Credit scoring and the reproduction of populations as risks in South Africa." Security Dialogue 46, no. 4 (2015): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010615582125.

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In this article, I show that credit scoring, although not explicitly designed as a security device, enacts (in)security in South Africa. By paying attention to a brief history of state-implemented social categories, we see how the dawn of political democracy in 1994 marked an embrace of – not opposition to – their inheritance by the African National Congress. The argument is placed within a theoretical framework that dovetails David Lyon’s popularization of ‘social sorting’ with an extension of Harold Wolpe’s understanding of apartheid and capitalism. This bridging between Lyon and Wolpe is de

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Eidelberg, P. "Guerrilla Warfare and the Decline of Urban Apartheid: The Shaping of a New African Middle Class and the Transformation of the African National Congress (1975-1985)." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 19, no. 1 (1999): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-19-1-53.

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Munyeka, Wiza. "Organizational Diversity Management and Job Satisfaction among Public Servants." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 6, no. 6 (2014): 438–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v6i6.506.

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The world-wide shift in demographics, changing immigration patterns and social change are all factors that affect the work environment. (Brevis & Vrba, 2014: 194). The demands of globalization, technological innovation, economic imperatives, ecological sensitivity and the need for sustainable development are the challenges that business organizations worldwide face in order to survive. From the human perspective the challenges are about socio-political transformation and especially about managing and celebrating diversity (Magretta, 1999). The diversity aspect of the topic is an important

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Marsling, Steve, and Chris Smith. "London Recruits: How a story of anti-apartheid activism can serve teachers today." FORUM 63, no. 2 (2021): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/forum.2021.63.2.12.

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This year sees the release of London Recruits, a film chronicling the anti-apartheid activism of young men and women volunteers who, from 1967, travelled from the UK to South Africa. The recruits were invaluable to the campaigning work of the African National Congress and the wider international anti-apartheid movement because as white tourists, which is all the South African authorities saw them as, they were free to travel unmonitored in ways impossible for black citizens. To coincide with the release of the film, an education pack, comprising the testimonies of the recruits as well as other

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