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1

Holt, Philip. "Herakles' Apotheosis in Lost Greek Literature and Art." L'antiquité classique 61, no. 1 (1992): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1992.1130.

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2

Lopes, Antonio Orlando Dourado. "Heracles's weariness and apotheosis in Classical Greek art." Synthesis 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): e042. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/1851779xe042.

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In this paper, I propose a general interpretation of images showing the physical exhaustion and apotheosis of Heracles that were produced during the Classical period. These images appear on or take the form of coins, jewels, vase paintings, and sculptures. Building on the major scholarly work on the subject since the late 19th century, I suggest that the iconography of Heracles shows the influence of new religious and philosophical conceptions of his myth, in particular relating to Pythagoreanism, Orphism, and mystery cults, as well as the intellectual climate of 5th century Athens. Rather than appearing as an example of infinite toil and excess in the manner of earlier literary and iconographic representations, Heracles is presented in the Classical period as a model of virtue and self-restraint and a symbol of the triumph of merit over adversity and divine persecution.
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3

Kovács, Imre. "The Apotheosis of Beethoven in Danhauser’s Painting Liszt at the Piano." Studia Musicologica 55, no. 1-2 (June 2014): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2014.55.1-2.8.

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This paper examines a painting by the prominent Biedermeier painter Josef Danhauser, Liszt at the Piano, a unique visual document of the Romantic generation’s cultic relationship and collective memory surrounding the virtually holy predecessor, Beethoven. It demonstrates the Beethoven reverence of (1) the commissioner Conrad Graf, a piano maker, who gave an instrument to Beethoven, (2) the painter Danhauser, who took the death mask of the German composer, and (3) Liszt, who considered himself the artistic heir to Beethoven. Although it is a well-known and thoroughly researched painting, its re-examination is still worthwhile. Focusing on aspects of cultural history, the contemporary reception of the painting should be reconsidered from a synthesizing point of view utilizing the results of art historical iconography and musicology. As a kind of cultural study, the paper attempts to demonstrate the background and motives that lead to the creation of the painting. I shall place the painting in the wider context of the history of ideas which is represented by the art-religious experience Liszt and his Paris companions gained from Beethoven’s music. An evaluation of the narrower, historical background — the Beethoven cult triggered by the piano concerts given by Liszt in Vienna in 1839–1840 — will also be discussed.
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4

Colerick, Edward. "Samuel Beckett and the Death of Representation: Rockaby, Ill Seen Ill Said and Worstward Ho." Prace Literaturoznawcze, no. 8 (December 1, 2020): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/10.31648/pl.5663.

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The article explores not only the link between Samuel Beckett’s final two novellas and the late drama but also seeks to demonstrate the author’s intent on stripping away the symbolism and imagery within his work in order to expose a life lived through the prism of representation; and, finally, to use his art to suggest something of the ‘real’ beneath the representational world. In this way the article demonstrates that the apotheosis of Beckett’s entire oeuvre is to reduce his narrative and dramas to a single work which finds its most comprehensive embodiment in his final novella: Worstward Ho.
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5

ANDERSON, LAURA. "Musique concrète, French New Wave cinema, and Jean Cocteau'sLe Testament d'Orphée(1960)." Twentieth-Century Music 12, no. 2 (August 26, 2015): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572215000031.

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AbstractJean Cocteau (1889–1963) is recognized as one of France's most well-known film directors, directing six films over a thirty-year period. This article argues that his film soundscapes occupy a unique position in the history of French film sound, providing a key link between contemporary experimentation in art music and the sonic experimentation of the New Wave filmmakers. This argument is best exemplified byLe Testament d'Orphée(1960), which represents the apotheosis of Cocteau's artistic output as well as the stage at which he was most confident in handling the design of a film soundscape. Indeed, Cocteau was comfortable with the selection and arrangement of sonic elements to the extent that his regular collaborator Georges Auric became almost dispensable. Nevertheless, Auric's willing support enriched the final film and Cocteau created a highly self-reflexive work through his arrangement of the composer's music with pre-existing musical borrowings. Cocteau's engagement with contemporary developments in film and art music can be heard throughout this film, highlighting his position as a poet simultaneously establishing himself in the canon of art and looking to the future.
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6

Liu, Annie (Yen-Ling). "Listening as gazing: Synaesthesia and the double apotheosis in Franz Liszt’s Hunnenschlacht." Studia Musicologica 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 379–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.54.2013.4.4.

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Among Franz Liszt’s symphonic poems, Hunnenschlacht (“The Battle of the Huns,” 1857) and Von der Wiege bis zum Grabe (“From the Cradle to the Grave,” 1883) were inspired by the visual arts. With these works, Liszt attempted to translate painterly figurations into music; this intention is particularly embodied in his symphonic transformation of Wilhelm Kaulbach’s monumental fresco, Hunnenschlacht. Liszt was attracted by the idea of religious devotion and at the same time identified himself with the Huns. This paper considers the ways in which Liszt expressed the narrative plot and imitated the visual qualities of the Hunnenschlacht fresco by deploying innovative instrumental techniques and a progressive formal structure. This work illustrates Liszt’s interest in combining different art forms, and the prominent use of an apotheosis is an expression of the Beethovenian symphonic model. Liszt shared with early-nineteenth-century Romantics such as E. T. A. Hoffmann an interest in synaesthesia, associating colors with sounds. In Hunnenschlacht, he used the graphic illustration of the fresco as his primary source, yet he also attempted to convey the various tone colors associated with the figures. This interpretative process is explained in his preface to the score, in which Liszt describes the lights and colors associated with the Huns, the Romans, and the Cross. The peculiar treatment of instrumentation, including the use of wooden and sponge drum sticks, organ, unusual combinations of instruments, and an audacious treatment of dynamics, vibrantly depict the distinct colors or lights that envelop the principal figures in the painting.
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7

Bezzubova, O. V., P. A. Dvoinikova, and A. V. Smirnov. "School in the Soviet Painting of the 1950s: Pictorial Representation of Ideological Strategie." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, no. 4 (December 29, 2020): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-4-16-158-169.

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The main issue the paper concerns is the theoretical and cultural interpretation of the 1940- 1950s social realist art depicting the Soviet school. The study advocates for a closer attention of cultural studies to the intertwining phenomena of Soviet mundanity and politically-charged painting. Hypothetically, the interconnection could be attributed to the transformation of the Soviet culture as a whole, with the pedagogical model of Soviet school as one key institutional elements. As Soviet art represented the state political project, each topic and body served some ideological needs. Thus, the paper aims at clarifying the cultural functions school art played. The analysis is dedicated to the post-WW2 canvases, to the period of the late 1940s‒1950s in particular due to the basic shifts in socialist realist painting both in terms of form and essence, which paralleled social and political transformations. The visual studies’ approach to artistic objects adopted by the authors serves as methodological contribution to cultural studies closely connected to political history, as it highlights the ideological sources of Soviet school painting and implicit pedagogical strategies designed to implement the Soviet social policy. The article provides the examples of the most significant paintings concerning the issue. The study has revealed that the era of school art combined a significant feature of early Soviet art – monumental pathos (however, deprived of motifs connected with the Great patriotic war and the 1917 revolution) – with micro-level mundane topics, mostly labour episodes. What is particular about school as such a topic is the role this institution played in the Soviet anthropologic project. As early stages of education are proved to be the most efficient in accelerating a new type of a socialist person, a future Soviet worker, the school realm was the base of value and practices indoctrination. The state policy translated the societal needs and purposes into the art. Having examined the key ideological concepts of the Soviet culture being inherent in Soviet school painting, certain functions were discovered. School is firstly depicted just as a background of state apotheosis. Secondly, it is perceived as a sacral locus where one becomes a Soviet person is both rituals and practices. Thirdly, school art is used to explain the novel principles of constructing a new person – personal approaches combined with growing group responsibility. And, finally, all that contributes to depicting the character traits which pupils was supposed to develop at school.
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8

Bezzubova, O. V., P. A. Dvoinikova, and A. V. Smirnov. "School in the Soviet Painting of the 1950s: Pictorial Representation of Ideological Strategie." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, no. 4 (December 29, 2020): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-4-16-158-169.

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The main issue the paper concerns is the theoretical and cultural interpretation of the 1940- 1950s social realist art depicting the Soviet school. The study advocates for a closer attention of cultural studies to the intertwining phenomena of Soviet mundanity and politically-charged painting. Hypothetically, the interconnection could be attributed to the transformation of the Soviet culture as a whole, with the pedagogical model of Soviet school as one key institutional elements. As Soviet art represented the state political project, each topic and body served some ideological needs. Thus, the paper aims at clarifying the cultural functions school art played. The analysis is dedicated to the post-WW2 canvases, to the period of the late 1940s‒1950s in particular due to the basic shifts in socialist realist painting both in terms of form and essence, which paralleled social and political transformations. The visual studies’ approach to artistic objects adopted by the authors serves as methodological contribution to cultural studies closely connected to political history, as it highlights the ideological sources of Soviet school painting and implicit pedagogical strategies designed to implement the Soviet social policy. The article provides the examples of the most significant paintings concerning the issue. The study has revealed that the era of school art combined a significant feature of early Soviet art – monumental pathos (however, deprived of motifs connected with the Great patriotic war and the 1917 revolution) – with micro-level mundane topics, mostly labour episodes. What is particular about school as such a topic is the role this institution played in the Soviet anthropologic project. As early stages of education are proved to be the most efficient in accelerating a new type of a socialist person, a future Soviet worker, the school realm was the base of value and practices indoctrination. The state policy translated the societal needs and purposes into the art. Having examined the key ideological concepts of the Soviet culture being inherent in Soviet school painting, certain functions were discovered. School is firstly depicted just as a background of state apotheosis. Secondly, it is perceived as a sacral locus where one becomes a Soviet person is both rituals and practices. Thirdly, school art is used to explain the novel principles of constructing a new person – personal approaches combined with growing group responsibility. And, finally, all that contributes to depicting the character traits which pupils was supposed to develop at school.
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9

Adler, Kathleen. "THE APOTHEOSIS OF DEGAS." Art History 13, no. 1 (March 1990): 118–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.1990.tb00382.x.

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10

Rattigan, Neil. "Apotheosis of the Ocker." Journal of Popular Film and Television 15, no. 4 (January 1988): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01956051.1988.9944096.

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11

Cole, Spencer. "Cicero, Ennius, and the Concept of Apotheosis at Rome." Arethusa 39, no. 3 (2006): 531–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2006.0023.

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12

Eisenfeld, Hanne. "Geryon the Hero, Herakles the God." Journal of Hellenic Studies 138 (2018): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007542691800006x.

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AbstractThis paper re-evaluates the narrative roles occupied by Geryon and Herakles in Stesichoros’ Geryoneis in the light of contemporary thinking about Herakles’ apotheosis. It proposes that Stesichoros activates his audience's awareness of Herakles’ fated divinity in order to reframe the hero versus monster encounter not as a duel between two mortal heroes – the usual interpretation – but as a showdown between a hero and a god. This reorientation destabilizes an audience's sympathies and self-identification, forcing a re-evaluation of the nature of both heroism and humanity. Following a discussion of the potential narrative roles in play, the prominence of Herakles’ apotheosis in the sixth century and its salience for Stesichoros’ audience is established. The apotheosis is then applied as a complementary lens to the long-recognized Iliadic intertexts in a reinterpretation of the encounter between Geryon and Herakles on Erytheia. Finally, the use of the apotheosis as a lens for interpreting two fragments beyond Erytheia is considered.
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13

Schachter, Bony B. "Material Apotheosis: The Editions of the Divine Pivot Ready to Hand and the Ritual Underpinnings of Zhu Quan’s Divine Authorship." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 73, no. 3 (October 31, 2020): 467–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2020.00021.

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ABSTRACTThis contribution argues that Zhu Quan’s (1378–1448) apotheosis must be interpreted as a paratextual discourse on authorship. Substantiating this claim, this article discusses how the extant editions of the Divine Pivot Ready to Hand construct the king’s divine authorship. In its three sections, the article examines the physical, paratextual and ritual dimensions of his apotheosis. Focusing on the last chapter of the Pivot, it demonstrates that calendars serve as a material cum textual media through which to posit Zhu Quan’s divine status. In a dialogue with the field of ritual studies, the article explains to what degree Zhu Quan’s calendars may be interpreted as an act of ritual textualisation.
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14

Pearsall, D. "The Apotheosis of John Lydgate." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-35-1-25.

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15

Zirak-Schmidt, David Hasberg. "Alt er sandt!" Passage - Tidsskrift for litteratur og kritik 34, no. 81 (June 1, 2019): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/pas.v34i81.114425.

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David Hasberg Zirak-Schmidt: “All is true! Memory, Oblivion and History in Shakespeare and Fletcher’s Henry VIII” In this article I examine the dialectic of memory and oblivion in Shakespeare and Fletcher’s history play Henry VIII. Taking off from a close reading of the ambivalent apotheosis of Catherine of Aragon, the article argues that Henry VIII questions the relationship between fiction and historical truth. Through this process, I argue, that the play self-consciously reflects on the theater’s role and ability as a transmitter of historical knowledge and truth.
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16

Stoekl, Allan. "Truman's Apotheosis: Bataille, "Planisme," and Headlessness." Yale French Studies, no. 78 (1990): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2930122.

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17

Veray, Laurent, and Bill Krohn. "1927: The Apotheosis of the French Historical Film?" Film History: An International Journal 17, no. 2 (2005): 334–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fih.2005.0027.

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18

Véray, Laurent. "1927: The Apotheosis of the French Historical Film?" Film History: An International Journal 17, no. 2-3 (June 2005): 334–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/fil.2005.17.2-3.334.

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19

Burden, Michael. "Reading Henry Tresham's Theatre Curtain: Metastasio's Apotheosis and the Idea of Opera at London's Pantheon." Cambridge Opera Journal 31, no. 1 (March 2019): 26–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586719000181.

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AbstractWhen London's new Pantheon Opera opened in 1791, the artist Henry Tresham, not long returned from Italy, was paid to paint the ceiling and proscenium of the new auditorium and to provide a drop curtain. The curtain provided a focus for the new institution's aspirations and for the audience's attention on those inspirations when they arrived at the theatre. Its elaborate nature – the zodiac, the music of the spheres, ancient and modern composers, the passions, and with a centrepiece of the apotheosis of Pietro Metastasio – was the subject of a series articles in the press explaining the curtain's allegory. All visual material was thought to be lost, but the recent identification of a preparatory watercolour of the apotheosis has offered an opportunity to re-examine both its place in the context of late eighteenth-century iconography and the place of Metastasio in the late eighteenth-century London opera house.
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20

Bhattacharya, Tithi. "Donald Trump: The unanticipated apotheosis of neoliberalism." Cultural Dynamics 29, no. 1-2 (February 2017): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374017709240.

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Donald Trump’s election and subsequent presidency reveal important contradictions between the workings of the capitalist state and the capitalist class. While Trump may not have been the choice of the capitalist class, he is now in charge of the capitalist state. Within the context of this contradiction the essay explores the political category of the “white working class” and whether this class was a contributive factor in this unexpected electoral victory for Trump. It concludes by drawing attention to the unhelpful political and analytical fragmentation between exploitation (class) and oppression (gender, race, sexuality) under neoliberalism and urges a more unitary approach.
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21

Rath, Eric C. "From Representation to Apotheosis: No 's Modern Myth of Okina." Asian Theatre Journal 17, no. 2 (2000): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.2000.0021.

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22

Sawyer, Sean. "Sir John Soane's Symbolic Westminster: The Apotheosis of George IV." Architectural History 39 (1996): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1568607.

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23

Bosworth, Brian. "Augustus, the Res Gestae and Hellenistic Theories of Apotheosis." Journal of Roman Studies 89 (November 1999): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300731.

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The literary genre of the Res Gestae has always been a source of perplexity. Over a century ago Mommsen compared efforts to categorize it with attempts to pin a literary label upon Dante's Divina Commedia or Goethe's Faust. That did not prevent his arguing that the work was a ‘Rechenschaftsbericht’, a formal report of Augustus' achievements as princeps. Nowadays it can perhaps be accepted that the document has a multiplicity of models and many purposes, all of them propagandist in nature. However, the complexity of the work is even now insufficiently appreciated. It is, for instance, well accepted that world conquest is a primary and pervading theme, and Augustus' imperial ideology has been well documented and discussed in recent years. But world conquest suggests another theme, that of apotheosis. The two motifs are inextricably linked in Hellenistic literature after Alexander, and the linkage was inherited by Roman authors, not least by the poets of the Augustan age. As for Augustus himself, his propaganda owes much to the Hellenistic ruler cult. His victory issues after Actium show a startling similarity to the famous tetradrachms commemorating Demetrius Poliorcetes' naval triumph at Cypriot Salamis; he adopted the same pose, and assimilated himself to Neptune, just as Demetrius had recalled Poseidon. Augustus may have been directly influenced by Demetrius' issues. He was possibly aware of the divine honours which the Athenians had conferred upon Demetrius a few months before his victory, and made similar claims in his own right. But the relationship was probably more indirect — Augustus used motifs which had become familiar during the previous centuries, emphasizing simultaneously the protection of the gods and his own godlike status. Demetrius' issue helped inspire the general pattern of thought, but there was no direct imitation.
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24

Paganini, Gianni. "Hobbes's "Mortal God" and Renaissance Hermeticism." Hobbes Studies 23, no. 1 (2010): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502510x496354.

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AbstractResearch made by Schuhmann and Bredekamp has pointed up the unsuspected links between Hobbes and one of the ancient traditions best loved by Renaissance philosophy: Hermeticism. Our goal will be to proceed further and to stress the Hermetic significance implicit in the formula "mortal God". If Asclepius can act as a source for the theme of the fabrication of gods, it does not fit in with the antithesis ("mortal god/immortal God") typical of the Leviathan. A proper source for this topic can rather be found in treatise X ("Clavis") of the Corpus Hermeticum, well known to Ficino and to Iustus Lipsius. We must also stress one capital difference: whereas in the Hermetic texts man's apotheosis passes through gnosis and the exercise of the intellect, reserved in practice for a few selected people, in Leviathan on the contrary it is the holder of sovereignty who acquires the features of the "mortal god". Divinisation passes through politics, with the delicate artificial process of "generating the state"; knowledge only provides the tools for the rational technique needed to elaborate sovereignty, through stipulating pacts and the convention of impersonation. The "artificial man" as a mortal God is the apotheosis of the common man who enters into the founding pact with his ordinary intellectual and motivational faculties.
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25

Abramson, Allen, and Gananath Obeyesekere. "The Apotheosis of Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1, no. 4 (December 1995): 851. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034983.

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26

Ogbechie, Sylvester Okwunodu. "Ordering the Universe: Documenta II and the Apotheosis of the Occidental Gaze." Art Journal 64, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20068367.

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Ogbechie, Sylvester Okwunodu. "Ordering the Universe: Documenta II and the Apotheosis of the Occidental Gaze." Art Journal 64, no. 1 (March 2005): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043249.2005.10791160.

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28

Kaeppler, Adrienne L., Gananath Obeyesekere, and Bernard Smith. "The Apotheosis of Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific." Eighteenth-Century Studies 28, no. 1 (1994): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2739235.

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29

Holm, Bent. "Picture and Counter-Picture: An Attempt to Involve Context in the Interpretation of Théâtre Italien Iconography." Theatre Research International 22, no. 3 (1997): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300017028.

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On 23 February 1653 the 15-year old Louis XIV performed in the court ballet La Nuit (Plate 21), at the Petit-Bourbon in Paris. A political allegory with clear allusions to recent events, it represented the suppressed rebellion of the Fronde, with a promise of a glorious future for the realm. The dénouement featured the monarch in an apotheosis, in the shape of Le Roy Soleil (Sun King), who dispels the dark forces of the night. This was certainly Louis's first appearance in the role, but definitely not the last.
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30

MANCINI, MATTHEW J. "From Oblivion to Apotheosis: The Ironic Journey of Alexis de Tocqueville." Journal of American Studies 45, no. 1 (February 9, 2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809991447.

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Scholarship on the theme of Alexis de Tocqueville's changing roles in American culture constitutes a remarkably coherent discourse with distinctive conventions, structures, metaphors, and plots. Especially pronounced in the literature is a constantly repeated narrative – really a myth – that portrays Tocqueville as a vanished hero who suffered a prolonged period of oblivion and then made a celebrated return to play the role of guide to Americans as they faced the perils of the postwar world. Because of the lack of empirical support for this narrative, scholars inadvertently find themselves violating or disregarding elementary rules of evidence and logical argument when they address it. The extraordinary stability and coherence of this discourse are its most notable features: they have persisted, with no oppositional counternarrative, decade after decade for the past forty years. But all discourses have cracks and fissures. This essay reveals the ubiquity as well as the banality of the standard tragic-heroic narrative, and it provides a taxonomy of Tocqueville metaphors – Tocqueville as Orpheus, as Proteus, and as Christ. The supposed facts of Tocqueville's reception (with which these metaphoric clusters are identical) are false. There was no departure, oblivion, or triumphant return of Tocqueville. The mythic discourse advanced an account that had no support in the historical record.
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STEPHENSON, PETER H. "“Like a violet unseen”-the apotheosis of absence in Hutterite life*." Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 15, no. 4 (July 14, 2008): 433–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1978.tb00999.x.

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32

Hanson, F. Allan. ": The Apotheosis of Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific . Gananath Obeyesekere." American Anthropologist 95, no. 3 (September 1993): 762–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1993.95.3.02a00540.

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33

Leuschner, Eckhard. "Francesco Villamena's "Apotheosis of Alessandro Farnese" and Engraved Reproductions of Contemporary Sculpture around 1600." Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 27, no. 3 (1999): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780980.

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34

Hamlin, William M. "Making Religion of Wonder: The Divine Attribution in Renaissance Ethnography and Romance." Renaissance and Reformation 30, no. 4 (January 21, 2009): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v30i4.11521.

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Drawing on the concept of "autoethnography" as defined by Mary Louise Pratt, this paper argues that representations of cross-cultural encounter in Renaissance travel narratives often bear striking resemblances to moments of encounter and reunion in Spenserean and Shakespearean romance. Focusing on the trope of linguistic apotheosis which I call the "divine attribution," the paper discusses various New World ethnographies with respect to specific encountering moments in The Faerie Queene and The Tempest; analysis of these texts suggests that their authors shared habits of ideation conditioned both by literary tradition and by contemporary ethnographic awareness.
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35

RICE, PRUDENCE M. "The Apotheosis of Janaab’ Pakal: Science, History and Religion at Classic Maya Palenque." American Anthropologist 111, no. 1 (March 2009): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01087_1.x.

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36

Korom, Frank J. "Holy Cow! The Apotheosis of Zebu, or Why the Cow Is Sacred in Hinduism." Asian Folklore Studies 59, no. 2 (2000): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1178915.

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37

Fallon, D. ""That Angel Who Rides on the Whirlwind": William Blake's Oriental Apotheosis of William Pitt." Eighteenth-Century Life 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-2006-012.

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38

Lejman, Beata. "O niebezpiecznych związkach sztuki i polityki na przykładzie „żywotów równoległych” Michaela Willmanna i Philipa Bentuma." Porta Aurea, no. 19 (December 22, 2020): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/porta.2020.19.05.

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Michael Lucas Leopold Willmann (1630–1706) was born in Königsberg (now Kalinin grad in Russia), where his first teacher was Christian Peter, a well -off guild painter. After years of journeys of apprenticeship and learning in the Netherlands, the young artist returned to his homeland, after Matthias Czwiczek’s death in 1654 probably hoping for the position of the painter at the court of Great Elector Frederick William (1620–1688).What served to draw the ruler’s attention to himself was probably the lost painting, described by Johann Joachim von Sandrart as follows: ‘the Vulcan with his cyclops makes armour for Mars and a shield and a spear for Minerva’. The failure of these efforts led the future ‘Apelles’ to emigrate to Silesia, where he created a family painting workshop in Lubiąż (Leubus), and following the conversion from Calvinism to Catholicism, he became a Cistercian painter, creating famous works of art in religious or secular centres of Crown Bohemia. What connects him to Prussia is another painting of great importance in his career, the little -known ‘Apotheosis of the Great Elector as a Guardian of Arts’ from 1682. The successor to Great Elector Frederick III (1657–1713) was crowned in 1701 as the ‘king of Prussia’. The ceremony required an appropriate artistic setting, which prompted many artists to flock to Königsberg, including a Dutchman from Leiden, the painter Justus Bentum, a pupil of Gottfred Schalken, who reached the capital of the new kingdom together with his son Philip Christian. After studying from his father, Philip Christian Bentum (ok. 1690 – po 1757) followed in the footsteps of the famous Willmann, and went on a journey, from which he never returned to Prussia. He went first to imperial Prague, where he collaborated with Peter Brandl and converted to Catholicism, following which he travelled to Silesia. After 1731, he took part in the artistic projects of Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz–Neuburg of Wrocław (Breslau) and Abbot Constantin Beyer, who completed the project begun by Freiberger and Willmann: the extension and decoration of the Cistercian Abbey in Lubiąż. It was there that he made the largest in Europe canvas -painted oil plafond of the Prince’s Hall and completed his opus magnum: covering all the library walls and vaults with painting. Those pro -Habsburg works were finished two years before the death of Emperor Charles VI (1685–1740) and the military invasion of Silesia by Frederick II Hohenzollern (1712–1786), great - -grandson of the Great Elector. The fate of the artists mentioned in the title was intertwined with Königsberg and Lubiąż. Both converts set off for the professional maturity from the Prussian capital via Prague to Silesia. They can be compared by the Dutch sources of their art and a compilation method of creating images using print ‘prototypes’. Their inner discrepancy can be seen in the choice of these patterns, as they followed both the Catholic Rubens and the Protestant Rembrandt Van Rijn. They were connected with the provinces playing a key role in Central -European politics: here the Hohenzollerns competed for power in Central Europe with the Habsburgs. They were witnessesto the game for winning Silesia, and even took part in it by creating propagandistic art. Both of them worked for Bishop Franz Ludwig von Pfalz–Neuburg (1664–1732), associated with the Emperor, a kind of the capo di tutti capi of the Counter -Reformation in Silesia. Bentum eagerly imitated selected compositions of his predecessor and master from Lubiąż, and I think he even tried to surpass him in scale and precision. The artistic competition with Willman is visible in the paintings of the library in Lubiąż. There, he presented an Allegory of Painting, which shows the image of Willmann carried by an angel, while the inscription praising the qualities of his character calls him ‘Apelles’. The work of both painters, who took their first steps in the profession as Protestants in Königsberg, but became famous through their work for Catholics, provides an interesting material for the analysis of the general topic of artistic careers on the periphery of Europe, the relationship between the centres and the periphery, as well as for two stages of re -Catholisation in Silesia treated as an instrument of power. It was usually pointed out how much separates the two painters, but no one has ever tried to show what unites them. The comparison of the sources, motifs, and outstanding achievements of both of them, especially in Lubiąż, gives a more complete picture of their activity deeply immersed in the politics of their times. This picture is not as unambiguous as it has been so far, highlighting the political and propaganda aspects of their career spreading out between the coastal Protestant north and the Catholic south. The drama of their lives took place in Silesia, where the multiple dividing lines of Europe intersected. The idea of narrating the parallel fates of two artists with great Politics in the background (as in he case of Plutarch’s ‘Parallel Lives’) came to my mind years ago when I curated the Exhibition ‘Willmann – Drawings. A Baroque Artist’s Workshop’ (2001, National Museum in Wrocław, in cooperation with Salzburg and Stuttgart). The present paper was to be included in the volume accompanying that project initiated by Andrzej Kozieł (Willmann and Others. Painting, Drawing and Graphic Arts in Silesia and Neighbouring Countries in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, ed. A. Kozieł, B. Lejman, Wrocław 2002), but I withdrew from its publication. I am hereby publishing it, thanking Małgorzata Omilanowska for her presence at the opening of this first great exhibition of mine in 2001, as well for the excellent cooperation with my Austrian, Czech, German, and Polish colleagues. This text, referring to the topic of our discussions at the time – as on the event of the above -mentioned exhibition I spoke at a press conference in Stuttgart’s Staatsgalerie, where the curator of the German exhibition was Hans Martin Kaulbach, exactly two days after the attack on WTC.
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39

Lee, Monika. "Dream Shapes as Quest or Question in Shelley's Prometheus Unbound." Romantik: Journal for the Study of Romanticisms 5, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rom.v5i1.26421.

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In Percy Bysshe Shelley’s Prometheus Unbound, the Oceanides – Asia, Panthea, and Ione – direct the evolution of poetic consciousness through their lyricism which expresses human intuition and what Shelley calls in his ‘Defence of Poetry’ (1820) ‘the before unapprehended relations of things’. Their presence in Shelley’s lyrical drama leads from both abstract transcendental and literalist perspectives on reality in Act I to a more flexible and creative inner perspective in Act 2. The internal spaces evoked by the language of the Oceanides, spaces of reverie and dream, are the locus of metaphor – the endowment of absence with meaning and the identification of disparate objects with one another. As in dream, the dissolution of metaphor is integral to its dynamic processes. Asia, her dreams, and the unconscious liberate Prometheus as consciousness from the fixed rigidity which kills both metaphor and purpose; dream unfurls a ‘nobler’ myth to replace the stagnant one. Although Prometheus Unbound cannot narrate its own apotheosis, it weaves the process or spell of metaphor-making: ‘These are the spells by which to reassume / An empire o’er the disentangled Doom’ (IV, 568–69). After the words have been spoken, meaning must be continually sought in the non-verbal reverberating echoes of the unconscious.
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40

KORNICKI, P. F. "Books in the service of politics: Tokugawa Ieyasu as custodian of the books of Japan." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 18, no. 1 (January 2008): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630700778x.

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Since the founder of the Tokugawa shogunate underwent a form of apotheosis after his death, it is not surprising that a hagiographic tradition was quick to establish itself. This tradition attributed superhuman qualities to Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543–1616), and its lingering influence is still to be seen. His admirers paid particular attention to his supposed bookishness, the object being to demonstrate that his sinological learning rendered him fit to rule according to the Chinese construction of the desired attributes of a ruler. For those who came later, this bookishness served in retrospect to mark him out from his successors, but for his contemporaries it detached questions of legitimacy and fitness to rule from his recent successes on the battlefield and it defined fitness to rule in accordance with the sinological leanings of the new samurai élite.
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41

Caplan, Marc. "“Nor Mind Nor Body of Me Can Be Touched”: The Politics of Passivity in Moyshe Kulbak’s Montog and Samuel Beckett’s Murphy." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 3, no. 1 (December 28, 2015): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2015.26.

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AbstractThis article will compare two novels: Moyshe Kulbak’s Montog (“Monday”) and Samuel Beckett’s Murphy. Each novel ends with the death of its protagonist, figured as both a senseless act and the apotheosis of its hero’s self-reflexive, ironic rejection of community, faith, and purpose. Drawing on theories of Hannah Arendt, this comparison proposes to read the two narratives and their preoccupation with incarceration, institutionalization, revolutionary activity, religion, and the family as profound yet oblique parables on the nature of privation, resistance, and commitment in the multiple senses. Indeed, by arguing on behalf of a “politics of failure,” this comparison proposes a methodology for reading Beckett and Kulbak postcolonially that in turn invites further consideration of the postcolonial status of expatriate Irish and early-Soviet Jewish cultures, respectively. This essay creates for the two narratives a community of elective affinity that neither author would have envisioned for himself, and thus demonstrates that their respective critiques of ideological progress—via their shared strategies of parody, linguistic marginality, and exile—fulfill an explicitly political function.
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42

Gorbman, Claudia. "Bong's Song." Film Quarterly 71, no. 3 (2018): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2018.71.3.21.

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Bong Joon-ho's Okja (2017) hops across genres and moods. Part Lassie Come Home (Fred M. Wilcox, 1943) with a girl and her giant pig instead of a boy and his loyal dog; part Brazil (Terry Gilliam, 1985), also a comic and nightmarish sci-fi; part Capitalism, a Love Story (Michael Moore, 2009) for its lessons in greed, with Tilda Swinton playing twin heads of a transnational biotech corporation; it pleads a serious case for animal rights and vegetarianism as well. Bong has an eccentric genius for songs and scoring, few other living directors make musical choices that are as boldly unconventional. Bong goes musically hog wild in this pig movie. When the apotheosis arrives halfway through the film, it is with a song: John Denver's “Annie's Song.” Almost every review of Okja mentions this outlandish pairing of music and visuals. Bong has frequently employed songs cleverly in his films, but never in as deep and many-layered way as in Okja. Gorman pursues Bong's particular use of songs in his oeuvre to unearth other surprises, and notes that there is a still deeper auteurist vein to be mined for further insight on how “Annie's Song” works in Okja.
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43

van Groesen, M. "America Abridged: Matthaeus Merian, Johann Ludwig Gottfried, and the Apotheosis of the De Bry Collection of Voyages." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 41, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-2010-012.

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44

Noreña, Carlos F. "The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues." Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184774.

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The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice. Imperial mediation between man and god was commemorated by a proliferation of sacrificial images that emphasized the emperor's central role in the act of sacrifice. Portrait groups of the imperial family were blunt assertions of dynasty and figured the emperor as the primary guarantor ofRoma aeterna.Public sacrifices to deified emperors and the imagery of imperial apotheosis surrounded the emperor with an aura of divinity. An extraordinary array of rituals, images, and texts, then, gave visual and symbolic expression to the emperor's numerous functions and publicized the manifold benefits of imperial rule.
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45

De Fouw, Josephina, and Ige Verslype. "Aeneas and Callisto." Rijksmuseum Bulletin 67, no. 3 (September 15, 2019): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.52476/trb.9730.

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The Rijksmuseum has in its collection an oil sketch by Jacob de Wit (1695-1754) of a design for a ceiling painting. This ceiling painting – The Apotheosis of Aeneas – was commissioned by Pieter Pels (1668-1739) for his house at number 479 Herengracht, Amsterdam. The present article identifies the room for which the work was made. The ceiling painting proves to have been part of a larger painted ensemble by Jacob de Wit and the landscape painter Isaac de Moucheron (1667-1744). On the basis of De Wit’s sketches, records in the archives and research on site, a picture of the way this painted room looked in Pels’s day is built up. The later fortunes of the room are also explored. At the end of the nineteenth century the ceiling painting was replaced by another one, also by De Wit. As a result of this very curious switch, the present ceiling painting is no longer an original whole, but a composite hybrid. All the other interior paintings vanished from the room long ago. Three of them, a chimney-piece and two overdoors by De Wit, have been traced to Russia. Three previously unknown paintings have now been added to the artist’s oeuvre.
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46

Gorski, Bradley A. "The Bestseller, or The Cultural Logic of Postsocialism." Slavic Review 79, no. 3 (2020): 613–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2020.160.

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When the word “bestseller” entered post-Soviet Russia, it was invested with transformational power to remake postsocialist culture according to capitalist models of exchange. From its appearance in the early 1990s to its apotheosis as the name of a new literary prize in 2001, the bestseller demonstrated the active power of cultural categories. It built a data-gathering apparatus around itself, shifted the ways that authors, publishers, and audiences interacted with each other, and even generated new modes of collective creativity specific to capitalist markets for culture. Applying insights from actor-network theory and object-oriented ontology, this article focuses on the bestseller, decentering authors and other human agents. The bestseller is shown to be more than a mediator between market forces and other literary actors; it is an active force (a “real object,” in the terms of object-oriented ontology) that plays a central role in the postsocialist formation of “cultural capitalism,” or the system of cultural production and consumption based on market value, fungibility, and exchange.
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Wrigley, Richard. "“C’est un bourgeois, mais non un bourgeois ordinaire”: The Contested Afterlife of Ingres’s Portrait of Louis-François Bertin." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 84, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 220–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2021-2004.

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Abstract Ingres’s portrait of Louis-François Bertin (1832) has been universally accepted as a visual “apotheosis” of the newly powerful early 19th-century bourgeoisie in France. Here, we study the inconsistencies and contestation which contributed to this identification. Beginning with the moment of its first public exhibition in the 1833 Paris Salon, this article traces Bertin’s evolving reputation as an image of its epoch, focusing on its reappearance in public first at the Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle in 1846, and then in the display of Ingres’s works at the Exposition Universelle of 1855. This leads to a critical assessment of how the picture’s role as a political emblem has been related to later assertions that it also exemplified the artist’s incipient modernism. The exhibition of works by Ingres at the Paris Salon d’Automne in 1905 allows us to take stock of claims made about the picture’s status in the early 20th century. However, in contrast to the habitual desire to modernise Ingres (and thereby to detach him from a lingering taint of academicism), this article argues that a key element in the reception of Ingres’s portrait in the second half of the 19th century is a recognition of its rootedness in values emanating from the Revolution of 1789, embodied both in the person of LouisFrançois Bertin and Ingres’s representation of him.
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48

Holt, Philip. "The end of the Trachiniai and the fate of Herakles." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632033.

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At the end of the Trachiniai, the dying Herakles gives orders for his cremation on Mt. Oita and is carried off to his fiery end. One of the thorniest critical questions about the play is what we, the audience, are to make of this. Did Sophokles intend the audience to remember Herakles' apotheosis from the pyre and complete the story in their own minds? Or did he omit it in order to deny it, the better to deepen the play's supposed general pessimism or censure of Herakles? The case for assuming Herakles' exaltation suffers from two major weaknesses. Its champions do little to answer the arguments of their opponents, which are often forceful and take into account things in the play which the devout would rather ignore, and they do surprisingly little to explain how their position on the question affects the interpretation of the play. Nevertheless, their case is a strong one and deserves better support than it usually receives. This study will present it in some detail, addressing the objections and in the process offering an interpretation.
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Harrison, S. J. "Sophocles and the cult of Philoctetes." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632045.

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Amongst the legendary heroes who appear in leading roles in the surviving plays of Sophocles, it is noteworthy that Oedipus, Ajax and Heracles all received some form of divine worship in Attica, not to mention localities more readily associated with each of them. Sophocles is not unaware of this aspect of each of these figures, but where the future prospect of their cult is alluded to in the plays, such allusions are not always prominent or explicit; though the future cult of the Oedipus of the Oedipus Coloneus is crucial for the play, it is only directly mentioned in a few passages, while the Ajax of Ajax is seen as a future receiver of cult only in a single unusual scene of supplicating his dead body, and it is unclear in the Trachiniae whether the audience is intended to supply a future cult on Oeta and apotheosis for Heracles. I should here like to argue that in Philoctetes Sophocles again consciously employs a hero destined to receive worship after his death, and that this is subtly suggested at the end of the play.
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50

Owuor, Yvonne Adhiambo. "Reading Our Ruins." Matatu 50, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001012.

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AbstractThe essay enquires into what is accepted in academic and political circles as ‘post-colonial’ reality and questions some of the assumptions about its imagination, narratives, and edifices. It does this through the lens of moments taken from lived ‘post-coloniality’, mostly out of Kenya, which, like most ‘independent nations’ presumed a cut-off point between ‘colonial’ and its ‘post’ in the solemn ritual act of swapping flags one midnight. That the world, its presumptions and assumptions, certainly regarding civilizational apotheosis, is today in a state of befuddlement is no mystery. What is mysterious is the persistence of hollow ideas of the character of relationships among peoples, and the distribution of terminologies to refer to these—first world, third world, developed, undeveloped, colonial, post-colonial, neo-colonial, immigrant, expatriate—in a time when these neither make sense nor offer anything meaningful to the world. The essay finally retreats to the ‘autopsy table’ for inspiration: it imagines that the contradictions and confusions of the present era could also be read as an invitation to humanity to ‘look at itself again and really see’, and to, perhaps, this time, do so with that long-absent courage, truthfulness and humility that speak to human realities and allows for an examination of debris from unexplored past and present relationships that now disorder the human future.
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