Journal articles on the topic 'Applied ethnology'

Applied Ethnology and Sociocultural Anthropology have had significance since they were first disseminated in China in the 1920s. Professor Cai Yuanpei, the founder of modern Chinese ethnology and the late Chancellor of Beijing University, viewed ethnology and anthropology from the very beginning not only as theoretical sciences, but also as applied sciences. The study of ethnology developed simultaneously as an academic discipline and as a source of practical information. It guided policy and its implementation in the context of frontier politics and administration as well as education and cultural development among the ethnic minorities living in remote and underdeveloped border areas.

AbstractThis article explores the implications of Bernhard Waldenfels’s responsive phenomenology for the discipline of cultural anthropology or ethnology, insofar as it understands itself as the “science of the culturally Other”. It discusses Waldenfels’s own engagement with ethnology and shows the compatibility of his approach with discussions within the discipline. The intertwining of ownness and alienness that is central to Waldenfels’s account of experience is applied to the problem of culture in ethnology. This leads to an acknowledgement of a domain between cultures, a genuine interculturality, as the fundamental field of ethnological research, which, however, can only be addressed through indirect forms of representation. Such forms are identified in the practice of ethnographic citation, and through a reinterpretation of Horace Miner’s classical satire “Body Ritual among the Nacirema”, thus demonstrating the possibility of a prospective “responsive ethnology”.

As applied social scientists, we need to be reminded occasionally that our theoretical and research orientations, as they focus on understanding various aspects of culture, are themselves products of culture, influenced by history, ideology and problem solving in a particular sociopolitical context. This was brought home to us at the 1989 SfAA Annual Meeting in Santa Fe when a delegation of five Chinese ethnologists presented papers at a plenary session. By describing examples of the use of social science in their society, the Chinese ethnologists provided us with a special opportunity to gain a comparative perspective on our discipline as well as its applications.

While a few larger collections of objects of East Asian origin entered Slovenian mu­seums after the deaths of their owners in the 1950s and 60s, individual items had begun finding their way there as early as the nineteenth century. Museums were faced early on with the problem not only of how to store and exhibit the objects, but also how to categorize them. Were they to be treated as “art” on account of their aesthetic value or did they belong, rather, to the field of “ethnography” or “anthropology” because they could illustrate the way of life of other peoples? Above all, in which museums were these objects to be housed? The present paper offers an in-depth analysis of these and related questions, seeking to shed light on how East Asian objects have been showcased in Slovenia (with a focus on the National Museum and the Slovene Ethnographic Museum) over the past two hundred years. In particular, it explores the values and criteria that were applied when placing these objects into individual categories. In contrast to the conceptual shift from “ethnology” to the “decorative and fine arts,” which can mostly be observed in the categorization of East Asian objects in North America and the former European colonial countries, the classification of such objects in Slovenia varied between “ethnology” and “cultural history,” with ethnology ultimately coming out on top. This ties in with the more general question of how (East) Asian cultures were understood and perceived in Slovenia, which is itself related to the historical and social development of the “peripheral” Slovenian area compared with former major imperial centres.

Discussing approaches to the aboriginal land rights in contemporary Russia, I shall focus on the arguments that have been presented in favor of three major policy options. These options are often labelled as "pro-aboriginal," "anti-aboriginal" and a "compromise" position. Ethnologists who have been deeply involved in the attempts to define legally aboriginal land rights ever since 1991 have themselves been split into the same three interest groups. Thus the controversies over aboriginal land rights and of the so called "traditional economy" (i.e., hunting, fishing, food gathering and reindeer herding in the taiga and tundra) provide excellent illustrations of developments in applied ethnology in post-Soviet Russia.

The article reveals the relevance of the synthesis in ethnopolitics of scientific knowledge acquired in various branches of science: ethnology, history, jurisprudence, social psychology etc. Specific political situations illustrate the complexity of ethnopolitical performance of conceptual and applied functions, which consist in describing and explaining events, their evaluation in the categories of morality and law as well as in predictive modeling. The question of strengthening the coordination component in the organization of ethnopolitical research is raised.

The scientific opus of Dušan Bandić is viewed through the context and time frame in which he started researching folk religion in order to, through the analysis of his most important texts, arrive at the conclusion about the importance of his opus for the modernization of Serbian anthropology. This is just one segment, although the most important one, of the evaluation of the significance of an opus for the history of Serbian anthropology. Other aspects of action, which refer to institutional positioning and activity as well as one’s social and political life and ultimately the consequences such actions had are significant for the history of science, but are not encompassed by this paper. The paper deals with the description of the context and state of research into folk religion at the beginning of Bandić’s career and the general knowledge about global anthropological trends in Serbian ethnology at the time. Afterwards the focus is shifted to the contents of his work through viewing the larger ideas and methodological systems present in Bandić’s work – evolutionism, functionalism and structuralism, in order to, ultimately, come to a conclusion about the development of methods which Bandić applied, as well as the place which his opus occupied in a crucial time for Serbian ethnology.

Germaine Tillion’s classic work of ethnology My Cousin, My Husband related so-called “honor”-based violence (HBV) to the institution of cousin marriage as a response to women’s entitlement to inheritance within the Greater Mediterranean Region. This article will scrutinize Tillion’s position using original survey data gathered in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, finding that although there is a correlation between HBV and cousin marriage, Tillion’s association of this with inheritance laws is inadequate. An alternative position is proposed, in which the relationship between HBV and cousin marriage is situated in coercion around marriage, intergenerational tensions, and in-group exclusivity, exacerbated by the contemporary politics of nationalist neopatrimonialism and an economy based in oil rentierism.

When Gretchen Schafft approached PA about an edited issue commemorating the work of Miki Crespi in creating and nurturing the Applied Ethnology Program of the NPS, it was with a long, well thought out proposal. I listened to it, smiling on my end of the phone, because unbeknownst to Gretchen she was talking to a Park Service veteran. But unlike the authors of these articles who entered into their relationship with NPS, ethnography, and Muriel Crespi as credentialed professionals, I was one of the rank and file, a PHD'd, GS3 seasonal ranger, working during the summer for the love of it.

Body CultureIn this article Author considers notion "body culture" — its role and place in the theory and practise of the specific kind of human movement activity related to variously conceived sport and physical culture. He researches this issue from the historical and contemporary point of view. He presents large theories on body and culture of Norbert Elias, Frankfurt School, phenomenology, Michael Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu context of justification. He analyses expression body culture also in the light of philosophy, sociology, anthropology, ethnology, psychology, education, linguistic, theology, politics and democracy assumptions.

The fact that technologies are social productions is a reason why their transfers may be a field of interest for applied anthropologists. Since the 1930's, France has been a country where research into the ethnology of technologies has been institutionalized, in the Musée de l'Homme in Paris as well as at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique in the laboratory called "Techniques et Culture." In this line of research, technology is no longer considered a phenomenon completely detached from the social environment. On the contrary, it is closely tied to other social phenomena. Although the study of technologies in anthropology is sometimes considered a "poor relation" to anthropology, some anthropologists have generated a solid base of experience in sociological description and analysis of technologies and technical systems.

Toward the end of The Descent of Man, Darwin made a striking assertion. “I would as soon be descended,” he claimed, from a “heroic little monkey” than from a “savage” who practiced torture and infanticide, treated “wives like slaves,” and was indecent and superstitious. These lines have been often quoted but rarely analyzed. I argue here that they provide a means for following Darwin’s thought as he grappled with contemporary ethnological evidence that seemed—if today’s “savages” were to be taken as models for primeval humans—to work against his theory of sexual selection as it applied to humankind. In addition to explicating what I suggest is a crucial element of Descent, this paper has three aims, all of which help us better understand the relationships between ethnology and Darwinian thought. First, to offer a selective intellectual history of British ethnology between 1864 and 1871, focusing on those texts that Darwin deemed most problematic for his arguments. Second, and as a result, to better specify Darwin’s views on race by comparing him not to his opponents, but to his like-minded peers, a group I term “liberal racialists.” Third, to explore the utility of what I term the “geological analogy,” a mid-nineteenth-century version of the comparative method (which substituted study of “less developed” peoples today for humans in much earlier periods). Where liberal ethnologists deployed the geological analogy consistently, Darwin would be much more selective, denying its application at times in favor of analogies to lower animals. He would thus save his theoretical suppositions by denying that contemporary “lower” races, with their depraved morality, could serve as appropriate models for our apparently more decent, yet more animalistic forebears.

Poor data acquisition from low-cost cameras, such as low-resolution depth maps or high level of noise or point clouds generated with insufficient information from an object, limits the use of such cameras for heritage artifacts 3D reconstruction. This work proposes to improve this depth low-cost acquisition by using a new approach based on the Super-Resolution technique. The proposed approach has been applied to several artifacts of the Federal University of Bahia Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (MAE/UFBA). As shown in the results, our approach improved the quality of point clouds generated from tested heritage artifacts. Results indicate that whenever artifact geometry is gained via our method there is actual reconstruction of detail or accuracy improvements, whereas a reduction in number of points of the clouds, if any, would indicate the removal of inconsistencies or noise from the input data without loss of detail.

The article is a result of the collaboration between Polish and Czech scientists who explore academic teachers’ application of resources from the e-learning environment. The presented studies were conducted in 2015-2016 within the IRNet project – International research network for study and development of new tools and methods for advanced pedagogical science in the field of ICT instruments, e-learning and intercultural competences in Poland (University of Silesia in Katowice, Faculty of Ethnology and Educational Science in Cieszyn) and the Czech Republic (University of Ostrava, Pedagogical Faculty). The research was aimed at learning the opinions of academic teachers on their preparation for distance classes and for the stimulation of students’ learning process. The research applied a constructivist perspective, which highlighted the learner’s activity resulting in the subject building their educational reality (in the educational process). Due to the comparative nature of the research, it invoked Harold J. Noah’s model of comparing the quality of University education. The text discusses cases of Poland and the Czech Republic.

The present paper deals with the analysis of the Soviet ideological approaches, related with ethnology development, therefore the research covers two following directions: 1. The research of the importance of ethnological film-making, covering religious and ethnolocultural values of Georgia and its neighboring countries. The first scientific-research expedition to the mountainous Georgia, supported with film-making equipment in Georgia, was implemented in 1960. Different films, featuring historical monuments or episodes or displaying material and spiritual lifestyle, which had already been filmed in Georgia before, were characterized with the total lack of the main features of ethnographical films. For example, the authors had been never applied preliminarily planned and staged scenes. Accordingly, a special attention shall be paid on Mirian Khutsishvili’s activity, who acted as the ethnologist and an effective a camera man at the same time. 2. The analysis of activity of two key women scientists, involved in ethnographical research - Vera Bardavelidze, whose scientific work was related with the study of everyday lifestyle of Georgian people and Nino Brailashvili, who made a great contribution in creation of ethnographical sketches.

In the year 1972, UNESCO has defined the term ‘Malay’ as a tribe in Peninsular Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Filipina, and Madagascar. On the other hand, there was a report about two types of definition in terms of law and anthropology regarding the ‘Malay’. According to constitution in case 160(2), Malays have been defined as a person who is Islam, speaks the Malay language, practices the Malay culture and tradition, born before independence day whether in official Malay Federation grounds or in Singapore or, on the day of independence and he or she is a resident in the federation or in Singapore . A Malaysian Anthropologist, Syed Husin Ali stated that the Malay people are brown skinned, average built but robust as well as polite and rather poetic in terms of appearance . In terms of Ethnology, Malay means a group of community that practices the heritage and generation system that was once applied in Mongoloid race . the aim of this paper is to find out the meaning of ‘culture’, its importance, what is our culture and how culture can be used in this research and how culture can be considered in the design of terrace house in the future.

The vulnerability of the moral crisis that occurs in millennial children has led to numerous irregularities such as rape, taurine, extortion, bullying and other negative forms of violence. These changes occur due to globalization and the increasing development of technology, thereby leading to deviant behaviours amongst children. Therefore, character education based on Ethno pedagogy in Islamic basic education institutions is important due to its ability to reduce the impact of negative behaviours on primary-age children. The purpose of this research is to describe the meaning of Ethno pedagogy of MIN 1 Sambas in applying local cultural values. This research uses a naturalistic phenomenology approach through participant observation, interview, and documentation techniques with primary data obtained from students, teachers, parents, and community leaders. The results showed the importance of integrating the self-development program of students based on Ethno pedagogy of Melayu Sambas, familiar with fostering character education in creating local cultures such as the Sambas Malay language. Furthermore, ethnology tends to foster a religious character in the millennial generation, namely religious character, such as the attitudes and behaviour of priests and taqwa applied in everyday life.

The aim of this study is to analyze in detail the watercolors by Liudmyla Bruievych, made in the 1990s: “Tuha” (1992), “Raiuvannia” (1993), “Trapeza” (1995), “Myslyvets” (1998) and others. Methodology. The study of the works of the new generation of Ukrainian artists, which was completely formed after 1991, is just beginning. In particular, it refers to Liudmyla Bruievych, one of the most famous contemporary domestic graphic artists. The vast majority of publications about her works are popular and belong more to the genre of essay or interview (Bychkova (2000), Ivanochka (2012), Taran (1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2002), Shapiro (2012)) or are reviews for personal exhibitions of the artist (Lamonova (2004, 2004), Ostrovskyi (2002)). Among them there are extremely interesting texts of high literary quality (Tytarenko (2004), Borysova (1998), Panasiuk (1998, 1999)), but it is hardly possible to call them scientific researches. Results. Liudmyla Bruievych is one of the most famous contemporary domestic graphic artists. The most popular of her works are etchings, for which the author uses watercolor of four colors (cerise paint, emerald green, ocher and gold): “Nich” (1991), series “Spokii” (“Koty”, “Rusalka”, “Try ryby”, “Ryba”, “Vaza”, all — 1994),” “Tanok vuzhiv abo Neskinchennist”, “Doistorychna tvaryna abo Drakon” (both — 1997). But during the 1990s, Liudmyla Bruievych actively worked not only on etchings, but also on watercolors. Among them there are works based on the unexpected use of folklore sources (“Tuha” (1992), “Rusalochka”, “Koroleva-rusalka”), biblical images (“Trapeza”, “Hallelujah” (all — 1995)), techniques of naive art (“Myslyvets” (1998)). The artist also created watercolor miniatures. Novelty. This article is in fact the first scientific publication about the works of an interesting modern domestic graphic artist. The practical significance. The research is a part of the individual planned theme of the author “Peculiarities of national tradition interpretation in the Ukrainian graphics of the 90s of the XX century. — 10s of the XXI century” and the general planned theme of Fine and Decorative Applied Arts department of the Institute of Art History, Folklore and Ethnology of M. T. Rylsky Institute of Art Studies, Folklore and Ethnology of the NAS of Ukraine “Ukrainian art from the Middle Ages to modern times: the search and formation of national identity in the context of world cultural space”. Conclusions. Watercolors are an organic and integral part of the artist’s graphics. Plastic images found in watercolors could later be used in etchings.

Abstract Introduction: This study reviews the most commonly used Hungarian terminology of pedagogical folklorism terms, their interpretations and the conceptual debates around them, as well as the possible imprecisions related to them. With the help of Hungarian and international examples, it places the technical terms of the ethnography-folk tradition-pedagogy triangle into a system and finally, it gives recommendations on the scientific terminology to be used to describe the phenomenon. Purpose: The focus of this contribution is to create a system in the expressions that refer to the relationship between folk tradition and pedagogy and to carry out the systematisation of pedagogical activities related to folk tradition/ethnography and to rethink them in a modern and terminology-critical manner. Methods: In the present study, we applied source analysis, content analysis, logical operations (analysis, synthesis, comparison). Conclusions: Researchers of the issues at the intersection of pedagogy, ethnography, ethnology and anthropology have more or less consistently been applying the term ethnopedagogy for this interdisciplinary research area. It would be expedient to carry out the systematization of pedagogical activities related to folk tradition/ethnography and to rethink them in a modern and terminology-critical manner with the introduction of the term “ethnopedagogy.” This term may be able to connect the partially overlapping, sometimes parallel (at others, contradicting) terms related to the pedagogy of folk tradition without the risk of homogenisation.

Despite significant strides from the beginning of the 20th century, there was no systematic or institutionalized reflection on photography in Serbian ethnology and anthropology until the 1980s. Until then, photography was mainly used as an additional technical tool for field recording, documenting, and presenting field materials in museums or scientific institutions. However, since the end of the 20th, and especially at the beginning of the 21st century, an increasing number of social scientists have included photography in their works, either through historical and theoretical reflection or through practical use in specific research. This step can be related to the institutionalization of the sub discipline of visual anthropology in Serbia. The paper presents the assumption that both flows are part of a broader process called the visual turn, and the associated flourishing of systematic thinking about visual culture. In this paper, we aim to reconstruct the main features of the visual turn in the local academic community and point out some of its consequences. In addition, our goal is to present the most important achievements related to the mentioned turn, and consider their impact on recent examples of thinking about photography, i.e. its use in ethnological and anthropological research in Serbia. This paper emphasizes the examples that are important in the theoretical, methodological, or applied-scientific framework.

Goals. The article aims at examining visual arts of pre-war Kalmykia and the deportation period (1943‒1957) through the example of P. I. Emchegirova (1907–1992) ― first ethnic Kalmyk female painter ― and her works. The artistic path remains understudied and is of special interest due to a unique nature of art pieces. Studies of the cultural heritage are complicated by the absence of documents and archival sources completely lost during the Siberian deportation. Materials and Methods. The work analyzes paintings, drawings and pieces of applied art created by P. I. Emchegirova virtually for over half a century and stored at the Palmov National Museum of Kalmykia, State Vladimir Suzdal Museum Reserve, and in family archives. The analysis of artistic images created by P. I. Emchegirova involves methods of art history, cultural studies, and ethnology. Results. The paper introduces data on previously unknown works of the visual artist that significantly extend the thematic range developed by Kalmyks painters in the 1930s–1950s, reveal ethnic specifics in P. I. Emchegirova’s activities, and deepen the understanding of local arts as an integral part to 20th-century Kalmykia’s history and culture. The study also attempts at historical and cultural reconstructions to somewhat restore lost fine arts, which may classify the former as an interdisciplinary research. There are also some data on the painter’s heritage from 1957 onwards.

My initial experience with applied anthropology began in cyber-space. In the fall of 1994, I was considering a leave from my doctoral program in cultural anthropology at Harvard University and was searching for employment in which I could test the practicality of my anthropological skills. My most marketable professional experience at that time was several months involvement in implementing the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) at Harvard's Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. In response to an inquiry I posted on an anthropology listserve, Rebecca Joseph, an ethnographer with the National Park Service (NPS), contacted me about assisting her for a year in an internship capacity. At the time, she was responsible for overseeing NAGPRA implementation in the NPS New England Cluster in addition to her regular duties as manager of the regional Applied Ethnography Program. The impetus for the position was a pending NAGPRA compliance deadline (November 1995) that required inventorying Native American human remains in park collections and research on potentially affiliated tribal groups. I would also have an opportunity to help her in other capacities when NAGPRA duties were minimal or the deadline had passed. The internship was economically feasible for me since it provided a comfortable salary, reimbursement for workrelated travel, and funds to cover medical expenses in lieu of benefits. I started working full time in February of 1995 and was based out of the central NPS office in Boston, where I had daily contact with agency professionals and exposure to a variety of projects and departments. This arrangement proved to be personally invaluable in gaining a broad understanding of how federal policies affect local-level issues.

The purpose of this article is to interpret some of the events of the Caucasian War through the analysis of women’s letters. The letters refl ected some of the key events of the Caucasian War, as well as the characteristics of political fi gures. The author analyses letters from Khatun Bahu Bike, Khatun Nukh Bike, Imam Shamil’s wife Shuanet and daughter-in-law Karimat to representatives of the military and administration in the Caucasus, as well as to relatives. The research materials showed that due to various circumstances, women were forced to send letters to the Russian authorities. The author identifi es and describes the characteristic features of female letters, reveals the motives for contacting recipients. The main sources of research were materials from the pre-revolutionary periodicals «Historical Bulletin», «Caucasian Collection», «Russian Antiquity», where the texts of the above-mentioned letters were published. In the work, methods of feminist ethnology, psychoanalysis and interpretation, typical of gender anthropology, are applied. This approach makes it possible to hear the personal voice of the participants of the described events, to analyse the motives of behaviour, ways of experiencing the surrounding reality. It is concluded that letters as a means of women’s self-expression were a kind of marker of the relationship of women with the authorities and relatives. It is obvious that the source study potential of existing female letters has not yet been realised and is not in demand by researchers.

Like it or not, cultural theorists are increasingly finding themselves challenged to answer a very short but profound question: What’s the use of cultural research? Within the academy the question of the usefulness of cultural research has provoked a wide array of responses, ranging from feelings of resentment or the fear of losing one’s intellectual freedom to those of approval (often reinforced by a sense that one can in some way help society, or those less empowered) – and an endless number of positions in between. This article places the question of the usefulness of cultural research in relation to issues of the historical and cultural context in which it has appeared over the better part of the past century. Its point of departure rises from the author’s own academic background in American cultural anthropology and Swedish ethnology, as well as the work the author has conducted on tourism and the experience economy in Sweden. The article begins by briefly discussing the different roles applied anthropology has previously played in both Britain and the United States. This section emphasizes a need to understand the question of “usefulness” as being contextually bound. The text then moves on to consider the role culture is playing in contemporary economic life (exemplified here by the field of tourism) and to reflect upon some of the consequences the cultural economy is having in everyday life. Following this the text concludes with a section focusing upon the research challenges and needs coming from the tourism industry. This final section of the paper works to both illuminate and problematize the need which exists at present for the development of different forms of cultural research.

Introduction. The structure of the family, its livelihoods and in modern conditions retains its ethnic specificity, it still remains the cell of the reproduction of the ethnos, the carrier and successor of its cultural and everyday traditions. In this regard, family research is important for understanding modern national processes that occur in various regions of our country. Research methods. The comparative-historical method was used as the main one, which allowed revealing strata of various historical epochs in the life activity of the Mordovian family of the studied region, determining the stages of formation and further development of its structure-forming components. The method of processing statistical sources was also applied, which is now widely used in ethnology. Results. On the basis of the analyzed statistical material and scientific literature, the article traced the dynamics of quantitative changes that occurred in the family structure of the Mordovian population of the Republic of Tatarstan during the 20th and early 21st centuries, as well as the trends in the evolution of family rituals. This made it possible, on the one hand, to reveal the regional characteristics of these processes, and on the other, their commonality with similar phenomena among the Mordovian population of the neighboring regions. Discussion and conclusion. As a result of the study, it was revealed that at present the underlying factors of the ethnic development of the family of the Mordovian population of the Republic of Tatarstan were simplification of its demographic characteristics, as well as family rituals, the main functions of which were not sacral manifestations, but emotional, psychological and regulatory. These phenomena are basically similar to those occurring among other territorial groups of the Mordovian people.

The article analyzes the state of Ukrainian art education. The basic ways and prospects of training in higher art’s education in Rivne State Humanitarian University at the Department of fine and decorative art are observed. The question of artistic staff training in Ukraine is very interesting in the context of Ukrainian national school of fine and decorative art. The need for professional training in the field of decorative art was caused by its historical traditions, its aesthetic and practical importance for professional artists and for ordinary people.Therefore, it is possible to solve this problem by integrating the historical experience accumulated and effective approaches to teaching arts and crafts. Thus, there is a clear need for a study towards arts and craft’s professional training and optimal ways of its realization.Educational activities of Department of fine and decorative art of Rivne State Humanitarian University are analyzed in this article.Contemporary tradition of sharing the experience of artistic activity while studying is observed; it is advisable to turn to the works of scientists, which were elaborated during historical practice of training of masters of Arts and crafts. In historical retrospective all these researches kept to the actual ideas about the need for the future artist-craftsmen capacity mastering by taking into consideration the craft traditions and direct involvement into the production process under the guidance of experienced teachers. Their skills and personal qualities will positively affect the student’s success. In addition, the information stated in their works, shows, that the dominant teaching of arts and crafts was a practical component, conducted for a long time by involving students in to the manufacturing process and practical production technology.Professional training of artists and craftsmen in Ukraine is based both on European and national traditions and was conducted in the early twentieth century mainly in departments of arts and crafts in cooperatives, in crafts, stationary craft educational workshops, mobile model studios, art schools (including artistic and industrial schools). Due to the links between folk and professional art, the links between crafts and fine arts, various methodological grounds are available; the students master the technology of decorative and craft products making, they also receive some knowledge of the theory and practice of handicrafts, technological processes of drawing, composition, drawing, secondary and special disciplines.The results of the current research towards the problems of artist-master of arts and crafts training coincides with the thoughts of the scholars, who believe this phenomenon to be complex, ambivalent socio-pedagogical phenomenon, that combines the personal, ethnology and authentic aspects and requires conciliation with the principles of ethnology studies.In Rivne State Humanitarian University at the Department of fine and decorative art future specialist’s training is implemented during educational process, aimed to transforming of the professional activity experience, preserved by humanity, on to subjective, individual heritage, which enables the exteriorization of professional experience, it’s transformation in to individual-psychological heritage and at the same time enables formation of the future artist and master of arts and crafts as a subject of art reproduction of material world in decorative and applied products on the base of comprehension of cultural and historical experience of production and materialization of national art ideas and values.Future professionals of arts and crafts training introduced in Rivne State Humanitarian University was meant to provide a broad range of opportunities to gain knowledge and skills, that enable the personal realization while constant process of improvement, strengthening the ability to search and find the up-to-date information, to learn inspired and excited with the joy of creation.This article does not elaborate all aspects of the problem. Further researches of the questions, concerning the teaching and training of future professionals of arts and crafts have great prospects.

In Canada, since the early 2000s, action and collaborative research have become increasingly popular in the social sciences. In this form of research, knowledge is produced not only by specialized researchers but also with actors in the field; it is often presented as a panacea for ethical research with local populations, especially when they are in a situation of marginalization. This research is in practice seen as a potential means of empowerment. Based on my experience as an anthropologist working in Quebec Aboriginal communities, I examine how, when applied to non-prescriptive disciplines such as mine, these types of research can present different images. Are they really more ethical than fundamental research? I highlight the questions raised by these models, which can change the way I practice my profession, paying particular attention to the commitment of the researcher, the validity and strength of methodologies and epistemologies, and the degrees of participation of informants, all within the framework of the ethical rules formulated by the Canadian granting councils and by Aboriginal people themselves.

There exist 7,097 living languages in the world cited by Ethnologue. Most of them, however, do not exist on the Internet as the objects of research. It indicates the gap in language resources. One of them is Samawa language which has over 500,000 native speakers and is identified as endangered language by UNESCO. What we known about Samawa so far is a lack of information, tools, and resources to maintain its sustainability. This paper aims to contribute to NLP, a growing field of research, by exploring Samawa part of speech tagging problem using rule-based approach, i.e. Brill tagger. It has been trained on very limited data of Samawa corpus, which is 24,627 tokens including punctuation marks with 24 tags of our original tagset. K-fold cross-validation (k = 5 and k = 10) was applied to compare Brill’s performance with Unigram, HMM, and TnT. Brill tagger with the combination of default tagger, Unigram, Bigram and Trigram as baseline tagger achieve higher accuracy over 95% than others. It suggests that the Brill tagger can be used to extend Samawa corpus automatically.

ABSTRACT Ethnologic identification is one of the major demanding subjects to facilitate human has been encountered with. The forensic magnitude of the dental tissue has been well predictable since teeth are hardest of all human tissues and they can be conserved undamaged for an extensive episode of instance following fatality. They are constant chemically and they retain their characteristics, which becomes a consistent source for determination of human identification. The study of the dental hard and soft tissue for the rationale of establishing the individuality of a victim is called dental profiling. By using the dental profiling techniques, age, gender, and race of an individual can be determined, as well as the data about their socioeconomic status, personal habits, oral and systemic health, occupation, diet, familial relationship, and psychological characteristics. A dental profile is more detailed and reliable if more than one technique is applied. Each human being possesses a unique dental profile that helps them in identification. Education in the field of forensic odontology and techniques of dental profiling is essential since it contributes significantly to the status of the dental profession in additional associated disciplines as well as in public, and it encourages dentists to view their own achievements from a wider perspective. Through the ages, odontological examinations have been a critical determinant in the search of human identity. This piece of review writing gives an overview of the dental evidence and its use in forensic identification. How to cite this article: Sahu NK, Patel S, Pathak J, et al. Role of Dental Hard Tissue in Human Identification. J Contemp Dent 2019;9(3):130–134.

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different “faces of migration”, which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title “Many faces of migration”, connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute’s report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views “on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of “other” disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to “demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door”. The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. “In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization”.Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants “dream”, Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O’Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the “division of labour” in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener’s theory the author expresses “remoteness” of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. “Remoteness” is formed in relation to the “outside world”, to those who speak of “remote areas” from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim “to open a place like this to the outside world”, “to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place”, shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the “remoteness”.Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration “of people in creative occupations” in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are “modern” and countries of origin “traditional”. Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the “western world”. On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different “faces of migration”, which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title “Many faces of migration”, connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute’s report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views “on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of “other” disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to “demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door”. The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. “In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization”.Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants “dream”, Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O’Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the “division of labour” in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener’s theory the author expresses “remoteness” of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. “Remoteness” is formed in relation to the “outside world”, to those who speak of “remote areas” from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim “to open a place like this to the outside world”, “to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place”, shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the “remoteness”.Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration “of people in creative occupations” in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are “modern” and countries of origin “traditional”. Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the “western world”. On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.

This paper looks at the current situation of the institutional practice of safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage (ICH) in terms of the idea, put forward in anthropological literature, about the need to establish an inclusive ICH register for the entire territory of the Republic of Serbia, and a separate one for the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. In view of the principles of the Unesco Convention for the Safeguarding of the ICH and the accompanying Operational Directives for its implementation, the ethnic attribution of heritage, proposed as a solution to the problem of underrepresentation of minority heritage in the state register, is analytically shown to be possible, yet insufficient. Although neither Unesco methodology nor global cultural policies present an obstacle to the creation of parallel registers, the existing Safeguarding Network, as well as the problem of underrepresentation of minority identities, would not be resolved in a way that would not at present demand excessive theoretical and moral concessions from anthropology, and particularly from applied ethnology. An analysis of the disharmonies between the theoretical apparatus of anthropology, the practice of applying ethnology within the safeguarding system, the legal framework for the protetion of ethnic minorities, and the results of qualitative research among minority communities, suggests the need for further mutual adjustment between science, the administration and the non-governmental sector through intersectoral collaboration.

In the twenty-first century, the swelling wave of Russian chauvinism has inspired the efforts of both Russian and Belarusian historians to vindicate Mikhail Muravyov (1796–1866), Governor General of Vilnius (1863–1865) well known for severe repression against the participants of the 1863–1864 uprising in Lithuania. The tendencies of this process require a fresh look at the ideological origins of this historical figure. While searching for connections with the geopolitical context, this article discusses the never-before analysed fundamentals of ethnology and earth science formed in the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, which had become the ideological basis of Muravyov’s understanding of the situation in the North-western Territory and helped him develop his tactics of total Russification of the region. The Imperial Russian Geographical Society was established in 1845, and was modelled on the concept of the interdisciplinary earth science (Ger. Erdkunde) by the German scientist Carl Ritter. Muravyov was one of the society’s founding members and a member of its first council. From 1850 to 1857, he was the vice president of the society, and its honorary member from 1857. From the very start, Muravyov took part in formulating the guidelines of the function and scientific development of the organisation, and of coordination of the key research programmes. Guided by Muravyov and in cooperation with the General Staff of the Army, the Academy of Sciences, Pulkovo Astronomical Observatory, departments of Geology, Hydrography, Transport and Roads, and others implemented many significant scientific projects. The society was expanding: in 1851, two divisions were established in Siberia and the Caucasus. The processes of establishment of the divisions in the regions were linked to the demand for local coordination centres that would not only develop programmes for local research, but also take part in large-scale strategic research into these territories. Muravyov was well qualified to deal with matters of state importance by achieving a synergistic effect in the science serving the needs of the ethnic policy. Although the methods of the earth science (Ger. Erdkunde) and ethnology (Ger. Volkskunde) were previously established and tested at the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, Muravyov applied them with caution in Vilnius. In the Northwestern Territory, a branch of the society was established in as late as 1867, after Muravyov’s death. His aim to instill Russian culture in the Northwestern Territory was driven by his intention to rewrite the historical narrative of the outskirts of the Russian Empire and to accumulate historical sources favourable to him as soon as possible. Established in 1864, Vilnius Archaeographic Commission carried out research into and publishing of old documents that served the interests of the imperial ideology. One of the most significant tasks in this region was to prove that both the land and culture were historically Russian, and for this reason statistical surveys and archeographical work were much more important that ethnological research.

The conceptual context within which D. Olderogge created his works (dominated of the Lenin-Stalin “nation theory” and the Soviet theory of ethnos) is considered in the article. The author of the article shows that the terminological continuum in the works by D. Olderogge testifies to his rejection of the prevailing views of the time. Such terms as “race”, “tribe”, “nationality”, “people”, “nation” and “national state” were used by him outside of any context of Stalinist dogma. In some works D. Olderogge question the Eurocentric periodization of history (the doctrine of socio-economic formations), and comprehensiveness of the stages of «ethnos” the sufficiency of the stage forms of the “ethnos” linked to the formations, applied by Soviet ethnographers. The scientist stated that there were many definitions of the concept of “ethnos”, but the generally recognized concept had not been worked out. The author concludes that D. Olderogge represented the evolutionary paradigm in ethnology and believed in the objective existence of ontologized communities with objective “ethnic” characteristics.

The object of this article is the analysis of the studies carried out by Lithuanian ethnologists and local ethnographers during Soviet times that were based on the ethnographic material collected outside the borders of the former Lithuanian SSR. This aspect has not yet been explored in the historiography of Lithuanian ethnology. The article aims to present the research into the family and its customs carried out beyond the borders of the former Lithuanian SSR, and to reveal its motivation and intensity. The choice of the subject has been influenced by its relationship with ethnicity and the importance of the family conveyed by the researchers. To achieve the goal, the following objectives were formulated: to review specific research features applied in the former Soviet Lithuania; to disclose the ethnographic fieldwork carried out in Belarus, Poland, and Russia at the time, and to show how the ethnographic material collected in Lithuanian ethnic locations was used for studying the family and the habits of its life. An overview of the history of ethnology in Soviet Lithuania has shown that ethnographic research outside Soviet Lithuania, although not very abundant, had been carried out throughout the entire Soviet period despite some confrontations with the authorities. The abundance of ethnographic fieldwork was primarily observed in the 1950s. The most intensive studies into the family and family customs were carried out in the Lithuanian villages located in the territory of Belarus, the former Byelorussian SSR. They were characterised by more archaic traditions that had already been extinct in the eastern regions of Lithuania. The studies into family customs were carried out in these areas not only by the scholars who were supposed to examine family customs according to institutional plans (for example, Angelė Vyšniauskaitė), but also by those whose research interests were not directly related to the research into family customs (Vacys Milius, Juozas Kudirka). In these cases, the analysis of family life was carried out by examining the ethnic culture of one area or another. Also, studies into Lithuanian culture were enriched by the works of local ethnographers. The publication of ethnographic sources played a similar role. One of such examples is a collection of sources of Lithuania Minor of the 17th–19th centuries, compiled by Vacys Milius in 1970. This article shows that ethnographic studies outside Lithuania were conducted not only for scientific interests or for collecting comparative ethnographic material: they were strongly motivated by patriotic feelings and the desire to uncover the condition of Lithuanian ethnic territories, to record and memorialise the Lithuanian communities living there, and to preserve historical memory, and to uphold the Lithuanian ethnic identity both inside and outside Lithuania.

Few studies have explored the influence of horizontal (i.e., among group) inequalities on terrorism, yet it seems plausible that these inequalities may be relevant. Employing data from the Global Terrorism Database and Ethnologue, this article examines the effect of ethnic economic inequality on domestic terrorism for 130 countries over the period 2001 to 2018. We present evidence that higher degrees of ethnic inequality lead to higher numbers of terrorist attacks as well as a higher number of people killed or injured. This positive association between ethnic inequality and terrorism is robust to alternative measures of ethnic inequality, omission of influential countries and regions, the inclusion and exclusion of controls, and alternative estimation strategies. In contrast, countries with high degree of political freedom and high governance quality tend to suffer less from terrorism. Promoting economic equality among ethnic groups, therefore, has the potential to reduce the risk of domestic terrorism. We propose that a critical step towards promoting this equality is to enhance social inclusion. The benefits of increasing social inclusion extend beyond simply reducing the incidence of terrorism and inter-racial violence; creating a socially inclusive society is a social justice imperative and the responsibility of policymakers, social institutions, civil society, and the private sector. It is also consistent with the notion of inclusive economic growth, as championed by organizations such as the OECD and the United Nations Development Program.

Статья посвящена сравнительному анализу орнаментального декора войлока и ткани ойратов Западной Монголии и калмыков России на материале экспонатов Музея традиционной культуры им. Зая-пандиты Калмыцкого НЦ РАН и других отечественных музеев. Автор использует методы исторической науки, этнологии и искусствознания, применяемые в музеологии. В ходе исследования рассмотрены узоры, украшавшие предметы традиционного быта калмыков описаны типичные приемы их орнаментальной отделки, формы узоров, цветовые и композиционные решения выявлены связи орнаментики с традиционным миропониманием номадов изучена калмыцкая техника вышивки-аппликации зег установлено, что стеганый узор войлока ойратов и калмыков это квинтэссенция художественной традиции номадов. Все это позволяет сделать вывод о генетической взаимосвязи калмыцкой вышивки и узорного войлока, прослеживаемой в геометрическом узоре зег своеобразной трансформации стеганого узора войлока. При этом становится очевидным, что орнаментальный декор войлока сохраняет традиционный код культуры, являющийся художественным наследием номадов.The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the ornamental decor of felt and fabric of the Oirats of Western Mongolia and the Kalmyks of Russia based on the exhibits of the Zaya-Pandita Museum of Traditional Culture of the Kalmyk Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences with the involvement of collections of other museums in Russia. The interdisciplinary study of artistic traditions uses the methods of history, ethnology and art studies used in museology. The author reveals the significance of felt in the culture of nomadic peoples and describes the ornaments used to symbolically designate world space, natural phenomena, and seasons. An analogy is traced between the Kalmyk signs of property and the symbolic writing of the Mongolian peoples. The patterns decorating the objects of traditional life of the Kalmyk people are considered: felt mats, panels, blankets. At the same time, typical techniques of ornamental decoration of these products, the most common forms of patterns are identified and described, color and compositional solutions are characterized, and ornaments are connected with the traditional worldview of nomads. The loss of significance of the tradition of felting among the Kalmyks at the turn of the 20th century is noted. Further development of this industry among the Oirats of Mongolia is considered up to the beginning of the 21st century. The examples of the decor of womens clothing items from Hoboksar (Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, PRC) revealed the unity of the ornamental tradition of the Oirats, which applies not only to felt, but also to fabric. The corresponding parallel is drawn with respect to the Kalmyk cloth pouches. The general motifs of the ornamental design of the carpets of the Noin-Ula nomads (end of the 1st century BC 1st century AD) and Kalmyk felt mats are revealed. The Kalmyk technique of application zeg is considered and described, its significance is established as the formative basis of the folk arts and crafts of Kalmykia. It is established that the geometric quilted pattern of felt of the Oirats and the Kalmyks is a concentrate of the nomadic artistic tradition. Kalmyk embroidery and patterned felt in the initial basis of stitches are genetically interconnected by the geometric pattern zeg, which is a transformation of the quilted pattern of felt. The embroidered decor of the Kalmyk costume compensates for the lost position of the artistic metal that prevails in the aesthetics of the Oirat folk costume. Patterned felt, the original material of Kalmyk life, and its ornamental decor preserve the traditional cultural code, transmitted as the artistic heritage of the nomads.

Special Care Notice This paper discusses trauma and violence inflicted upon the Indigenous peoples of Tasmania through the process of colonisation. Content within this paper may be distressing to some readers. Introduction The decimation of the First Peoples of Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania) was systematic and swift. First Contact was an emotionally, intellectually, physically, and spiritually confronting series of encounters for the Indigenous inhabitants. There were, according to some early records, a few examples of peaceful interactions (Morris 84). Yet, the inevitable competition over resources, and the intensity with which colonists pursued their “claims” for food, land, and water, quickly transformed amicable relationships into hostile rivalries. Jennifer Gall has written that, as “European settlement expanded in the late 1820s, violent exchanges between settlers and Aboriginal people were frequent, brutal and unchecked” (58). Indeed, the near-annihilation of the original custodians of the land was, if viewed through the lens of time, a process that could be described as one that was especially efficient. As John Morris notes: in 1803, when the first settlers arrived in Van Diemen’s Land, the Aborigines had already inhabited the island for some 25,000 years and the population has been estimated at 4,000. Seventy-three years later, Truganinni, [often cited as] the last Tasmanian of full Aboriginal descent, was dead. (84) Against a backdrop of extreme violence, often referred to as the Black War (Clements 1), there were some, admittedly dubious, efforts to contain the bloodshed. One such effort, in the late 1820s, was the production, and subsequent distribution, of a set of Proclamation Boards. Approximately 100 Proclamation Boards (the Board) were introduced by the Lieutenant Governor of the day, George Arthur (after whom Port Arthur on the Tasman Peninsula is named). The purpose of these Boards was to communicate, via a four-strip pictogram, to the Indigenous peoples of the island colony that all people—black and white—were considered equal under the law. “British Justice would protect” everyone (Morris 84). This is reflected in the narrative of the Boards. The first image presents Indigenous peoples and colonists living peacefully together. The second, and central, image shows “a conciliatory handshake between the British governor and an Aboriginal ‘chief’, highly reminiscent of images found in North America on treaty medals and anti-slavery tokens” (Darian-Smith and Edmonds 4). The third and fourth images depict the repercussions for committing murder, with an Indigenous man hanged for spearing a colonist and a European man also hanged for shooting an Aborigine. Both men executed under “gubernatorial supervision” (Turnbull 53). Image 1: Governor Davey's [sic - actually Governor Arthur's] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic - actually c. 1828-30]. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (Call Number: SAFE / R 247). The Board is an interesting re-imagining of one of the traditional methods of communication for Indigenous peoples; the leaving of images on the bark of trees. Such trees, often referred to as scarred trees, are rare in modern-day Tasmania as “the expansion of settlements, and the impact of bush fires and other environmental factors” resulted in many of these trees being destroyed (Aboriginal Heritage Tasmania online). Similarly, only a few of the Boards, inspired by these trees, survive today. The Proclamation Board was, in the 1860s, re-imagined as the output of a different Governor: Lieutenant Governor Davey (after whom Port Davey, on the south-west coast of Tasmania is named). This re-imagining of the Board’s creator was so effective that the Board, today, is popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines. This paper outlines several other re-imaginings of this Board. In addition, this paper offers another, new, re-imagining of the Board, positing that this is an early “pamphlet” on crime, justice and punishment which actually presents as a pre-cursor to the modern Australian true crime tale. In doing so this work connects the Proclamation Board to the larger genre of crime fiction. One Proclamation Board: Two Governors Labelled Van Diemen’s Land and settled as a colony of New South Wales in 1803, this island state would secede from the administration of mainland Australia in 1825. Another change would follow in 1856 when Van Diemen’s Land was, in another process of re-imagining, officially re-named Tasmania. This change in nomenclature was an initiative to, symbolically at least, separate the contemporary state from a criminal and violent past (Newman online). Tasmania’s violent history was, perhaps, inevitable. The island was claimed by Philip Gidley King, the Governor of New South Wales, in the name of His Majesty, not for the purpose of building a community, but to “prevent the French from gaining a footing on the east side of that island” and also to procure “timber and other natural products, as well as to raise grain and to promote the seal industry” (Clark 36). Another rationale for this land claim was to “divide the convicts” (Clark 36) which re-fashioned the island into a gaol. It was this penal element of the British colonisation of Australia that saw the worst of the British Empire forced upon the Aboriginal peoples. As historian Clive Turnbull explains: the brutish state of England was reproduced in the English colonies, and that in many ways its brutishness was increased, for now there came to Australia not the humanitarians or the indifferent, but the men who had vested interests in the systems of restraint; among those who suffered restraint were not only a vast number who were merely unfortunate and poverty-stricken—the victims of a ‘depression’—but brutalised persons, child-slaughterers and even potential cannibals. (Turnbull 25) As noted above the Black War of Tasmania saw unprecedented aggression against the rightful occupants of the land. Yet, the Aboriginal peoples were “promised the white man’s justice, the people [were] exhorted to live in amity with them, the wrongs which they suffer [were] deplored” (Turnbull 23). The administrators purported an egalitarian society, one of integration and peace but Van Diemen’s Land was colonised as a prison and as a place of profit. So, “like many apologists whose material benefit is bound up with the systems which they defend” (Turnbull 23), assertions of care for the health and welfare of the Aboriginal peoples were made but were not supported by sufficient policies, or sufficient will, and the Black War continued. Colonel Thomas Davey (1758-1823) was the second person to serve as Lieutenant Governor of Van Diemen’s Land; a term of office that began in 1813 and concluded in 1817. The fourth Lieutenant Governor of the island was Colonel Sir George Arthur (1784-1854); his term of office, significantly longer than Davey’s, being from 1824 to 1836. The two men were very different but are connected through this intriguing artefact, the Proclamation Board. One of the efforts made to assert the principle of equality under the law in Van Diemen’s Land was an outcome of work undertaken by Surveyor General George Frankland (1800-1838). Frankland wrote to Arthur in early 1829 and suggested the Proclamation Board (Morris 84), sometimes referred to as a Picture Board or the Tasmanian Hieroglyphics, as a tool to support Arthur’s various Proclamations. The Proclamation, signed on 15 April 1828 and promulgated in the The Hobart Town Courier on 19 April 1828 (Arthur 1), was one of several notices attempting to reduce the increasing levels of violence between Indigenous peoples and colonists. The date on Frankland’s correspondence clearly situates the Proclamation Board within Arthur’s tenure as Lieutenant Governor. The Board was, however, in the 1860s, re-imagined as the output of Davey. The Clerk of the Tasmanian House of Assembly, Hugh M. Hull, asserted that the Board was the work of Davey and not Arthur. Hull’s rationale for this, despite archival evidence connecting the Board to Frankland and, by extension, to Arthur, is predominantly anecdotal. In a letter to the editor of The Hobart Mercury, published 26 November 1874, Hull wrote: this curiosity was shown by me to the late Mrs Bateman, neé Pitt, a lady who arrived here in 1804, and with whom I went to school in 1822. She at once recognised it as one of a number prepared in 1816, under Governor Davey’s orders; and said she had seen one hanging on a gum tree at Cottage Green—now Battery Point. (3) Hull went on to assert that “if any old gentleman will look at the picture and remember the style of military and civil dress of 1810-15, he will find that Mrs Bateman was right” (3). Interestingly, Hull relies upon the recollections of a deceased school friend and the dress codes depicted by the artist to date the Proclamation Board as a product of 1816, in lieu of documentary evidence dating the Board as a product of 1828-1830. Curiously, the citation of dress can serve to undermine Hull’s argument. An early 1840s watercolour by Thomas Bock, of Mathinna, an Aboriginal child of Flinders Island adopted by Lieutenant Governor John Franklin (Felton online), features the young girl wearing a brightly coloured, high-waisted dress. This dress is very similar to the dresses worn by the children on the Proclamation Board (the difference being that Mathinna wears a red dress with a contrasting waistband, the children on the Board wear plain yellow dresses) (Bock). Acknowledging the simplicity of children's clothing during the colonial era, it could still be argued that it would have been unlikely the Governor of the day would have placed a child, enjoying at that time a life of privilege, in a situation where she sat for a portrait wearing an old-fashioned garment. So effective was Hull’s re-imagining of the Board’s creator that the Board was, for many years, popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines with even the date modified, to 1816, to fit Davey’s term of office. Further, it is worth noting that catalogue records acknowledge the error of attribution and list both Davey and Arthur as men connected to the creation of the Proclamation Board. A Surviving Board: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales One of the surviving Proclamation Boards is held by the Mitchell Library. The Boards, oil on Huon pine, were painted by “convict artists incarcerated in the island penal colony” (Carroll 73). The work was mass produced (by the standards of mass production of the day) by pouncing, “a technique [of the Italian Renaissance] of pricking the contours of a drawing with a pin. Charcoal was then dusted on to the drawing” (Carroll 75-76). The images, once outlined, were painted in oil. Of approximately 100 Boards made, several survive today. There are seven known Boards within public collections (Gall 58): five in Australia (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW, Sydney; Museum Victoria, Melbourne; National Library of Australia, Canberra; Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, Hobart; and Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, Launceston); and two overseas (The Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University and the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, University of Cambridge). The catalogue record, for the Board held by the Mitchell Library, offers the following details:Paintings: 1 oil painting on Huon pine board, rectangular in shape with rounded corners and hole at top centre for suspension ; 35.7 x 22.6 x 1 cm. 4 scenes are depicted:Aborigines and white settlers in European dress mingling harmoniouslyAboriginal men and women, and an Aboriginal child approach Governor Arthur to shake hands while peaceful soldiers look onA hostile Aboriginal man spears a male white settler and is hanged by the military as Governor Arthur looks onA hostile white settler shoots an Aboriginal man and is hanged by the military as Governor Arthur looks on. (SAFE / R 247) The Mitchell Library Board was purchased from J.W. Beattie in May 1919 for £30 (Morris 86), which is approximately $2,200 today. Importantly, the title of the record notes both the popular attribution of the Board and the man who actually instigated the Board’s production: “Governor Davey’s [sic – actually Governor Arthur] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic – actually c. 1828-30].” The date of the Board is still a cause of some speculation. The earlier date, 1828, marks the declaration of martial law (Turnbull 94) and 1830 marks the Black Line (Edmonds 215); the attempt to form a human line of white men to force many Tasmanian Aboriginals, four of the nine nations, onto the Tasman Peninsula (Ryan 3). Frankland’s suggestion for the Board was put forward on 4 February 1829, with Arthur’s official Conciliator to the Aborigines, G.A. Robinson, recording his first sighting of a Board on 24 December 1829 (Morris 84-85). Thus, the conception of the Board may have been in 1828 but the Proclamation project was not fully realised until 1830. Indeed, a news item on the Proclamation Board did appear in the popular press, but not until 5 March 1830: We are informed that the Government have given directions for the painting of a large number of pictures to be placed in the bush for the contemplation of the Aboriginal Inhabitants. […] However […] the causes of their hostility must be more deeply probed, or their taste as connoisseurs in paintings more clearly established, ere we can look for any beneficial result from this measure. (Colonial Times 2) The remark made in relation to becoming a connoisseur of painting, though intended to be derogatory, makes some sense. There was an assumption that the Indigenous peoples could easily translate a European-styled execution by hanging, as a visual metaphor for all forms of punishment. It has long been understood that Indigenous “social organisation and religious and ceremonial life were often as complex as those of the white invaders” (McCulloch 261). However, the Proclamation Board was, in every sense, Eurocentric and made no attempt to acknowledge the complexities of Aboriginal culture. It was, quite simply, never going to be an effective tool of communication, nor achieve its socio-legal aims. The Board Re-imagined: Popular Media The re-imagining of the Proclamation Board as a construct of Governor Davey, instead of Governor Arthur, is just one of many re-imaginings of this curious object. There are, of course, the various imaginings of the purpose of the Board. On the surface these images are a tool for reconciliation but as “the story of these paintings unfolds […] it becomes clear that the proclamations were in effect envoys sent back to Britain to exhibit the ingenious attempts being applied to civilise Australia” (Carroll 76). In this way the Board was re-imagined by the Administration that funded the exercise, even before the project was completed, from a mechanism to assist in the bringing about of peace into an object that would impress colonial superiors. Khadija von Zinnenburg Carroll has recently written about the Boards in the context of their “transnational circulation” and how “objects become subjects and speak of their past through the ventriloquism of contemporary art history” (75). Carroll argues the Board is an item that couples “military strategy with a fine arts propaganda campaign” (Carroll 78). Critically the Boards never achieved their advertised purpose for, as Carroll explains, there were “elaborate rituals Aboriginal Australians had for the dead” and, therefore, “the display of a dead, hanging body is unthinkable. […] being exposed to the sight of a hanged man must have been experienced as an unimaginable act of disrespect” (92). The Proclamation Board would, in sharp contrast to feelings of unimaginable disrespect, inspire feelings of pride across the colonial population. An example of this pride being revealed in the selection of the Board as an object worthy of reproduction, as a lithograph, for an Intercolonial Exhibition, held in Melbourne in 1866 (Morris 84). The lithograph, which identifies the Board as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines and dated 1816, was listed as item 572, of 738 items submitted by Tasmania, for the event (The Commissioners 69-85). This type of reproduction, or re-imagining, of the Board would not be an isolated event. Penelope Edmonds has described the Board as producing a “visual vernacular” through a range of derivatives including lantern slides, lithographs, and postcards. These types of tourist ephemera are in addition to efforts to produce unique re-workings of the Board as seen in Violet Mace’s Proclamation glazed earthernware, which includes a jug (1928) and a pottery cup (1934) (Edmonds online). The Board Re-imagined: A True Crime Tale The Proclamation Board offers numerous narratives. There is the story that the Board was designed and deployed to communicate. There is the story behind the Board. There is also the story of the credit for the initiative which was transferred from Governor Arthur to Governor Davey and subsequently returned to Arthur. There are, too, the provenance stories of individual Boards. There is another story the Proclamation Board offers. The story of true crime in colonial Australia. The Board, as noted, presents through a four-strip pictogram an idea that all are equal under the rule of law (Arthur 1). Advocating for a society of equals was a duplicitous practice, for while Aborigines were hanged for allegedly murdering settlers, “there is no record of whites being charged, let alone punished, for murdering Aborigines” (Morris 84). It would not be until 1838 that white men would be punished for the murder of Aboriginal people (on the mainland) in the wake of the Myall Creek Massacre, in northern New South Wales. There were other examples of attempts to bring about a greater equity under the rule of law but, as Amanda Nettelbeck explains, there was wide-spread resistance to the investigation and charging of colonists for crimes against the Indigenous population with cases regularly not going to trial, or, if making a courtroom, resulting in an acquittal (355-59). That such cases rested on “legally inadmissible Aboriginal testimony” (Reece in Nettelbeck 358) propped up a justice system that was, inherently, unjust in the nineteenth century. It is important to note that commentators at the time did allude to the crime narrative of the Board: when in the most civilized country in the world it has been found ineffective as example to hang murderers in chains, it is not to be expected a savage race will be influenced by the milder exhibition of effigy and caricature. (Colonial Times 2) It is argued here that the Board was much more than an offering of effigy and caricature. The Proclamation Board presents, in striking detail, the formula for the modern true crime tale: a peace disturbed by the act of murder; and the ensuing search for, and delivery of, justice. Reinforcing this point, are the ideas of justice seen within crime fiction, a genre that focuses on the restoration of order out of chaos (James 174), are made visible here as aspirational. The true crime tale does not, consistently, offer the reassurances found within crime fiction. In the real world, particularly one as violent as colonial Australia, we are forced to acknowledge that, below the surface of the official rhetoric on justice and crime, the guilty often go free and the innocent are sometimes hanged. Another point of note is that, if the latter date offered here, of 1830, is taken as the official date of the production of these Boards, then the significance of the Proclamation Board as a true crime tale is even more pronounced through a connection to crime fiction (both genres sharing a common literary heritage). The year 1830 marks the release of Australia’s first novel, Quintus Servinton written by convicted forger Henry Savery, a crime novel (produced in three volumes) published by Henry Melville of Hobart Town. Thus, this paper suggests, 1830 can be posited as a year that witnessed the production of two significant cultural artefacts, the Proclamation Board and the nation’s first full-length literary work, as also being the year that established the, now indomitable, traditions of true crime and crime fiction in Australia. Conclusion During the late 1820s in Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania) a set of approximately 100 Proclamation Boards were produced by the Lieutenant Governor of the day, George Arthur. The official purpose of these items was to communicate, to the Indigenous peoples of the island colony, that all—black and white—were equal under the law. Murderers, be they Aboriginal or colonist, would be punished. The Board is a re-imagining of one of the traditional methods of communication for Indigenous peoples; the leaving of drawings on the bark of trees. The Board was, in the 1860s, in time for an Intercolonial Exhibition, re-imagined as the output of Lieutenant Governor Davey. This re-imagining of the Board was so effective that surviving artefacts, today, are popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines with the date modified, to 1816, to fit the new narrative. The Proclamation Board was also reimagined, by its creators and consumers, in a variety of ways: as peace offering; military propaganda; exhibition object; tourism ephemera; and contemporary art. This paper has also, briefly, offered another re-imagining of the Board, positing that this early “pamphlet” on justice and punishment actually presents a pre-cursor to the modern Australian true crime tale. The Proclamation Board tells many stories but, at the core of this curious object, is a crime story: the story of mass murder. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges the Palawa peoples: the traditional custodians of the lands known today as Tasmania. The author acknowledges, too, the Gadigal people of the Eora nation upon whose lands this paper was researched and written. The author extends thanks to Richard Neville, Margot Riley, Kirsten Thorpe, and Justine Wilson of the State Library of New South Wales for sharing their knowledge and offering their support. The author is also grateful to the reviewers for their careful reading of the manuscript and for making valuable suggestions. ReferencesAboriginal Heritage Tasmania. “Scarred Trees.” Aboriginal Cultural Heritage, 2012. 12 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.aboriginalheritage.tas.gov.au/aboriginal-cultural-heritage/archaeological-site-types/scarred-trees›.Arthur, George. “Proclamation.” The Hobart Town Courier 19 Apr. 1828: 1.———. Governor Davey’s [sic – actually Governor Arthur’s] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic – actually c. 1828-30]. Graphic Materials. Sydney: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW, c. 1828-30.Bock, Thomas. Mathinna. Watercolour and Gouache on Paper. 23 x 19 cm (oval), c. 1840.Carroll, Khadija von Zinnenburg. Art in the Time of Colony: Empires and the Making of the Modern World, 1650-2000. Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2014.Clark, Manning. History of Australia. Abridged by Michael Cathcart. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1997 [1993]. Clements, Nicholas. The Black War: Fear, Sex and Resistance in Tasmania. St Lucia, Qld.: U of Queensland P, 2014.Colonial Times. “Hobart Town.” Colonial Times 5 Mar. 1830: 2.The Commissioners. Intercolonial Exhibition Official Catalogue. 2nd ed. Melbourne: Blundell & Ford, 1866.Darian-Smith, Kate, and Penelope Edmonds. “Conciliation on Colonial Frontiers.” Conciliation on Colonial Frontiers: Conflict, Performance and Commemoration in Australia and the Pacific Rim. Eds. Kate Darian-Smith and Penelope Edmonds. New York: Routledge, 2015. 1–14. Edmonds, Penelope. “‘Failing in Every Endeavour to Conciliate’: Governor Arthur’s Proclamation Boards to the Aborigines, Australian Conciliation Narratives and Their Transnational Connections.” Journal of Australian Studies 35.2 (2011): 201–18.———. “The Proclamation Cup: Tasmanian Potter Violet Mace and Colonial Quotations.” reCollections 5.2 (2010). 20 May 2015 ‹http://recollections.nma.gov.au/issues/vol_5_no_2/papers/the_proclamation_cup_›.Felton, Heather. “Mathinna.” Companion to Tasmanian History. Hobart: Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, 2006. 29 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.utas.edu.au/library/companion_to_tasmanian_history/M/Mathinna.htm›.Gall, Jennifer. Library of Dreams: Treasures from the National Library of Australia. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 2011.Hull, Hugh M. “Tasmanian Hieroglyphics.” The Hobart Mercury 26 Nov. 1874: 3.James, P.D. Talking about Detective Fiction. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2009.Mace, Violet. 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Canberra: National Museum of Australia, 1934.McCulloch, Samuel Clyde. “Sir George Gipps and Eastern Australia’s Policy toward the Aborigine, 1838-46.” The Journal of Modern History 33.3 (1961): 261–69.Morris, John. “Notes on a Message to the Tasmanian Aborigines in 1829, popularly called ‘Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816’.” Australiana 10.3 (1988): 84–7.Nettelbeck, Amanda. “‘Equals of the White Man’: Prosecution of Settlers for Violence against Aboriginal Subjects of the Crown, Colonial Western Australia.” Law and History Review 31.2 (2013): 355–90.Newman, Terry. “Tasmania, the Name.” Companion to Tasmanian History, 2006. 16 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.utas.edu.au/library/companion_to_tasmanian_history/T/Tasmania%20name.htm›.Reece, Robert H.W., in Amanda Nettelbeck. “‘Equals of the White Man’: Prosecution of Settlers for Violence against Aboriginal Subjects of the Crown, Colonial Western Australia.” Law and History Review 31.2 (2013): 355–90.Ryan, Lyndall. “The Black Line in Van Diemen’s Land: Success or Failure?” Journal of Australian Studies 37.1 (2013): 3–18.Savery, Henry. 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Introduction Many anthropologists and other academics have attempted to argue that the spread of technology is a global homogenising force, socialising the remaining indigenous groups across the planet into an indistinct Western "monoculture" focussed on consumption, where they are rapidly losing their cultural distinctiveness. In many cases, these intellectuals -– people such as Jerry Mander -- often blame the diffusion of television (particularly through new innovations that are allowing it to penetrate further into rural areas, such as satellite and cable) as a key force in the effort to "assimilate" indigenous groups and eradicate their unique identities. Such writers suggest that indigenous groups can do nothing to resist the onslaught of the technologically, economically, and aesthetically superior power of Western television. Ironically, while often protesting the plight of indigenous groups and heralding their need for cultural survival, these authors often fail to recognise these groups’ abilities to fend for themselves and preserve their cultural integrity. On the other side of the debate are visual anthropologists and others who are arguing that indigenous groups are quickly becoming savvy to Western technologies, and that they are now using them for cultural revitalisation, linguistic revival, and the creation of outlets for the indigenous voice. In this school of thought, technology is seen not so much as a threat to indigenous groups, but instead as a remarkable opportunity to reverse the misfortunes of these groups at the hands of colonisation and national programmes of attempted assimilation. From this perspective, the rush of indigenous groups to adopt new technologies comes hand-in-hand with recent efforts to assert their tribal sovereignty and their independence. Technology has become a "weapon" in their struggle for technological autonomy. As a result, many are starting their own television stations and networks, and thus transforming the way television operates in their societies -– away from global monocultures and toward local interests. I hypothesise that in fact there is no correlation between television viewing and acculturation, and that, in fact, the more familiar people are with the technology of television and the current way the technology is utilised, the more likely they are to be interested in using it to revive and promote their own culture. Whatever slight negative effect exists depends on the degree to which local people can understand and redirect how that technology is used within their own cultural context. However, it should be stated that for terms of this investigation, I consider the technologies of "video" and "television" to be identical. One is the recording aspect, and the other the distribution aspect, of the same technology. Once people become aware that they can control what is on the television screen through the instrumentality of video, they immediately begin attempting to assert cultural values through it. And this is precisely what is going on on the Cheyenne River Reservation. This project is significant because the phenomenon of globalisation is real and Western technologies such as video, radio, and PCs are spreading throughout the world, including the "Fourth World" of the planet’s indigenous peoples. However, in order to deal with the phenomenon of globalisation, anthropologists and others may need to deal more realistically with the phenomenon of technological diffusion, which operates far less simply than they might assume. Well-meaning anthropologists seeking to "protect" indigenous groups from the "invasion" of technologies which will change their way of life may be doing these groups a disservice. If they turned some of their effort away from fending off these technologies and toward teaching indigenous groups how to use them, perhaps they might have a better result in creating a better future for them. I hope this study will show a more productive model for dealing with technological diffusion and what effects it has on cultural change in indigenous societies. There have been very few authors that have dealt with this topic head-on. One of the first to do so was Pace (1993), who suggested that some Brazilian Indians were acculturating more quickly as a result of television finally coming to their remote villages in the 1960s. Molohon (1984) looked at two Cree communities, and found that the one which had more heavy television viewing was culturally closer to its neighboring white towns. Zimmerman (1996) fingered television as one of the key elements in causing Indian teenagers to lose their sense of identity, thus putting them at higher risk for suicide. Gillespie (1995) argued that television is actually a ‘weapon’ of national states everywhere in their efforts to assimilate and socialise indigenous and other ethnic minority groups. In contrast, authors like Weiner (1997), Straubhaar (1991), and Graburn (1982) have all critiqued these approaches, suggesting that they deny subjectivity and critical thinking to indigenous TV audiences. Each of these researchers suggest, based on their field work, that indigenous people are no more likely than anybody else to believe that the things they see on television are true, and no more likely to adopt the values or worldviews promoted by Western TV programmers and advertisers. In fact, Graburn has observed that the Inuit became so disgusted with what they saw on Canadian national television, that they went out and started their own TV network in an effort to provide their people with meaningful alternatives on their screens. Bell (1995) sounds a cautionary note against studies like Graburn’s, noting that the efforts of indigenous New Zealanders to create their own TV programming for local markets failed, largely because they were crowded out by the "media imperialism" of outside international television. Although the indigenous groups there tried to put their own faces on the screen, many local viewers preferred to see the faces of J.R. Ewing and company, and lowered the ratings share of these efforts. Salween (1991) thinks that global media "cultural imperialism" is real -– that it is an objective pursued by international television marketers -– and suggests a media effects approach might be the best way to see whether it works. Woll (1987) notes that historically many ethnic groups have formed their self-images based on the way they have been portrayed onscreen, and that so far these portrayals have been far from sympathetic. In fact, even once these groups started their own cinemas or TV programmes, they unconsciously perpetuated stereotypes first foisted on them by other people. This study tends to side with those who have observed that indigenous people do not tend to "roll over" in the wake of the onslaught of Western television. Although cautionary studies need to be examined carefully, this research will posit that although the dominant forces controlling TV are antithetical to indigenous groups and their goals, the efforts of indigenous people to take control of their TV screens and their own "media literacy" are also increasing. Thus, this study should contribute to the viewpoint that perhaps the best way to save indigenous groups from cultural eradication is to give them access to television and show them how to set up their own stations and distribute their own video programming. In fact, it appears to be the case that TV, the Internet, and electronic 'new media' are helping to foster a process of cultural renewal, not just among the Lakota, but also among the Inuit, the Australian aborigines, and other indigenous groups. These new technologies are helping them renew their native languages, cultural values, and ceremonial traditions, sometimes by giving them new vehicles and forms. Methods The research for this project was conducted on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation headquartered in Eagle Butte, South Dakota. Participants chosen for this project were Lakota Sioux who were of the age of consent (18 or older) and who were tribal members living on the reservation. They were given a survey which consisted of five components: a demographic question section identifying their age, gender, and individual data; a technology question section identifying what technologies they had in their home; a TV question section measuring the amount of television they watched; an acculturation question section determining their comparative level of acculturation; and a cultural knowledge question section determining their knowledge of Lakota history. This questionnaire was often followed up by unstructured ethnographic interviews. Thirty-three people of mixed age and gender were given this questionnaire, and for the purposes of this research paper, I focussed primarily on their responses dealing with television and acculturation. These people were chosen through strictly random sampling based on picking addresses at random from the phone book and visiting their houses. The television section asked specifically how many hours of TV they watched per day and per week, what shows they watched, what kinds of shows they preferred, and what rooms in their home had TVs. The acculturation section asked them questions such as how much they used the Lakota language, how close their values were to Lakota values, and how much participation they had in traditional indigenous rituals and customs. To assure open and honest responses, each participant filled out a consent form, and was promised anonymity of their answers. To avoid data contamination, I remained with each person until they completed the questionnaire. For my data analysis, I attempted to determine if there was any correlation (Pearson’s coefficient r of correlation) between such things as hours of TV viewed per week or years of TV ownership with such things as the number of traditional ceremonies they attended in the past year, the number of non-traditional Lakota values they had, their fluency in the Lakota language, their level of cultural knowledge, or the number of traditional practices and customs they had engaged in in their lives. Through simple statistical tests, I determined whether television viewing had any impact on these variables which were reasonable proxies for level of acculturation. Findings Having chosen two independent variables, hours of TV watched per week, and years of TV ownership, I tested if there was any significant correlation between them and the dependent variables of Lakota peoples’ level of cultural knowledge, participation in traditional practices, conformity of values to non-Lakota or non-traditional values, fluency in Lakota, and participation in traditional ceremonies (Table 1). These variables all seemed like reasonable proxies for acculturation since acculturated Lakota would know less of their own culture, go to fewer ceremonies, and so on. The cultural knowledge score was based on how many complete answers the respondents knew to ‘fill in the blank’ questions regarding Lakota history, historical figures, and important events. Participation in traditional practices was based on how many items they marked in a survey of whether or not they had ever raised a tipi, used traditional medicine, etc. The score for conformity to non-Lakota values was based on how many items they marked with a contrary answer to the emic Lakota value system ("the seven Ws".) Lakota fluency was based on how well they could speak, write, or use the Lakota language. And ceremonial attendance was based on the number of traditional ceremonies they had attended in the past year. There were no significant correlations between either of these TV-related variables and these indexes of acculturation. Table 1. R-Scores (Pearson’s Coefficient of Correlation) between Variables Representing Television and Acculturation R-SCORES Cultural Knowledge Traditional Practices Modern Values Lakota Fluency Ceremonial Attendance Years Owning TV 0.1399 -0.0445 -0.4646 -0.0660 0.1465 Hours of TV/Week -0.3414 -0.2640 -0.2798 -0.3349 0.2048 The strongest correlation was between the number of years the Lakota person owned a television, and the number of non-Lakota (or ‘modern Western’) values they held in their value system. But even that correlation was pretty weak, and nowhere near the r-score of other linear correlations, such as between their age and the number of children they had. How much television Lakota people watched did not seem to have any influence on how much cultural knowledge they knew, how many traditional practices they had participated in, how many non-Lakota values they held, how well they spoke or used the Lakota language, or how many ceremonies they attended. Even though there does not appear to be anything unusual about their television preferences, and in general they are watching the same shows as other non-Lakota people on the reservation, they are not becoming more acculturated as a result of their exposure to television. Although the Lakota people may be losing aspects of their culture, language, and traditions, other causes seem to be at the forefront than television. I also found that people who were very interested in television production as well as consumption saw this as a tool for putting more Lakota-oriented programs on the air. The more they knew about how television worked, the more they were interested in using it as a tool in their own community. And where I was working at the Cultural Center, there was an effort to videotape many community and cultural events. The Center had a massive archive of videotaped material, but unfortunately while they had faithfully recorded all kinds of cultural events, many of them were not quite "broadcast ready". There was more focus on showing these video programmes, especially oral history interviews with elders, on VCRs in the school system, and in integrating them into various kinds of multimedia and hypermedia. While the Cultural Center had begun broadcasting (remotely through a radio modem) a weekly radio show, ‘Wakpa Waste’ (Good Morning CRST), on the radio station to the north, KLND-Standing Rock, there had never been any forays into TV broadcasting. The Cultural Center director had looked into the feasibility of putting up a television signal transmission tower, and had applied for a grant to erect one, but that grant was denied. The local cable system in Eagle Butte unfortunately lacked the technology to carry true "local access" programming; although the Channel 8 of the system carried CRST News and text announcements, there was no open channel available to carry locally produced public access programming. The way the cable system was set up, it was purely a "relay" or feed from news and channels from elsewhere. Also, people were investing heavily in satellite systems, especially the new DBS (direct broadcast satellite) receivers, and would not be able to pick up local access programmes anyway. The main problem hindering the Lakotas’ efforts to preserve their culture through TV and video was lack of access to broadcast distribution technology. They had the interest, the means, and the stock of programming to put on the air. They had the production and editing equipment, although not the studios to do a "live" show. Were they able to have more local access to and control over TV distribution technology, they would have a potent "arsenal" for resisting the drastic acculturation their community is undergoing. TV has the potential to be a tool for great cultural revitalisation, but because the technology and know-how for producing it was located elsewhere, the Lakotas could not benefit from it. Discussion I hypothesised that the effects if TV viewing on levels of indigenous acculturation would be negligible. The data support my hypothesis that TV does not seem to have a major correlation with other indices of acculturation. Previous studies by anthropologists such as Pace and Molohon suggested that TV was a key determinant in the acculturation of indigenous people in Brazil and the U.S. -– this being the theory of cultural imperialism. However, this research suggests that TV’s effect on the decline of indigenous culture is weak and inconclusive. In fact, the qualitative data suggest that the Lakota most familiar with TV are also the most interested in using it as a tool for cultural preservation. Although the CRST Lakota currently lack the means for mass broadcast of cultural programming, there is great interest in it, and new technologies such as the Internet and micro-broadcast may give them the means. There are other examples of this phenomenon worldwide, which suggest that the Lakota experience is not unique. In recent years, Australian Aborigines, Canadian Inuit, and Brazilian Kayapo have each begun ambitious efforts in creating satellite-based television networks that allow them to reach their far-flung populations with programming in their own indigenous language. In Australia, Aboriginal activists have created music television programming which has helped them assert their position in land claims disputes with the Australian government (Michaels 1994), and also to educate the Europeans of Australia about the aboriginal way of life. In Canada, the Inuit have also created satellite TV networks which are indigenous-owned and operated and carry traditional cultural programming (Valaskakis 1992). Like the Aborigines and the Inuit, the Lakota through their HVJ Lakota Cultural Center are beginning to create their own radio and video programming on a smaller scale, but are beginning to examine using the reservation's cable network to carry some of this material. Since my quantitative survey included only 33 respondents, the data are not as robust as would be determined from a larger sample. However, ethnographic interviews focussing on how people approach TV, as well as other qualitative data, support the inferences of the quantitative research. It is not clear that my work with the Lakota is necessarily generalisable to other populations. Practically, it does suggest that anthropologists interested in cultural and linguistic preservation should strive to increase indigenous access to, and control of, TV production technology. ‘Protecting’ indigenous groups from new technologies may cause more harm than good. Future applied anthropologists should work with the ‘natives’ and help teach them how to adopt and adapt this technology for their own purposes. Although this is a matter that I deal with more intensively in my dissertation, it also appears to me to be the case that, contrary to the warnings of Mander, many indigenous cultures are not being culturally assimilated by media technology, but instead are assimilating the technology into their own particular cultural contexts. The technology is part of a process of revitalisation or renewal -- although there is a definite process of change and adaptation underway, this actually represents an 'updating' of old cultural practices for new situations in an attempt to make them viable for the modern situation. Indeed, I think that the Internet, globally, is allowing indigenous people to reassert themselves as a Fourth World "power bloc" on the world stage, as linkages are being formed between Saami, Maya, Lakota, Kayapo, Inuit, and Aborigines. Further research should focus on: why TV seems to have a greater acculturative influence on certain indigenous groups rather than others; whether indigenous people can truly compete equally in the broadcast "marketplace" with Western cultural programming; and whether attempts to quantify the success of TV/video technology in cultural preservation and revival can truly demonstrate that this technology plays a positive role. In conclusion, social scientists may need to take a sidelong look at why precisely they have been such strong critics of introducing new technologies into indigenous societies. There is a better role that they can play –- that of technology ‘broker’. They can cooperate with indigenous groups, serving to facilitate the exchange of knowledge, expertise, and technology between them and the majority society. References Bell, Avril. "'An Endangered Species’: Local Programming in the New Zealand Television Market." Media, Culture & Society 17.1 (1995): 182-202. Gillespie, Marie. Television, Ethnicity, and Cultural Change. New York: Routledge, 1995. Graburn, Nelson. "Television and the Canadian Inuit". Inuit Etudes 6.2 (1982): 7-24. Michaels, Eric. Bad Aboriginal Art: Tradition, Media, and Technological Horizons. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1994. Molohon, K.T. "Responses to Television in Two Swampy Cree Communities on the West James Bay." Kroeber Anthropology Society Papers 63/64 (1982): 95-103. Pace, Richard. "First-Time Televiewing in Amazonia: Television Acculturation in Gurupa, Brazil." Ethnology 32.1 (1993): 187-206. Salween, Michael. "Cultural Imperialism: A Media Effects Approach." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 8.2 (1991): 29-39. Straubhaar, J. "Beyond Media Imperialism: Asymmetrical Interdependence and Cultural Proximity". Critical Studies in Mass Communication 8.1 (1991): 39-70. Valaskakis, Gail. "Communication, Culture, and Technology: Satellites and Northern Native Broadcasting in Canada". Ethnic Minority Media: An International Perspective. Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1992. Weiner, J. "Televisualist Anthropology: Representation, Aesthetics, Politics." Current Anthropology 38.3 (1997): 197-236. Woll, Allen. Ethnic and Racial Images in American Film and Television: Historical Essays and Bibliography. New York: Garland Press, 1987. Zimmerman, M. "The Development of a Measure of Enculturation for Native American Youth." American Journal of Community Psychology 24.1 (1996): 295-311. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Steven Mizrach. "Natives on the Electronic Frontier: Television and Cultural Change on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.6 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/natives.php>. Chicago style: Steven Mizrach, "Natives on the Electronic Frontier: Television and Cultural Change on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 6 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/natives.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Steven Mizrach. (2000) Natives on the electronic frontier: television and cultural change on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(6). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/natives.php> ([your date of access]).

Re-Framing Participation in the Architecture Studio Recently, within design literature, significant attention has been given to collaboration across different disciplines (see for instance, Nicolini et al.; Carlile), as well as consideration of the breakdown of traditional disciplinarity and the corresponding involvement of users in co-generation (Sanders and Stappers, “Co-Creation” 11–12) through the development and deployment of structured methods and toolkits (Sanders et al., “Framework”; Sanders and Stappers, “Probes”). Relatively less attention has been paid to the workings of the “communities of practice” (Wenger) operating within the disciplinary domain of architecture. The discourse around concept design in architecture has tended to emphasise individualist approaches driven by personal philosophies, inspirations, imitation of a more experienced designer, and emphasis on latent talent or genius (for instance, Moneo). This can be problematic because without a shared language and methods there are limited opportunities for making meaning to facilitate participation between collaborators in architectural studio settings. It is worth asking then: are there things that “Architecture” might learn from “Design” about the deployment of structured methods, and might this interdisciplinary exchange promote participatory practices in studio-based cultures? We address this question by connecting and building on two important concepts relevant to design methods, meta-design as described in the open design literature (De Mul 36–37), and design frames as described by Schön and formalised by Dorst (‘Core’; Frame; see also Weedon). Through this combination, we propose a theory of participation by making shared meaning in architectural design. We animate our theoretical contribution through a design toolkit we have developed, refined, and applied over several years in typologically focused architectural design studios in Australian university contexts. One important contribution, we argue, is to the area of design theory-building, by taking two previously unrelated concepts from the design methods literature. We draw them together using an example from our own design practices to articulate a new term and concept for making shared meaning in design. The other contribution made is to the translation of this concept into the context of studio-based architectural practice, a setting that has traditionally struggled to accept structured methods. The existence of other form-metaphor design tools available for architecture and the theoretical basis of their development and connection to design literature more broadly has not always been clearly articulated (see for example Di Mari and Yoo; Lewis et al.). The rationale for giving an account of the construction and deployment of our own toolkit is to illustrate its theoretical contribution while providing the basis for future field testing and translation (including by other researchers), noting the established trajectory of this kind of work in the design literature (see, for example, Hoolohan and Browne; Visser et al.; Vaajakallio and Mattelmäki; Sanders and Stappers, “Co-Creation” and ”Probes”). In line with this issue’s thematic and epistemological agenda, we adopt what Cross identifies as “designerly ways of knowing” (223), and is at least partly a reflection on a practice in which we engage with our own disciplines and research interests to propose and deploy design thinking as a kind of critical “reflection-in-action” (Robertson and Simonsen 2). Meta-Framing: Combining Meta-Design and Framing Meta-design is a term used in open design literature to describe approaches aimed toward orchestration of a project in such a way that people are afforded the agency to become effective co-designers, regardless of their pre-existing skills or design-specific knowledge (De Mul 36). According to a meta-design approach, design is conceived of as a shared project of mutual learning instead of an individualistic expression of singular genius. Through the establishment of shared protocols and formats, what Ehn (1) calls “infrastructuring”, individuals with even very limited design experience are provided scaffolds that enable them to participate in a design project. One important way in which meta-design helps “create a pathway through a design space” is through the careful selection and adoption of shared guiding metaphors that provide common meanings between co-designers (De Mul 36). The usefulness of metaphors is also recognised in the context of design frames, the second concept on which we build our theory. Conceptualised as “cognitive shortcuts” for making “sense of complex situations” (Haase and Laursen 21), design frames were first conceived of by Schön (132) as a rational approach to design, one guided by “epistemological norms”. Frames have subsequently been further developed within the design methods literature and are defined as a system of counterfactual design decision-making that uses metaphors to provide a rationale for negotiating ill-structured problems. According to Dorst, frames involve: the creation of a (novel) standpoint from which a problematic situation can be tackled … . Although frames are often paraphrased by a simple metaphor, they are in fact very complex sets of statements that include the specific perception of a problem situation, the (implicit) adoption of certain concepts to describe the situation, a ‘working principle’ that underpins a solution and the key thesis: IF we look at the problem situation from this viewpoint, and adopt the working principle associated with that position, THEN we will create the value we are striving for. (525) Despite Schön choosing to illustrate his original conception of framing through the example of a student’s architectural design project, there has been limited subsequent consideration of framing in architectural studio contexts—an exception being Eissa in 2019. This may be because formalised design methods have tended to be treated with suspicion within architectural culture. For instance, Christopher Alexander’s Pattern Language is one such “highly systemised design process” (Dawes and Ostwald 10) that despite its potential to guide participatory design has had an “uneven reception” (Bhatt 716) within architecture itself. One way architecture as a disciplinary domain and as a profession has attempted to engage with design method is through typology, which is one of the few persistent and recurring notions in architectural discourse (Bandini; Grover et al.). As a system of classification, typology categorises “forms and functions as simply and unequivocally as possible” (Oechslin 37). In addition to being used as a classification system, typology has also been positioned as “a process as much as an object”, one with the potential for an “active role in the process of design” (Lathouri 25). Type and typology have been conceptualised as a particular way of projecting architecture’s “disciplinary agency” (Jacoby 936), and this goes some way to explaining their enduring value. A potentially valid criticism of framing is that it can tend toward “design fixation”, when a pre-existing assumption “inadvertently restricts the designers’ imagination” (Crilly). Similarly, typology-as-method—as opposed to a classification tool—has been criticised for being relatively “inflexible” or “reductive” (Shane 2011) and responsible for perpetuating “conservative, static norms” (Jacoby 932) if applied in a rote and non-reflexive way. We deal with these concerns in the discussion of the deployment of our Typekit below. We are drawing here on our experience teaching in the first two years of undergraduate architecture degrees in Australian university settings. As well as being equipped with a diversity of educational, social, linguistic, and cultural backgrounds, students typically have divergent competencies in the domain-specific skills of their discipline and a limited vocabulary for making shared meaning in relation to an architectural proposal. The challenge for studio-based collaborative work in such a context is developing shared understandings and a common language for working on a design project to enable a variety of different design solutions. The brief for a typical studio project will specify a common site, context, and program. Examples we have used include a bathhouse, fire station, archive, civic centre, and lifesaving club. There will then be multiple design solutions proposed by each studio participant. Significantly we are talking about relatively well-structured problems here, typically a specific building program for a specified site and user group. These are quite unlike the open-ended aims of “problem frames” described in the design thinking literature “to handle ill-defined, open-ended, and ambiguous problems that other problem-solving methodologies fail to handle” (Haase and Laursen 21). However, even for well-structured problems, there is still a multitude of possible solutions possible, generated by students working on a particular project brief. This openness reduces the possibility of making shared meaning and thus hinders participation in architectural design. Designing the Typekit The Typekit was developed heuristically out of our experiences teaching together over several years. As part of our own reflective practice, we realised that we had begun to develop a shared language for describing projects including that of students, our own, precedents and canonical works. Often these took the form of a simple formal or functional metaphor such as “the building is a wall”; “the building is an upturned coracle”; or “the building is a cloud”. While these cognitive shortcuts proved useful for our communication there remained the possibility for this language to become esoteric and exclusionary. On the other hand, we recognised the potential for this approach to be shared beyond our immediate “interpretive community” (Fish 485) of two, and we therefore began to develop a meta-design toolkit. Fig. 1: Hybrid page from the Typekit We began by developing a visual catalogue of formal and functional metaphors already present within the panoply of constructed contemporary architectural projects assembled by surveying the popular design media for relevant source material. Fig. 2: Classification of contemporary architectural built work using Typekit metaphors We then used simple line drawings to generate abstract representations of the observed building metaphors adopting isometry to maintain a level of objectivity and a neutral viewing position (Scolari). The drawings themselves were both revelatory and didactic and by applying what Cross calls “designerly ways of knowing” (Cross 223) the toolkit emerged as both design artefact and output of design research. We recognised two fundamentally different kinds of framing metaphors in the set of architectural projects we surveyed, rule-derived and model-derived—terms we are adapting from Choay’s description of “instaurational texts” (8). Rule-derived types describe building forms that navigate the development of a design from a generic to a specific form (Baker 70–71) through a series of discrete “logical operators” (Choay 134). They tend to follow a logic of “begin with x … perform some operation A … perform some operation B … end up with y”. Examples of such operations include add, subtract, scale-translate-rotate, distort and array. Model-derived framing metaphors are different in the way they aim toward an outcome that is an adapted version of an ideal initial form. This involves selecting an existing type and refining it until it suits the required program, site, and context. Examples of the model-derived metaphors we have used include the hedgehog, caterpillar, mountain, cloud, island, and snake as well as architectural Ur-types like the barn, courtyard, tent, treehouse, jetty, and ziggurat. The framing types we included in the Typekit are a combination of rule-derived and model-derived as well as useful hybrids that combined examples from different categories. This classification provides a construct for framing a studio experience while acknowledging that there are other ways of classifying formal types. Fig. 3: Development of isometric drawings of metaphor-frames After we developed a variety of these line drawings, we carried out a synthesis and classification exercise using a version of the KJ method. Like framing, KJ is a technique of abduction developed for dealing objectively with qualitative data without a priori categorisation (Scupin; Kawakita). It has also become an established and widely practiced method within design research (see, for instance, Hanington and Martin 104–5). Themes were developed from the images, and we aimed at balancing a parsimony of typological categories with a saturation of types, that is to capture all observed types/metaphors and to put them in as few buckets as possible. Fig. 4: Synthesis exercise of Typekit metaphors using the KJ method (top); classification detail (bottom) Deploying the Typekit We have successfully deployed the Typekit in architectural design studios at two universities since we started developing it in 2018. As a general process participants adopt a certain metaphor as the starting point of their design. Doing so provides a frame that prefigures other decisions as they move through a concept design process. Once a guiding metaphor is selected, it structures other decision-making by providing a counterfactual logic (Byrne 30). For instance, if a building-as-ramp is chosen as the typology to be deployed this guides a rationale as to where and how it is placed on the site. People should be able to walk on it; it should sit resolutely on the ground and not be floating above it; it should be made of a massive material with windows and doors appearing to be carved out of it; it can have a green occupiable roof; quiet and private spaces should be located at the top away from street noise; active spaces such as a community hall and entry foyer should be located at the bottom of the ramp … and so on. The adoption of the frame of “building-as-ramp” by its very nature is a crucial and critical move in the design process. It is a decision made early in the process that prefigures both “what” and “how” types of questions as the project develops. In the end, the result seems logical even inevitable but there are many other types that could have potentially been explored and these would have posed different kinds of questions and resulted in different kinds of answers during the process. The selection of a guiding metaphor also allows students to engage with historical and contemporary precedents to offer further insights into the development—as well as refinement—of their own projects within that classification. Even given the well-structured nature of the architectural project, precedents provide useful reference points from which to build domain-specific knowledge and benchmarks to measure the differences in approaches still afforded within each typological classification. We believe that our particular meta-framing approach addresses concerns about design fixation and balances mutual learning with opportunities for individual investigation. We position framing less about finding innovative solutions to wicked problems to become more about finding ways for a group of people to reason together through a design problem process by developing and using shared metaphors. Thus our invocation of framing is aligned to what Haase and Laursen term “solution frames” meaning they have an “operational” meaning-making agenda and provide opportunities for developing shared understanding between individuals engaged in a given problem domain (Haase and Laursen 20). By providing a variety of opportunities within an overarching “frame of frames” there are opportunities for parallel design investigation to be undertaken by individual designers. Meta-framing affords opportunities for shared meaning-making and a constructive discourse between different project outcomes. This occurs whether adopting the same type to enable questions including “How is my building-as-snake different from your building-as-snake?”, “Which is the most snake-like?”, or different types (“In what ways is my building-as-ramp different to your building-as-stair?”) By employing everyday visual metaphors, opportunities for “mutual learning between mutual participants” (Robertson and Simonsen 2) are enhanced without the need for substantial domain-specific architectural knowledge at a project’s outset. We argue that the promise of the toolkit and our meta-framing approach more generally is that it actually multiples rather than forecloses opportunities while retaining a shared understanding and language for reasoning through a project domain. This effectively responds to concerns that typology-as-method is a conservative or reductive approach to architectural design. It is important to clarify the role of our toolkit and its relationship to our theory-building agenda. On the basis of the findings accounted for here we do claim to draw specific conclusions about the efficacy of our toolkit. We simply did not collect experimental data relevant to that task. We can, however, use the example of our toolkit to animate, flesh out, and operationalise a model for collaboration in architectural design that may be useful for teaching and practicing architecture in collaborative, team-based contexts. The contribution of this account, therefore, is theoretical. That is, the adaptation of concepts from design literature modified and translated into a new domain to serve new purposes. The Promise of Meta-Framing through Typology Through our work, we have outlined the benefits of adopting formalised design methods in architecture as a way of supporting participation, including using toolkits for scaffolding architectural concept design. Meta-framing has shown itself to be a useful approach to enable participation in architectural design in a number of ways. It provides coherence of an idea and architectural concept. It assists decision-making in any given scenario because a designer can decide which out of a set of choices makes more sense within the “frame” adopted for the project. The question becomes then not “what do I like?” or “what do I want?” but “what makes sense within the project frame?” Finally and perhaps most importantly it brings a common understanding of a project that allows for communication across a team working on the same problem, supporting a variety of different approaches and problem-solving logics a voice. By combining methodologies and toolkits from the design methods literature with architecture’s domain-specific typological classifications we believe we have developed an effective and adaptive model for scaffolding participation and making shared meaning in architecture studio contexts. References Baker, Geoffrey H. Design Strategies in Architecture: An Approach to the Analysis of Form. 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