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1
Cable, Umayyah. "Coming Out for Community, Coming Out for the Cause." Meridians 23, no. 2 (2024): 465–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-11266340.
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Abstract This article focuses on the life experience and political activism of Palestinian American lesbian activist Huda Jadallah as a representative example of how lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT/queer) Arab Americans came out to both queer communities and Arab American communities in the 1980s and 1990s. The author argues that this dual outness was utilized as a strategy through which to accomplish three interrelated aims: to build a queer Arab American community, utilize that community as a starting point from which to challenge anti-Arab racism within queer communities, and challenge homophobia in Arab American communities. Based on an oral history interview with Jadallah, in conjunction with analysis of Jadallah’s personal ephemera collection, this article takes a queer archiving methodological approach to consider how outness as strategy may also be utilized with regard to queer Arab American archiving and history.
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Kareem, Al-Jayikh Ali. "Gender and the Dark Side of the Border in Laila Lalami’s Hope and other Dangerous Pursuits." Gender Studies 15, no. 1 (2016): 229–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/genst-2017-0015.
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Abstract Starting from Arab-American women’s narratives, this study explores to what extent hegemonic history excludes and silences female Arab bodies and their relation to sexuality. It will also address the issue of present day migration, as reflected by Moroccan-American author Laila Lalami in her novel Hope and Other Dangerous Pursuits (2005).
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Alhwayan, Wasil Ali, and Nasaybah W. Awajan. "The Adaptation of the Western Perspective (Don DeLillo) on Terrorism in Fadia Faqir’s Willow Trees Don’t Weep." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 14, no. 1 (2023): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1401.19.
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The study aims to identify how the American author, Don DeLillo presents Arab Muslims in his novel Falling Man, likewise explores how the Jordanian-British, Fadia Faqir, presents Arab Muslims by adopting the Western Perspective of them in her novel Willow Trees Don’t Weep. To achieve the objectives of the study, the theory of Post-colonialism is used, and specifically the views of Edward Said on Orientalism are applied to both novels. The study concludes by presenting how both authors - Don DeLillo as a Westerner and Fadia Faqir as an Arab - present their Arab Muslim characters as terrorists in their respective works Falling Man and Willow Trees Don’t Weep.
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Curtis IV, Edward, and Lindsey Waldenberg. "Discovering Arab Indianapolis: An Interview with Edward Curtis IV." Mashriq & Mahjar: Journal of Middle East & North African Migration Studies 12, no. 1 (2025): 144–52. https://doi.org/10.24847/v12i12025.617.
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In Arab Indianapolis: A Hidden History, author and historian Edward E. Curtis IV explores the origins and growth of the Arab American community in Indianapolis, Indiana. The documentary spans 120 years of history and discusses the city’s first Arabic-speaking neighborhood on Willard Street, important community anchors such as St. George Antiochian Orthodox Church of Indianapolis, and stories of trailblazing individuals whose contributions expanded Arab American representation and opportunities in Greater Indianapolis and beyond. The documentary, which premiered in 2022, is part of a larger project that began as a blog in March 2020. Since then, the “Arab Indianapolis” project has launched a book, developed K-12 lesson plans, hosted educator workshops, and, most recently, dedicated the city’s first memorial marker celebrating the city’s Arab American history. To watch Arab Indianapolis: A Hidden History and explore other facets of the project, visit www.arabindianapolis.com.
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Cariello, Marta. "Coming of Age in the Solitude of the Lost Land: Randa Jarrar’s A Map of Home." HAWWA 12, no. 2-3 (2014): 268–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341266.
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This contribution analyzes Palestinian-American Randa Jarrar’s semi-autobiographical novelA Map of Home(2008). The novel is read through various, overlapping lenses: the use of the semi-autobiographical form and the related challenge, brought about by the woman migrant writer, to the genre itself of autobiography and its relevance to individual and collective identity formation, the deconstruction of fixed, universal subjectivity and the challenge that exile narratives bring to the narration of nations, the specific positionality of the author that brings into play not only Arab and Arab-American identity construction but more specifically the narration of the Palestinian people. Finally, aMap of Homeappears as a site for Jarrar to produce a specific articulation of an Arab, Arab-American and Palestinian self through a female genealogy of agency.
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F. Atari, Omar. "Literacy Practices in Contrast: Adult Arab Literacy vs. Native English Literacy." International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 11, no. 1 (2010): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.11.1.10.
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The paper addresses the issue of adult Arab literates' practices and products which exhibit specific communicative strategies and persuasive literacy styles. The author characterizes the adult Arab literates' communicative strategies revealed in the following literacy products: Academic essays, cross-cultural communication studies, genres in contrast, translational versions of Arabic source texts and L2 reading strategies. The author attempts to frame the communicative strategies employed in the above-mentioned literacy products in terms of: orality/literacy traditions and culture. The author shows how adult Arab literates' literacy practices run counter to the targeted Anglo-American literacy practices. The sharp contrast has to be addressed in view of the extensive pressures on adult Arab literates to publish in English, and to communicate in English in different disciplines. The contrast between the strategies of those on the periphery and those of the center-based is the major thrust of the paper. Finally, the author calls for an approximative system of biliteracy..
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Adrianov, Artem K. "Review of: K. Pollack. Armies of Sand: The Past, Present, and Future of Arab Military Effectiveness." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310015817-6.
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The review analyzes the recent book written by an American military expert and political scientist Kenneth Pollack and entitled Armies of the Sand: Past, Present and Future of the Effectiveness of Arab Armies. The author of the monograph has been studying Arab armies and Middle East conflicts for more than 30 years and had previously published several papers that consider the military organization of different countries in the region. In this book, Pollak seeks to summarize long-standing discussions that consider the reasons for the low military effectiveness of the Arab armies after the Second World War. The author consistently examines four principal arguments that seek to explain the reasons for the failures of the Arab armies on the battlefield (the influence of the Soviet military doctrine, politicization, the level of socio-economic development, culture). For each of the hypotheses, Pollack selects the most representative examples from the history of military operations carried out by the Arab armies after 1945. In doing so the researcher tries to prove or disprove the hypotheses. To better substantiate his conclusions Pollack also examines whether non-Arab armies that presumably faced the same difficulties as the Arab ones also performed poorly on the battlefield. The author concludes that Arab culture has been the most influential factor that prevented Arab armies from winning wars.
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Eltahawy, Nora. "Growing Better, Not Going Faster: World War I, Holy Land Mania, and Transnational Exchange in the Works of Abraham Mitrie Rihbany." MELUS 46, no. 2 (2021): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlab022.
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Abstract This article analyzes the three works published by Arab American theologian and author Abraham Mitrie Rihbany during and in the aftermath of World War I: Militant America and Jesus Christ (1917), America Save the Near East (1918), and Wise Men from the East and from the West (1922). The political climate in which Rihbany wrote the works saw the American public grappling with two issues of particular relevance to the steadily growing Arab American community. Where the global front was concerned, debates on the merits of abandoning isolationist policies, which focused near exclusively on the situation in Europe, left Americans oblivious to the ongoing conflict between the Ottoman Empire and its Arab subjects. On the domestic front, rising levels of xenophobia and the lasting legacy of The Naturalization Act divided legal and public opinion on Arabs’ eligibility for citizenship. Situating Rihbany’s attempts to address both of these problems against the backdrop of his upbringing in Greater Syria, this article reveals how Rihbany called on his training in the cosmopolitan era of the Nahda in order to guide the American public toward a more expansive model of transnationalism capable of encompassing both Arabs and Arab Americans in its fold.
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Buzan, Vitalii. "THE JIMMY CARTER ADMINISTRATION’SPOLICY TOWARDS THE ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT, 1977–1981." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 16 (2023): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.16.7.
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The purpose of the article is to consider the U.S. policymaking towards the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Middle East process and the Palestinian problem under the presidency of Jimmy Carter. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism and standards of objectivity. The author uses historical-comparative, problem-chronological, historical-genetic, and historical-systemic methods of historical research. The scientific originality. Special attention is paid to the U.S. policymaking towards the Arab-Israeli conflict and the intellectual basis of Carter’s Middle East policy. The author analyses the views of American high-ranking officials, leading experts, and policymakers regarding the concept of Arab-Israeli settlement and Soviet involvement in the Middle East peace process. The author outlines the role of the Soviet factor in American diplomatic calculations and considerations regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict. Conclusions. Initially, President Carter’s administration abandoned the concept of a step-by-step approach, partial settlement, and interim agreements. Instead, President Carter was determined to achieve a comprehensive peace settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, revived the idea of cooperation between Superpowers in the Middle East peace process, and agreed to reconvene the Geneva Conference on Middle East peace. The USA and the USSR were co-chairmen of the Geneva conference and issued a joint communiqué on the principles of a Middle East settlement. Among U.S. policymakers were opponents and supporters of Soviet participation in the peace process. Sadat’s peace initiative was a turning point in the U.S. strategy in the Middle East. After that, the USA changed its approach to the Middle East peace settlement, abandoned the idea of reconvening the Geneva Conference, and endorsed separate Egyptian-Israeli negotiations. President Carter’s administration was convinced that a peaceful solution to the Palestinian problem was essential to Middle East settlement. The U.S. officials began to mention the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and their self-determination. American policymakers elaborated an interim solution to the problem of a Palestinian homeland. In particular, they proposed the concept of a transitional arrangement for the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
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Dubovitskaya, M. A. "Te “Concept – Image − Motive” Triad in Arab-American Fiction Literature." Philology at MGIMO 7, no. 3 (2021): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2021-3-27-53-64.
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Arab-American multicultural, or cross-cultural, literature related to different time periods is closely examined in the article. Tese writings are part of borderline literature due to the fact that the central theme in them is the theme of dual (transitional) identity. Te author provides a defnition of “liminality”, which is necessary when considering the phenomena of bilingualism and biculturalism. Te relevance of the study is due to the growing interest in emigrant literature as a source of meanings scattered in the text, contributing to the understanding of the social and cultural context. Te motive, image and the concept are singled out in the works of Arab-American literature to decode hidden meanings. Te results of the analysis of the main motives, taken in diachrony, are presented, and their similarities and differences are revealed. Te fact that the same motives, for example, the motives of nature and music, are found in completely different works, speaks of their semantic, cultural and literary signifcance. Te novelty of the research is seen in the combination of linguo-literary and linguo-stylistic methods in the analysis of linguistic material, which helps to identify psychological, cultural and social aspects in the Arab-American fction discourse.
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Koshkin, Pavel. "The 2021 Middle East agenda of U.S. media." Russia and America in the 21st Century, Спецвыпуск (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018173-7.
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The escalation of the Arab-Israeli conflict has been testing the Biden administration since May 2021, with exposing the current Middle East agenda of U.S. media and its impact on Biden’s and democrats’ reputation. Despite the fact that the press has a certain, if restricted, influence on politics, intuitively, journalists come up with understanding of public opinion on Biden. This article deals with the problem of the U.S. president’s publicity through the lens of the current media discourse, with author relying on the descriptive method, discourse analysis and content analysis of materials in American mainstream media such as The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall-Street Journal, The Los Angeles Times, Politico, Newsweek and Time. In conclusion, the author assumes that – alongside with the problems of inflation, economic crisis and the pandemic – the coverage of the recent Arab-Israeli escalation in the U.S. press has an additional negative impact on Biden’s reputation and his odds of winning the 2024 future election.
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Kamhieh, Celine. "Female Emirati University Students’ Book Reading Choices: An Investigation." International Journal of Linguistics 9, no. 6 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v9i6.12095.
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The inescapable link between college students' reading habits and their academic success suggests the importance to educators of investigating their students’ reading interests and preferences. The study reported here was an open investigation into the book reading choices of first-year female Emirati university students to see what genres, authors, main protagonists and book settings they preferred. Book titles were mined from data which was gathered during a larger in-depth research on students’ reading habits over a period of two years, through interviews, journal entries, surveys, emails and conversations. Results showed that, while students had a preference for fiction, they also had a comparatively high interest in nonfiction, particularly self-help books. Gender did not appear to be a major factor in their preferences although male authors were popular. Geography, including author and protagonist nationality and book setting, appeared to be more important, with students showing a preference for American and British authors, protagonists and settings. With students’ overall choice of Arab authors and titles at little more than one tenth of their total choices, availability of interesting books would appear to be of paramount importance. There are implications for the Arabic book publishing industry, in general, and the Emirati book publishing industry, in particular. Findings will be of interest also to educators, librarians and others who wish to promote leisure reading among college students in the Arab world and augment the limited literature on Arab students' reading choices.
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Hussein, Mohammad Abed, and N. Solomon Benny. "<b>Exploring Arab Muslim Representation in the Plays of Wajdi Mouawad, Jose Rivera, Rajiv Joseph, Jessica Blank, and Erika Jensen in American Literature: A Cultural Reflection. </b>." South Asian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 6, no. 2 (2025): 123–35. https://doi.org/10.48165/sajssh.2024.6209.
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The Western media has produced Arab Muslim identities according to political circumstances leading to simplified generalizations about this community (Said, 1978). Modern United States theatre now provides platforms for complex representations that undermine mainstream perceptions of Arab Muslims. This study analyzes how Arab Muslims are portrayed in modern theatre through a critical evaluation of Scorched. A postcolonial analysis based on Said’s Orientalism (1978) and Bhabha’s theory of hybridity (1994) helps this study explore how these theatre productions counter-simplified portrayals by presenting multifaceted representations of Arab Muslim identity. War experiences displacement and memory function as the main focus points in the analysis when using Trauma theory (Caruth, 1996) and performance studies (Schechner, 2013). The Siege depicts the Palestinian battle against occupation (Abu-Manneh, 2016). The author uses both comic elements and dreamlike qualities in Bengal Tiger at the Baghdad Zoo to portray war's irrationality (Carlson, 2001). Aftermath uses the testimonies of Iraqi refugees to show their human side by enhancing their voice presence (Blank & Jensen, 2010). This research expands the understanding of Arab Muslim portrayal in American theatre while showing theatre as a mechanism to evaluate politics and build cross-cultural understanding (Hughes, 2016).
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Moussawi, Ghassan. "Queer exceptionalism and exclusion: Cosmopolitanism and inequalities in ‘gay-friendly’ Beirut." Sociological Review 66, no. 1 (2017): 174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026117725469.
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This article examines how LGBTQ individuals in Beirut articulate discourses of progress, modernity, and exceptionalism in light of the regional geopolitical situation. While transnational discourses portray Beirut as an open and cosmopolitan city in the Arab World, the study focuses on how LGBTQ individuals engage with and negotiate these discourses in their everyday lives. The author examines the gap between discourses of Beiruti openness and exceptionalism, and the realities of exclusion experienced by LGBTQ individuals in Beirut. Focusing on unequal access to space, the author asks, for whom is Beirut cosmopolitan and gay-friendly? Drawing on ethnographic observations and 20 life-history interviews with LGBTQ individuals in Beirut, the author finds that LGBTQ individuals in Beirut create relational understandings of modernity and cosmopolitanism that situate Beirut in relation to other Arab cities, rather than just Euro-American cities. In addition, gender normativity and class shape LGBTQ individuals’ access to several types of spaces. Finally, it is suggested that scholars must be attentive to celebratory discourses of exceptionalism and cosmopolitanism of places, and conceptualize them as relational and contextual designations which obscure inequalities that characterize those places.
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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "James Zogby, Arab Voices: What They Are Saying To Us, And Why it Matters." ICR Journal 3, no. 2 (2012): 400–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i2.568.
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James Zogby, the author of the book under review, has an enthralling career worth mentioning here. His ancestors emigrated to the United Stated from Lebanon. His father, a Catholic Lebanese Arab, entered the United States illegally in 1922, but eventually obtained citizenship through a government policy of amnesty. James Zogby himself was born in 1945 in Utica, New York and attended college in Syracuse, New York where he graduated in 1967 with a bachelor’s degree in economics. He went on to earn his PhD in comparative religions from Temple University in 1975. During the late 1970s, Zogby was a founding member and leader of the Palestine Human Rights Campaign. In 1980, he co-founded the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee and served as executive director until 1984.
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Ржевська, Ніна. "The real state and scenarios of the Arab-Israeli conflict settlement in the context of the U.S. foreign policy interests." Acta de Historia & Politica: Saeculum XXI, no. 09 (February 1, 2025): 141–50. https://doi.org/10.26693/ahpsxxi2025.09.141.
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The article analyzes the origins and current state of the Arab-Israeli conflict, as well as outlines and evaluates future scenarios for its resolution, considering the foreign policy interests of the United States in the Middle East. The author identified the causes, as well as the main trends in the development of the conflict for a deeper understanding of the issues. It is noted that the key prerequisites that led to the emergence of the Arab-Israeli conflict were the territorial and national claims of both sides to the Palestinian land, which holds historical significance for both peoples. It is emphasized that the strategic goal of U.S. foreign policy under all American presidents, aimed at establishing freedom on a global scale and ensuring the most favorable conditions for the development of the American economy, fully aligns with their objectives in the Middle East, particularly in resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict. A SWOT analysis evaluating the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats concerning the U.S. role in the Arab-Israeli conflict identifies several characteristics that demonstrate the effectiveness and consequences of American policy in this region. The SWOT analysis indicates that the U.S. role in the Arab-Israeli conflict is multifaceted, and to ensure stability and peace in the region, the United States should consider all internal and external factors, since the opportunities lie in implementing a plan for de-escalating the conflict. These include conducting dialogue between the conflicting parties, involving other influential states and international organizations in the negotiation process, and promoting economic integration in the region. According to the SWOT analysis results, the number of threats related to the U.S. role in the Arab-Israeli conflict exceeds the number of opportunities, and most of these threats could lead to a loss of American influence in the Middle East region. Based on a systematic analysis of the place and role of the Arab-Israeli conflict in U.S. foreign policy, the article attempts to predict three future scenarios for its development such as an optimistic scenario that offers hope for peaceful resolution, a pessimistic scenario warning of risks arising from inaction or favoritism toward one side and a realistic scenario where the U.S. role will be moderate, based on pragmatism, flexibility, and continuous diplomatic interaction. It is significant for the USA to address all aspects of the conflict and take measures that promote peace, justice, and stability. Overall, achieving stability and security in the Middle East requires effective diplomacy, international support for peaceful dialogue, and resolving key contradictions between the conflict’s parties.
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Shved, Viacheslav. "THE POLICY OF THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ON THE WAR IN GAZA: CHALLENGES, PRIORITIES, TASKS." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 17 (2024): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2024.17.5.
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The aim of the article is a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy course of U.S. President J. Biden’s administration regarding the war in Gaza. The article examines the formation of principled positions by the American president and his team regarding the war in Gaza in the context of preventing the spread of hostilities to the entire region of the Middle East, the post-war fate of Gaza and the need to implement a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, prospects for resuming the process of normalization of relations between Israel and Arab countries. Research methods include a set of general and special research methods, including systematic and comparative analysis, methods of critical analysis of sources. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that its author was one of the first in Ukrainian historiography to make a systematic analysis of the foreign policy course of US President J. Biden’s administration regarding the war in Gaza. The study was conducted in the context of war challenges and risks and in view of the next presidential election in the United States in November 2024. Special attention is paid to introducing the latest American, Israeli and Arab sources into scientific circulation. The author concludes that there is a close relationship between the war in Gaza and the Russian aggression against Ukraine, which allowed Biden to combine these two problems into one package of actions. The author of the article also distinguishes two stages in the implementation of the policy of the US President J. Biden’s administration regarding the war in Gaza. The first stage (October – December 2023) is marked by the formation of the main principles and directions of this policy, realizing that the main condition for resolving the long-term Palestinian-Israeli conflict is the creation of an independent Palestinian state. Its second stage (January 2024 – until now) is characterized by working out the ways of radical transformation of Gaza in the post-war period, with the financial help of the Arab monarchies.
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Wien, Peter. "COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST: GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (2010): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000073.
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The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.
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Khalidi, Walid. "On Albert Hourani, the Arab Office, and the Anglo-American Committee of 1946." Journal of Palestine Studies 35, no. 1 (2005): 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.35.1.60.
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This historical narrative mixed with personal reminiscences, undertaken to provide background for Albert Hourani's testimony before the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry elsewhere in this issue, focuses closely on the decade or so that precedes the committee's hearings in 1946. In recounting the establishment of the committee and the Arab Office (which Hourani represented), the author highlights the complex interaction between the local, regional, and international dimensions: the intra-Palestinian (involving primarily Haj Amin al-Husayni, Musa Alami, and Jamal Husayni), the regional (involving especially Nuri Pasha al-Said of Iraq), and the international (especially the process by which the United States began to replace Britain as the pacesetter of events in postwar Palestine). A supporting cast includes George Antonius, Ahmad Hilmi Pasha, Hussein Fakhry Khalidi, Ahmad Shukayri, and Wasfi Tall.
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Aboul-Ela, Hosam. "Our Theory Split." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 4 (2011): 725–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000948.
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Near the beginning of his classic work of historiography, The History of the Maghrib: An Interpretive Essay, Moroccan thinker Abdallah Laroui inserts a footnote about a study of the region by a Harvard-based American author who refers to North Africa as “no idea producing area,” a statement that Laroui thoroughly dismantles in a couple of sentences. In this short note at the start of a book written forty years ago, Laroui pinpoints the central problem in U.S.-based studies of the Arab region. The historically contested nature of knowledge production in the field cannot be ignored in any attempt to address the question of critical theory's influence on Arabic literature in the American academy.
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Al-Odeh, Mahmoud. "What universities in the Middle East can learn from the American online education system." International Journal of Informatics and Communication Technology (IJ-ICT) 9, no. 1 (2020): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijict.v9i1.pp31-39.
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In this paper, the author provides insights and lessons that can be learned from colleagues at American universities about their online education experiences. The literature review and previous studies of online educations gains are explored and summarized in this research. Emerging trends in online education are discussed in detail, and strategies to implement these trends are explained. The author provides several tools and strategies that enable universities to ensure the quality of online education. At the end of this research paper, the researcher provides examples from Arab universities who have successfully implemented online education and expanded their impact on the society. This research provides a strategy and a model that can be used by universities in the Middle East as a roadmap to implement online education in their regions.
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Mahmoud, Al-Odeh. "What universities in the Middle East can learn from the American online education system." International Journal of Informatics and Communication Technology (IJ-ICT) 9, no. 1 (2020): 31–39. https://doi.org/10.11591/ijict.v9i1.pp31-39.
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In this paper, the author provides insights and lessons that can be learned from colleagues at American universities about their online education experiences. The literature review and previous studies of online educations gains are explored and summarized in this research. Emerging trends in online education are discussed in detail, and strategies to implement these trends are explained. The author provides several tools and strategies that enable universities to ensure the quality of online education. At the end of this research paper, the researcher provides examples from Arab universities who have successfully implemented online education and expanded their impact on the society. This research provides a strategy and a model that can be used by universities in the Middle East as a roadmap to implement online education in their regions.
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Selifontova, Daria Yurievna. "Zionism in the assessments of U.S. presidents: 1913–1929." Samara Journal of Science 13, no. 4 (2024): 83–86. https://doi.org/10.55355/snv2024134207.
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The study deeply examines the Zionist issue in the international politics of US presidents in the period from 1913 to 1929, and examines the images of this issue formed in the periodical press of America. The process of evolution of the perception of international relations by US presidents in the period of Modern times and modernity has long been the subject of in-depth and comprehensive study by specialists of the widest profile.Using the example of studying the image of Zionism and the Middle East,itseems possible to identify common patterns inherent in the formation of the image of a «crisis region» in speeches and documents of American presidents and to trace what differences exist in the construction of an «imaginary crisis» in W.Wilson, W.Harding and C.Coolidge. The author examined the interaction between US politicians, American society, American Jews and Arab diplomats.As a resultof the conducted research, the author drew conclusions about the transformation of the US policy towards Jews, as well as about the development of the Zionist issue as a whole: the process of resettlement of Jews to a single center in Palestine, interaction with Great Britain and other European countries on the Jewish issue.
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Dubovitskaya, M. A. "FOREIGNISMS IN “THE BOOK OF KHALID” BY AMEEN RIHANI AS A MEANS OF SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SELF-REPRESENTATION." Title in english 17, no. 1 (2019): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2019-1-17-89-96.
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Te article focuses on the foreignisms used in the multicultural novel “Te Book of Khalid” by Ameen Rihani. Foreign words in literature possess certain attractive power as well as produce esthetic and artistic effects. Along with creative force and meaning foreignisms may as well give the reader some notion of the author’s self-identifcation and self-representation as member of the literary intellectual community of Syrian and Lebanese frst emigrants in the frst half of the XX-th century. Te novel in question is characteristic of typical features related to Arab-American literature of that period. Stylistic and literary analysis of foreign words in the book gave the desired self-image of the author as a representative of the Arab community in the USA. Tis image comprises certain philosophical and religious principles, authentic social and cultural features, literary and stylistic uniqueness. Close analysis of foreignisms as a linguistic and stylistic means adds to the overall understanding of the novel including the underlying messages and conceptual implications.
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Shumilina, I. "Domestic Factors of the Biden Administration’s Strategy in the Middle East." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-24-30.
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In the early months of Joe Biden’s administration in the White House, Middle East issues were not identified as a priority of its foreign policy. Individual steps in this direction, however, suggest that the administration will adhere to the principal lines of conduct for the United States towards American partners and allies (Israel, the Arab monarchies of the Gulf and others), as well as towards the main conflict nodes in the region (Syria, Libya, Yemen). At the same time, it is also obvious that its tactical emphasis has shifted in its approach to a number of the most important problems of the region – in particular, the Palestinian-Israeli standoff (namely, restoration of relations with the government of Mahmoud Abbas) and the situation around Iran (return to the renewed nuclear deal – JCPOA) and Turkey (overcoming the cooling of relations with Ankara). Apparently, we can talk about Biden’s revival of the Middle East policy pursued under Barack Obama’s administration. This process is largely due to the domestic political calculations of the Biden team and the Democratic Party as a whole. The author of the article tries to assess the influence of American immigrant’s communities from the Arab countries and Turkey on Joe Biden’s Middle East policy.
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Agbere, Dawud Abdul-Aziz. "Islam in the African-American Experience." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 1 (1999): 150–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i1.2138.
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African-American Islam, especially as practiced by the Nation oflslam, continuesto engage the attention of many scholars. The racial separatist tendency,contrasted against the color blindness of global Islam, has been the focal pointof most of these studies. The historical presence of African Americans in themidst of American racism has been explained as, among other things, the mainimpetus behind African-American nationalism and racial separatism. Islam inthe African-American Experience is yet another attempt to explain this historicalposition. Originally the author's Ph.D. dissertation, the book spans 293pages, including notes, select biographies, indices, and thirteen illustrations. Itstwo parts, "Root Sources" and "Prophets of the City," comprise six chapters; there is also an introduction and an epilogue. The book is particularly designedfor students interested in African-American Islam. The central theme of thebook is the signifktion (naming and identifying) of the African Americanwithin the context of global Islam. The author identifies three factors thatexplain the racial-separatist phenomenon of African-American Islam:American racism, the Pan-African political movements of African-Americansin the early twentieth century, and the historic patterns of racial separatism inIslam. His explanations of the first two factors, though not new to the field ofAfrican-American studies, is well presented. However, his third explanation,which tries to connect the racial-separatist tendency of African-AmericanMuslims to what he tern the “historic pattern of racial separatism” in Islam,seems both controversial and problematic.In his introduction, the author touches on the African American’s sensitivityto signification, citing the long debate in African-American circles. Islam, heargues, offered African Americans two consolations: first, a spiritual, communal,and global meaning, which discoMects them in some way from Americanpolitical and public life; second, a source of political and cultural meaning inAfrican-American popular culture. He argues that a black person in America,Muslim or otherwise, takes an Islamic name to maintain or reclaim Africancultural roots or to negate the power and meaning of his European name. Thus,Islam to the black American is not just a spiritual domain, but also a culturalheritage.Part 1, “Root Sources,” contains two chapters and traces the black Africancontact with Islam from the beginning with Bilal during the time of theProphet, to the subsequent expansion of Islam to black Africa, particularlyWest Africa, by means of conversion, conquest, and trade. He also points to animportant fact: the exemplary spiritual and intellectual qualities of NorthAmerican Muslims were major factors behind black West Africans conversionto Islam. The author discusses the role of Arab Muslims in the enslavement ofAfrican Muslims under the banner of jihad, particularly in West Africa, abehavior the author described as Arabs’ separate and radical agenda for WestAfrican black Muslims. Nonetheless, the author categorically absolves Islam,as a system of religion, from the acts of its adherents (p. 21). This notwithstanding,the author notes the role these Muslims played in the educational andprofessional development of African Muslims ...
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Ukil, Priyasha Sai. "Law and Revolution: Legitimacy and Constitutionalism After the Arab Spring by Nimer Sultany." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 3 (2019): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i3.88.
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The Arab Spring brings about images of upheaval and protest along with feelings of agitation, unrest, anxiety and anticipation for change. Amid these strong emotions and uprisings, the legal aspects of revolution might appear to be comparatively unimportant and too intrinsic and technical. In his book, ‘Law and Revolution: Legitimacy and Constitutionalism After the Arab Spring’, author Nimer Sultany emphasizes that in addition to these initial impressions of the Arab Spring, the role of law is extremely significant, presenting arguments which are both, theoretical and pragmatic in nature. While his primary focus is on Egypt and Tunisia, he has comparatively analysed other Arab countries such as Bahrain, Jordan, Oman, Morocco and Algeria. Furthermore, he has scrutinized the American Revolution, French Revolution and transformations in Eastern Europe following the collapse of the Soviet Union to review the historical context of revolutions and the role of law in each of the cases. Not only has he compared constitutions and legal systems of countries during different periods of time, but he has also drawn a continuous comparison and contradiction between concepts such as ‘rupture’ and ‘continuity’, ‘reform’ and ‘revolution’ and ‘revolution’ and ‘constitution’, which may or may not be dichotomous in nature; examining them from lenses of legitimacy and the law. The book is divided into three sections, each of which discusses legitimacy, the link between revolution and legality, and the relation between revolution and constitutionalism respectively
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Ferrer, Christine N., and Aubrey S. Somera. "Identifying and Understanding the Language Curriculum Across the World." IJOLTL (Indonesian Journal of Language Teaching and Linguistics) 7, no. 2 (2022): 194–216. https://doi.org/10.30957/ijoltl.v7i2.706.
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This article compares and contrasts the Language Curriculum in the United States, United Arab Emirates, Mongolia, Philippines and Indian Language Curriculum for the year 2022. This is a comparative analysis; a research journal conducted to analyze the ideological, cultural, and political-economic elements that impact the development of language curricula in five different countries. Furthermore, the educational goals and ideologies that underpin both curricula are discussed. A very intriguing conclusion emerges when considering the curricula's unspoken aims. All the five (5) nations' language and literature curricula emphasize the significance of citizenship and character education and are interwoven into curricula instruction. Meanwhile, the US language curriculum prioritizes creating American identity, with a focus on improving learning for the professional workforce and career-ready persons, which will help the global economy in the future. Meanwhile, moral and religious training is prioritized in the United Arab Emirates, Mongolia, Philippines and Indian language curriculum. Language education or curriculum are intertwined in nation-building. After examining, comparing, and contrasting both curricula, the author discovered that the US successfully instills character education to mold the worldview and characteristics of its population derived from their clear ideology, whereas the United Arab Emirates, Mongolia, Philippines and India are rather unexplained and ambiguous. As a result, this article demonstrates that there is an opportunity for development for educators and educational leaders in the United Arab Emirates, Mongolia, Philippines and India to be more explicit in determining which character is best exposed in the language curriculum.
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Coury, Ralph. "A Neoimperial Discourse on the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (1996): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2333.
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The critique of orientalism has had a major impact upon MiddleEastern and Islamic studies and in other areas of western and Americanintellectual life. However, despite this impact, there is no question that traditionalorientalist representations of the Arab and Islamic maintain a strikingvirulence, that they remain deeply marked by imperialist and racistlegacies, and that scholars often recoup and rehabfitate such perspectiveseven when they seem to be challenging them. I would like to illustrate theseobservations through a consideration of the work of the American authorPaul Bowles and of the treatment his work has received by American critics.It is, of course, customary for scholars to justify their work by statingthat their topic has not received the attention that it deserves. However, if Isay that Bowels's representation of the Arab/Muslim has been neglectedstrikingly, I am being honest as well as self-serving. Bowles is America3most prominent expatriate author and is also the only American whose fictionand nonfiction have dealt largely with Morocco and North Africa. It isnatural to assume that his work and its treatment can provide special insightinto the fate and fortune of the critique of orientalism, especially in the presentcontext of a Bowles revival that is becoming a veritable flux.Bowles has reflected, variously and throughout his literary career,many of the standard features that have characterized the representation ofthe Arab/Muslim since the nineteenthcentury. This is apparent in his interviews,nonfiction essays, and travel pieces, but also in the short stories andnovels that have appeared for nearly fifty years; from the 1940s into the1990s. In 1952, for example, he told Harvey Breit in an interview in theNew York Times:I don’t think we are likely to get to know the Muslims very welland I suspect that if we should we would find them less sympatheticthan we do at present and I believe the same applies to theirgetting to know us. At the moment they admire us for our techniqueand I don’t think they would fmd more than that compatible.Their culture is essentially barbarous, their mentality is that of apurely predatory people ...
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Alghamdi, Amani Hamdan. "All American Yemeni Girls." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 2 (2005): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i2.1718.
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In her book, Loukia Sarroub offers an ethnographic account of the lives ofsix Yemeni-American girls by following them through public schools from1997-2002 to “obtain a deeper and richer understanding of their day-to-daylives at home and at school” (p. 19). By observing them in the school,home, malls, and mosque, as well as at their community’s social occasions,Sarroub investigates the tensions between their lives and identities in theAmerican public school system and their family lives at home, both in theUnited States and in Yemen, their land of origin.In the first chapter, Sarroub details the theories behind her ethnographicresearch, introduces the research background, reviews theresearch methodology, and gives an overview of the participants. In chapter2, she chooses Layla, one of the Yemeni-American girls, as a representativeof the group. As Sarroub explains, Layla struggled to find aspace for herself, because “it was not always clear to her whether she was an American or a Yemeni, and her attitude toward her home and schoollives reflected her consternation with both identities” (p. 30). Being anArab Muslim woman myself and living as a minority in a western society,I can relate to the struggle between gender roles. The girls’ roles areprescribed by culture and traditions, and their gender identity is constructedin ways that have been influenced by American society.Therefore, I expected the author to provide a more detailed analysis ofhow adolescents construct their gender identity in both Arab MuslimYemeni and secular American cultures ...
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KRZYMOWSKI, Adam. "THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE BLACK SEA COUNTRIES OF THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES." On-line Journal Modelling the New Europe, no. 34 (December 13, 2020): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/ojmne.2020.34.04.
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: The Black Sea region has strategic geopolitical importance where the routes of Europe, the Caucasus, Asia, and the Middle East intersect. Ensuring stability and security in the Black Sea area is essential for emerging new security architecture. In search of balance, the challenges are met by the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and the deepening of strategic relations with the United Arab Emirates. The UAE, anchored in the Euro-Atlantic partnership and with extensive influence, emerges as an interesting strategic partner. When analysing the Three Seas Initiative, it should be noted that the United States of America joined the implementation of 3SI, seeing it as an opportunity to pursue American interests in LNG markets, and in a broader geopolitical dimension, combining this initiative with projects in the Middle East. This research paper is the first to analyse the foreign and security policy of the two Black Sea countries, Bulgaria, and Romania that participate in the Three Seas Initiative, from the geostrategic perspective and relations with the United Arab Emirates. The research work is based on empirical research, and the results of which are largely derived from 10 years of direct observation, as well as the participation of the author of the article in many initiatives related to cooperation between all 3SI countries with the United Arab Emirates, among others as an Ambassador, Senior Advisor at Dubai Expo 2020.
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Khawaja, Mabel. "Islam and Arabs in Early American Thought." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 4 (1992): 570–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i4.2544.
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The introduction to this book credits the author with clarifying theoperative attitudes of Americans towards Islam by looking at the causeand result of the Muslim image in American literature. However, regretis expressed that Sha'ban had to be heroically selective about a subjectradiating in many rich directions. Apparently, the book offers fresh insightsand new possibilities for exploration and discovery, therebycontributing significantly to the enhancement of a literary tradition thatcame to the forefront with Said's Orientalism. Sha'ban studies orientalismin tenns of America's exposure to and understanding of Islam by focusingon Muslims of nineteenth-century North Africa and the Middle East.Even though the book's thrust is political, Sha 'ban challenges the readerto review familiar American writers and trends from an unfamiliar perspectiveas he traces the historically biased approach of Americans intheir dealings with the Muslim world.In chapter one, “A Place for My People,“ the author explains howAmerica’s Puritan beginnings shaped its self-image and its attitude towads“the Arab world, its people and land.” The Pilgrims saw themselvesas the chosen people in a promised land. Under the umbrella of aprovidential plan and the divine covenant, they were heirs to the kingdomof God in the new world and therefore shared a common responsibilityto execute the divine mission. Unlike European monamhs who relied onreligion for personal privilege (i.e., the Divine Right theory), Puritansshifted away from emphasizing the personal and private aspects of Christianityto its communal or corporate nature. They constantly endorsedtheir national responsibility to share the benefits of their chosen status ascitizens of God’s kingdom with the rest of the world ...
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Ismailov, Samir. "Comparative Analysis of American and Russian Types of Soft Power in the Arab Region On the Example of the Kingdom of Morocco." Право и политика, no. 12 (December 2024): 123–31. https://doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2024.12.72695.
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The article is devoted to the study of American and Russian types of soft power in the Arab world using the example of the Kingdom of Morocco. Introducing the concept of "soft power" in political science, American political scientist Joseph Nye filled this term with the liberal values such as democracy, freedom of speech, individualism, secularism, and so on. However, the concept of soft power is more of a socially constructed concept than a Western liberal one, since soft power is based on attractiveness, and the values and ideas themselves that can attract are not identical throughout the world. For example, Russian soft power consists of such values as respect for the feelings of believers, a ban on LGBT propaganda, and anti-colonialism. The author concludes that liberal ideas that form the soft power of the United States do not find support in Moroccan society, where the values of social harmony and religion are put at the forefront. Also, American educational institutions often ignore the needs of Moroccan society, as many of them do not teach Islamic and Arabic studies, which are the cornerstone of Moroccan society. In addition, Washington's constant support for the state of Israel in the conflict with Palestine also causes disappointment among Moroccans. Compared with the American model of soft power, the Russian type of soft power seems attractive to Moroccans due to the protection of religious feelings, traditional relations, family values, and support for the recognition of the state of Palestine. In conducting the study, the authors used standardized individual interview methods to obtain and analyze information and basic data. In addition, control interviews were conducted to clarify the information. The comparative analysis method was used to study the information and summarize the main conclusions of the article.
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Terin, V. P. "THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE INTERNET FOR POLITICS." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-152-156.
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The managerial importance of the internet increasingly attracts political forces. The article deals with the internet as a political resource referring to President Obama involving the American people in his fight with the Republicans in Congress, and other similar issues of general concern. The author analyses the use of information and communication technologies in the USA political life and also makes conclusions about global tendencies of the information technologies development. After Barack Obama was elected president in the USA, information technologies have gained political significance. The author believes that Obama plans his second term in power as a turning point for the development of the country which is connected to the economic development. USA political strategy is global; the same is true for the information sphere. Barack Obama influences global politics as if it were operation system of the computer. Thus the author believes that such problems as determination of the driving forces of the Arab spring and real reasons for the USA refusal to sign new telecommunications treaty at the ITU conference in Dubai deserve special analysis taking into account the role of the information and communication technologies.
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Mednicoff, David. "The Importance of Being Quasi-Democratic - the Domestication Of International Human Rights in American and Arab Politics." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 2 (2007): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i2.5523.
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The paper builds on a comparative treatment of the politics of contestation and incorporation of human rights law in the United States, Morocco and Tunisia to highlight the salience of international law's democratic legitimacy problems of popular representation and mobilization. The author shows that Morocco enjoyed the most sustained and broadest recent mobilisation of these cases in the domestic extension of international human rights norms. This finding suggests four conclusions. First, democratic legitimacy problems for international law are similar across more and less democratic regime types. Second, the democratic legitimacy problem allows states to use populist appeals to justify their internal deviations from international legal norms. Third, international human rights norms stand the best possibility of mitigating these legitimacy concerns and permeating domestic practice when they have a basis in a pattern of contestation that engages more than a narrow elite, and which might therefore be called quasidemocratic. Fourth, these points demonstrate the imperative of comparing the political processes for the domestic incorporation of international law across different spaces and regime types.
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Lahmidi, Azeddine. "Transnationality, Mobile Identity, and Cultural Dislocation in Rabih Alameddine’s I, the Divine (2002)." International Journal of Literature Studies 5, no. 1 (2025): 17–28. https://doi.org/10.32996/ijts.2025.5.1.2.
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Inspired by diasporic philosophy, conception, and avidity, Anglophone diasporic authors—such as Rabih Alameddine, a prolific Arab American author recognized for his bold yet creative narratives—have foregrounded heterogeneity, post-nationality, and cross-pollination, as approaches to contest essentialist national identifications and reductionist ethnic ideologies. Equally, diaspora literary criticism emphasizes the importance of border crossings and transnational movements, exemplified in diasporic narratives, prompting a re-evaluation of understandings and mindsets. Drawing on this theoretical premise, this article explores themes of traveling identity and transnational belonging, by meticulously analyzing instances from Rabih Alameddine’s I, the Divine (2002). It also unearths personal and cultural dislocation embodied in the protagonist’s disjointed life narrative, the lack of a central plot, and the uncertainty of claiming an irrevocable belief in belonging to a fixed abode. It concludes that the approach of belonging, the novel advocates, aligns with the postmodernist diasporic view, based on revisiting outdated assumptions of cultural identity and welcoming, instead, hybridity and post-ethnicity, which complicates the fixity of home and the pre-givenness of identity.
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Salamé, Ghassan. "Middle Easts, old and new1." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903471181.
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This article is the text of an address given by Ghassan Salamé at the ‘Oil and Money’ Conference convened in London, UK, on 21 October 2009. In it, the author deals with what the ambiguous, amorphous, elastic and politically expedient term ‘Middle East’ has connoted historically and what it may or may not denote in political formulations of a given moment. In particular, American, European, Turkish, Iranian, Israeli and Arab views – and the serious implications of these – are examined with superb economy of style. Whether as part of the US-delimited region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) or whether as affiliated to the European Union via a Mediterranean Union based on trade relations, the exclusion or inclusion in the Middle East is not a simple matter where regional players such as Iran and Turkey have historical extraterritorial ambitions which would, yet again, appear to be coming to the fore – even when such may threaten internal balances. The author argues that Israel's position is increasingly problematic due not only to Palestinian demographics, but also to its recent experience against Hezbollah which has mastered asymmetrical warfare at a time when the ability of the United States to defend its primary ally in the region has been cast into doubt. The states of the Arab World have proved ineffectual and certain of them are looking to ‘escape’ from the Middle East into Africa (Libya) or looking to formulate a new regional constellation in which Turkey and Iran will play leading roles (Syria).
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Podrezov, Mikhail A. "Attitude of the Arabian Middle East Population towards Iran and its Regional Policy in 2011–2019." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2025): 170. https://doi.org/10.31696/s086919080033695-1.
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In 2010s Zogby Research Services conducted several surveys in the Middle East countries asking the local people about their opinion on different political, social, economic issues. The author analyses the responds of the Emirati, Iraqi, Jordan, Lebanese and Saudi people on the Islamic Republic of Iran and its regional policy. The author collected the results on the related questions combined into two groups “Is your attitude favourable or unfavourable to Iran?” and “Does Iran contribute to peace and stability in the Arab world?” The changes of the responds throughout the survey timeline are presented in the two graphs explained in the article. The results of the research show that in 2011–2016 the respondents’ attitude towards Iran and its foreign policy had been worsening due to their dissatisfaction with the country’s involvement in the Middle Eastern affairs with the signing of ‘the nuclear deal’ having a short-term effect. Trump withdrawing from the deal and resuming the American sanction regime that struck the Iranian economy caused hopes among respondents that Tehran would decrease its activity in the region. Thus, their attitude in 2018 towards Iran was much more positive and believe in future peace and stability in the region – much stronger. But the 2019 survey showed that the confidence of the Arab states’ populations in future peaceful co-existence with Iran had decreased dramatically as a result of the continuing Iranian support towards its allies in the Middle East, intensified tensions between Tehran and Washington as well as the escalated Iranian-Saudi confrontation.
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Al Basuony, Gihan Samy Ibrahim. "Representation of Iraqi War between Fantasy and Reality in Rajiv Joseph's Bengal Tiger at Baghdad Zoo: A New Historicist Reading." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 29 (2016): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n29p323.
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Rajiv Joseph's Bengal Tiger at the Baghdad Zoo is among the plays which represent the Iraqi war— a prominent event in postmodern history. The play is based on a real story which happened in the Bagdad Zoo when some American soldiers killed a rare Bengal tiger. It is a documentation of this real story and it includes real names and historical places and characters, which make it qualified as a documentary play. The present paper employs the new historicist method in its attempt to show how much the play is a representation of the culture that motivates the actions, whether it is the culture of the author or that of the characters concerned, Arabs and Americans. Thus, the play could be seen both as a product of the interaction of the American culture and the Arab culture that it came in touch with. The American soldiers first saw this war as a mission of freedom, while the Iraqis saw it as ruin of their culture. However, the dramatic method reflects changes in perspectives as the characters come into contact. In this way, the present reading is a chance to understand cultural and intellectual history through literature and mutual influence of cultures.
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Parkhitko, Oleg, and Vladyslav Danylov. "PECULIARITIES OF COVERAGE OF THE PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI CONFLICT IN THE WORLD MEDIA." Bulletin of Lviv Polytechnic National University: journalism 1, no. 7 (2024): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sjs2024.01.035.
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The article attempts to identify the peculiarities of the coverage of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the world media. The research was based on publications from the websites of three media outlets - «The Washington Post», «The Guardian» and «Al Jazeera». The author talks about the difficulties that journalists may face when covering armed conflicts. Firstly, it is the threats to the physical and mental health of the journalist. Secondly, it is the difficulty of abstracting from one's own preferences in the conflict. Thirdly, it is difficulty in determining the status of the parties to the conflict. The author notes that in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict there are difficulties in determining the status of Hamas, since not all countries in the world consider the group to be terrorists. The article examines the views on the conflict of two high-quality private newspapers - «The Washington Post» and «The Guardian». The intrigue of the position of quality publications is that they are located in the United States and Europe, i.e., they should hypothetically support Israel against the collective Arab world. In fact, both media outlets have maintained a high level of quality and have covered the conflict in a balanced manner. Moreover, the newspapers' coverage is somewhat critical of the Jewish state. While «The Washington Post's» criticism is more of a guess, the Guardian's journalists express it quite frankly and emotionally. When expressing its attitude, an American newspaper must take into account the views of the powerful Jewish diaspora in the United States. As for the Guardian, the newspaper criticizes Israel from the liberal anti-war position of the British and European elite. The state-owned Qatari television company Al Jazeera has long been criticized for its bias and rather open communication with individuals whose activities are considered terrorist by some parts of the world. The intrigue with the Qatari media's coverage of the conflict is whether they will at least try to pretend to be objective to a global audience. In practice, the Arab media's website is falling into outright anti-Israeli and anti-American propaganda. It uses a selection of «correct» sources of information, mockery and manipulation of facts. The author of the article assumes that media workers are well aware of their target audience, which is quite effectively influenced by such publications.
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Bila, Andriana. "Soft power in the conditions of war: the public diplomacy of Ukraine in the Republic of Lebanon." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIV (2023): 750–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2023-42.
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Abstract. Ukraine’s public diplomacy during the war, especially in the past year, has become an unprecedentedly effective tool for conveying what American researcher Joseph Nye defined as a state’s ‘soft power’. Through various tools and focus areas of public diplomacy, Ukraine has successfully raised foreign audiences’ awareness of its attractive aspects: its rich culture, cultural heritage, and traditions with deep historical roots and world-spanning connections to different peoples and countries. These public diplomacy efforts made it possible to demonstrate such bright and strong characteristics of Ukrainian society as heroism, courage, and resilience. For the first time in many years, Ukraine’s political values and ideals became clear and visible to foreign audiences and the leadership of foreign countries. Ukraine began to be identified and acknowledged as a country of freedom and democratic values. The article analyses several successful public diplomacy projects implemented by the Embassy of Ukraine in the Republic of Lebanon under Ihor Ostash, the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Lebanon (2016–22), during russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The author details the content of specific unique cultural diplomacy projects that served as a critical element of public diplomacy, highlighting their impact on the Arab and, particularly, the Lebanese audience. Thus, the author emphasizes the methodical nature and valuable outcomes of the Embassy’s work amidst the full-scale russian invasion of Ukraine. The conclusions identify several key aspects that must be considered for the sake of high-quality implementation of public diplomacy. Keywords: public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, soft power, Republic of Lebanon, Middle East, Arab world, Embassy of Ukraine in Lebanon, Ukrainian-Lebanese relations.
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Inloes, Amina. "Teaching Arabs, writing Self." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 2 (2015): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i2.980.
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Teaching Arabs, Writing Self traces Evelyn Shakir’s evolution from a buddingstudent of canon English literature who was desperately trying to “becomewhite” to her epiphany that stories from her own working-class immigrantneighborhood might be of equal worth. There, she found her unique niche bybecoming an author and scholar of Arab-American literature who helped gainrecognition for this literature as a genre, and who helped readers see ArabAmericans as people rather than stereotypes.Shakir divides her memoirs into three sections. In the first, she reflectson her childhood during an era that frowned upon diversity. Like many immigrantchildren, she turns up her nose at the “wrong” foods: “Bread withpockets. Hummus and tabouli. ‘Don’t put that stuff in my lunch box,’ I said”(p. 8). She even goes so far as to join a Methodist church whose quiet, orderlysimplicity seems more “American” than her family’s ritualistic but expressiveOrthodox church. Acculturated to the “Protestant disdain for Eastern churchesand, by extension, for the East itself,” only later does she develop “[a]n inklingthat there might be treasures I had turned my back on. That I might not alwayshave to be ashamed” (p. 13).In this section, we see the historical value of Shakir’s work not only as apersonal memoir, but also as an account of twentieth-century Americana. Bornin 1938, she offers a rare narrative voice of that era – that of a Lebanese-American and a woman; a handful of personal photos literally offer a rareglimpse into the society of Arab-American women. Many of her childhoodmemories center on Boston’s nearby Revere Beach, which boasted “slot machinesspitting out weight, fortune, photos of Rita Hayworth,” “Dodgems (‘nohead-on collisions’ but we did),” and “clams in a Fryolator … corn poppingfrantic in a display case … frozen custard (banana my favorite) spirallingthick-tongued into waffle cones, then dipped headfirst in jimmies” (p. 32).Her true claim to Americanhood is that her uncle ran the beach’s “glitzy” Cycloneroller coaster, which “gave me bragging rights among my friends andhelped situate me closer to the American norm that was always just beyondmy reach” (p. 29). The Cyclone was so important to the beach’s identity thatits closure in 1969 signaled the demise of the beach itself. “It’s those cars thattell the story,” she recollects. “As soon as masses of people could afford them,Revere lost its reason for being” (p. 43) ...
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Al-Barasneh, Ayman Saleh. "FROM THEORY TO GRAND STRATEGY: ASSESSING US GOALS IN ARABIA 2001-2018." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, no. 1 (2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i1.127.
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The study seeks to provide an overarching understanding to the US objectives and policies in the Gulf region at three intersecting levels; strategic interests, regional security and political reform. This study takes United States interactions with Arabia, as a case study, during the period 2001-2018 under the administrations of G.W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Additionally, the study attempts to generate greater understanding of the dynamics that motivating American international politics and subsequent policies toward the Arab gulf countries through examining the interactions between both systematic and domestic factors. Noticeably, US entrenched vital enduring interests with the Arab Gulf States rested, for approximately seventy years, on protecting oil flow from the region into international economy without interruption, selling arms to the Gulf Arabs and maintaining gulf regional security against any real or potential threats. Therefore, the administrations of Bush, Obama, and Trump were not different from their predecessors in their strategy of preserving gulf security through forward military presence in the region. Hence, the author employs the neorealist theory to understand US interactions with the Gulf countries. Remarkably, despite some scholar's arguments that envisaged the US policies under G.W. Bush and Donald Trump as departed drastically from US conventional policy, the study argues and concludes that the US actual policy towards Arabia reflects a traditional policy of maintaining mutual interests.
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Jnaidi, Rawia. "Revisiting Retranslation Hypothesis: A Comparative Analysis of Stylistic Features in two Arabic Retranslations of the “Old Man and the Sea”." Arabic Journal for Translation Studies 3, no. 7 (2025): 121–35. https://doi.org/10.63939/ajts.kyqqfh62.
Full textAbstract:
TS is an interdisciplinary field connected to many sub-disciplines, which resulted in emersion of many issues among TS scholars and researchers. One of the most important and controversial issue at the same time is the phenomenon of Retranslation. Although this phenomenon is considered as a positive one, the motives behind it is multi and debatable. The simplicity of the novel “The Old Man and The Sea” written by American author Ernest Hemingway attracted many translators in the Arab world, so it has been translated into Arabic many times. Since empirical evidence of various case studies from and to different languages is needed within the scope of translation studies regarding Retranslation phenomenon, this study aims to revisit the hypothesis with focusing on retranslation of novels. In addition, researches revealed that the first two translations of the novel are more target-oriented and they didn’t focus on the style of the author. This study aims to test the validity of “Retranslation Hypothesis” in the novel later retranslations, which are supposed to be more source-oriented according to RH from stylistic point of view. A comparative textual analysis of stylistic features between the source and the two of the subsequent Arabic retranslations was carried out to reveal the degree of closeness to the original style of the author and unveil the implications behind the differences between both retranslations.
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J. Juma (PhD), Muayyed, and Rafid Abdul-Ameer Ghaeb (PhD). "The Americanization of Film Subtitles: A Sociocultural Linguistic Perspective to Subtitling Translation in the Arab World." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 218, no. 1 (2018): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v218i1.529.
Full textAbstract:
One inevitable technique used by translators is to draw the author’s modes of thinking towards that of the reader as close as possible without paying much attention to the various aspects of meaning associated. This domestication technique has been criticized by Venuti (1995) for its denial of the visible role of the translator in his/her translated text. As a substitute, a translator might foreignize the reader’s modes of thinking and introduce him to that of the author. In parallel, a film subtitler is doomed to choose one of these preferences either to satisfy the target language audiences linguistically and culturally, or to impose on them the source language foreign structures and modes of thinking. The translator’s preference between these two techniques is not as clear cut as Venuti suggests. Factors such as the language distance between the SL and the TL, the translated text’s subject matter, the language dominancy, and the translator’s level of acquaintance with the various cultural facets of both the TL and the SL should also be taken into consideration in such preference. This paper is an attempt to investigate the subtitling translation of the American films in the Arab world in terms of Venuti's dichotomy of domestication and foreignization. It is based on a case study which examined the Arabic subtitle of two American films; “The Aviator” and “The Departed”, and the English subtitle of the Egyptian Arabic film “Hassan wa Murkis”.
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Rosenbæk Reetz, Karl Emil. "Coastal World Literature: Encounters at the Shores of Europe." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 15, no. 2 (2024): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2024.15.2.5360.
Full textAbstract:
Shorelines are at the forefront when it comes to the effects of climate change. They are equally a preferred leisure destination for global northerners to seek respite and some sort of ecological reconnection. This article argue that the coast offers valuable insight as a literary site of disruptive encounters. At the coast, economic, ecological, and cultural disparity interweave, and can therefore carry manifold connotations, emotions, and prospects dependent of your vantage point. As such, I argue, the coastal site offers fundamentally different temporalities and experiences depending on the vantage point. To exemplify this point, the article examines contemporary registrations of the southernmost European shore in the wake of the so-called migrant crisis that occurred as the Arab Spring revolutions was met by autocratic pushbacks. Furthermore, the article presents the term ‘coastal world literature’ as a methodology of interpreting literature at the dynamic littoral zone between land and sea. Readings of the novel What Strange Paradise (2021) by Egyptian-Canadian author Omar El Akkad, the collection of poems Mare Nostrum (2019) by Libyan-American author Khaled Mattawa , the novel Til stranden (2017; To the Beach) by Danish author Peter Højrup, and the collection of poems titled Bag bakkerne, kysten (2017; Behind the Dunes, the Coast) by Danish author Peter Clement-Woetmann support the assertion that coastal texts are informed by their position within the world-system. In effect, coastal world literature reveals valuable first encounters of disparity, unevenness, and the range of accompanied affective responses. Consequently, what happens at the shore and how we tell it matters immensely.
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Салимова, Э. А. ""Soft power" in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the Arab countries." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 1(21) (May 21, 2021): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.008.
Full textAbstract:
В связи с ростом интереса и внимания со стороны Российской Федерации к ближневосточному региону, а также учитывая события последних лет, автор обращает внимание на использование «мягких» инструментов во внешнеполитическом курсе России. Актуальность выбранной темы подтверждает тенденция к применению инструментов «мягкой силы» в международных отношениях. Целью исследования является выяснение эффективности применения методов «мягкой силы» во внешней политике Российской Федерации, а способы их применения в отношении арабских государств Ближнего Востока выступают предметом исследования. В процессе подготовки статьи были изучены формы реализации «мягкой» политики, а также сочетание «мягкой» и «жесткой» силы в современных условиях. Исследование проведено с опорой на материалы американского политолога Джозефа Ная, который ввел понятия «жесткой» и «мягкой» силы в 90‑х годах XX в. Помимо российских, в этой работе автор также обращается к иностранным источникам, с целью демонстрации западного видения реализации инструментов «мягкой силы» России на Ближнем Востоке. Автор пришел к выводу, что применяемые инструменты «мягкой силы» способствуют налаживанию двустороннего сотрудничества с Арабским миром. Due to the growing interest and attention on the part of the Russian Federation to the Middle East region, as well as taking into account the events of recent years, the author draws attention to the use of "soft" tools in Russia's foreign policy. The relevance of the chosen topic is confirmed by the trend towards the use of "soft power" tools in international relations. The purpose of the study is to find out the effectiveness of the use of "soft power" methods in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, and the ways of their application in relation to the Arab states of the Middle East are the subject of the study. In the process of preparing the article, we studied the forms of implementation of "soft" policy, as well as the combination of "soft" and "hard" force in modern conditions. The study is based on the materials of the American political scientist Joseph Nye, who introduced the concepts of "hard" and "soft" power in the 90s of the twentieth century. In addition to Russian sources, the author also refers to foreign sources in order to demonstrate the Western vision of the implementation of Russia's "soft power" tools in the Middle East. The author came to the conclusion that the "soft power" tools used contribute to the establishment of bilateral cooperation with the Arab world.
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Hajj, Maya El. "Translation, Retranslation and Recreation in the Literary Field." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 10, no. 5 (2019): 914. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1005.03.
Full textAbstract:
Ameen Fares Rihani rewrote a few of his Arabic poems, such as “I am the East” and “New York” in English, to enable American and Arab readers to understand the poems within their cultural settings, to promote the Eastern culture in the West, and to introduce the West to the Easterners. This paper argues that in his translations of his own poetry, Rihani was a recreator rather than a translator. A comparative analysis of Rihani’s rewritten poems in English and the translations made by other translators of the same poems will prove that the author-translator’s choice of terms along with their cultural backgrounds, deep meanings and etymologies reveal his deep understanding of the source and target cultures, the Eastern and the Western ones. The study further analyzes Rihani’s literary recreations or in other terms transcreations and examines as well the other translators’ rendering of the same works. Comparative study shows how poetry transcends cultural barriers and understands the linguistic and cultural spirit of the target language, thereby attempts to bridge the civilization and cultural gaps between the East and the West.
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Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.487.
Full textAbstract:
Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy.
 Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India
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Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "Islam, State and Modernity: Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and the Future of the Arab World." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (2018): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.487.
Full textAbstract:
Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (1935-2010) is one of the most original Arab philosophers, thinkers, and social theorist of recent times. Al-Jabri, who held the post of Professor of Philosophy at University of Rabat (Moroc- co), is the author of over 30 books—mostly on Arab Islamic thought—of which the best-known are works like Critique of Arab Reason (1984-2001, 4 vols.), Arab Political Reason (1990), An Introduction to the Noble Qur’an (2006), and Democracy, Human Rights and Law in Islamic Thought (2009). Though al-Jabri is “one of the most original and multifaceted philosophers and intellectuals of our time” (p. xii), commands considerable influence on the Arab world, and is regarded as significant and influential as the Irani- an Abdolkarim Soroush, the Egyptian Hasan Hanafi, and the French Mo- hammed Arkoun, he has remained insufficiently recognized in the West or Euro-American scholarship. The volume under review, first of its kind in English, is thus dedicated to exploring and highlighting varied aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and impact. Edited by Zaid Eyadat (University of Jordan), Francesca M. Corrao, and Mohammed Hashas (both from LUISS, University of Rome), this work analyzes and highlights “how al-Jabri has been a fertile intellectual force in the contemporary Arab world” (15). The volume consists of fourteen chapters divided into two parts: Part I is titled ‘Al-Jabri’s Reconstruction of Arab-Islamic Thought’ (Chapters 2-8), and Part II is titled ‘Politics, Ethics, and the Future of the State in the Arab World’ (Chapters 9-14). These are bookended by a foreword (ix-xiii) by Abdou-Filali Ansary and a biograph- ical appendix. The work acts as an “introductory volume for more future work” to be done in the English language “on this far-sighted Arab-Muslim philosopher” (15). What follows below is a survey of some selected chapters from each part of the book, so as to get an impression of what is contained, discussed, and explored in this volume. In the introduction (Chapter 1), the editors situate and contextual- ize the philosophy and legacy of al-Jabri within the broader perspective of contemporary Arab thought. They argue that the volume is focused on an aspect of Arab philosophy, dealing “with a philosophical project that classifies Arab intellectual history and contributes to contemporary Arab political philosophy” (8). Massimo Companini (Chapter 2) explores the work of al-Jabri and Hasan Hanafi vis-à-vis Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Rushd, and tries to find a “Path to Modernity” (41). His main argument is that al-Jabri contends for the “Averroistic” interpretation of the “future of Arab-Islamic culture”, which is both “rationalistic and democratic” (25) and thus fits aptly within the present political trend. Abdul Karim Barghout et al. (Chapter 3) focus on the Syrian thinker George Tarabishi’s (d. 2016) Critique of the Critique of Arab Reason (1996), by expounding their disagreements on Arab history. The differences between al-Jabri and Tabarishi remain over the theoretical frameworks or methodological grounds, not on historical substance. These and other chapters of this part revolve mostly around al-Jabri’s Critique. However, Mariangela Laviano (Chapter 6) provides a “preliminary overview of al-Jabri’s introductory work on the Qur’an” (2006), in which al- Jabri “gives a systematic rereading of the Qur’an and its phenomenon” and provides a “chronological order of decent of revelation (tartīb al-nuzūl), and not the common order/ sequence, i.e., tartīb al-tilāwa/ tartīb al-muṣḥaf” (114). For Laviano, al-Jabri considers the Qur’an a Text which needs to be “studied in its context, but at the same time taking into consideration its sa- credness” (114-115); such a “rational approach helps the reader to look at some Qura’nic verses,…, in the light of historical context” and thus gives “more attention to human rights and rebuilding the Arab world” (120). Part II of this volume is concentrated on exploring “the question of politics and ethics in a-Jabri’s examination of the history of ideas of the Arab-Islamic world.” It highlights his significance and relevance in the pre and post-Arab Spring eras in MENA as well as considers his thought’s pos- sible influence on the “future of the Arab state” (17). Mohsine El Ahmadi (Chapter 9) reflects on the aspects of al-Jabri’s political thought by focusing on the question of state and religion through an exposition of his Critique of Arab Political Reason (1984) and Religion, State, and Implementation of Shari‘a (1996). It clearly reveals al-Jabri’s “intellectual position on Islam and political power” (173), which is mainly “decisive in the reconstruction of modern thought based on the reason and democracy” (172). Ahmadi also focuses on “specific critique of Islamic historicity” (176), and concludes that “Historicity, epistemology, and secularism are dialectical foundations of al-Jabri’s views on Arab-Islamic reform” and thus represent a “major de- velopment in the transformation of Arab-Islamic political thought” (180). Zaid Eyadat and Hanadi Riyad (Chapter 12) focus on al-Jabri’s “effort and his contribution to Arab intellectual thought” by analyzing, critically, his Arab Ethical Reason (2006)—a work yet-untranslated and so unavail- able to an English audience. This chapter aims to introduce it to the West- ern reader while suggesting a “way forward from al-Jabri’s work towards a more creative and peaceful Arab Reason”. The last chapter, “The Arab Possible State: From al-Tahtawi to al- Jabri,” by Mohammed Hashas (Chapter 14), reinvigorates the possibility of a “modern Arab state” based on “Arab-Islamic tradition”, despite various “obstacles encountering its realization”, as manifested, most recently, in the Arab Spring (272). Hashas deliberates on “three Arab political discourse levels”, viz. ‘Arab Renaissance avant-gardists’, ‘Arab Nationhood Discourse’, and ‘State Discourse Around Arab Spring’. Later, he elaborates the state concept in al-Jabri’s thought, concluding that al-Jabri calls for a “democrat- ic modern state”, neither secular nor liberal, which will be based on the three principles of “human rights, the rule of law and rationality” (290). Written by specialists at various stages of their careers, and keeping in view the richness and diversity of topics, Islam, State and Modernity is a significant contribution to exploring the various aspects of al-Jabri’s thought, philosophy, and legacy for a wider readership, on topics ranging from Arab–Islamic thought to the state, politics, ethics, education, and the Qur’an phenomenon. It will prove helpful to students and scholars in a wide range of disciplines, ranging from Middle East Studies to Philosophy.
 Tauseef Ahmad ParrayAssistant Professor, Islamic Studies, Higher Education DepartmentJammu & Kashmir, India