Journal articles: 'Arab cultural studies'

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Valassopoulos, Anastasia. "Introduction: Arab Cultural Studies." Journal for Cultural Research 16, no. 2-3 (February 27, 2012): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14797585.2012.647663.

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Akmir, Abdelouahed. "European Arabs: identity, education and citizenship." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1016762.

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The Arab diaspora, comprising Arab immigrants and their descendants, currently represents the highest percentage of Arabs living in Europe. They are Arabs and Europeans, but they are unlike the Arabs who were born in the Arab world and unlike the Europeans who inherited their European origins and culture from father to son. The difference between these European Arabs and other Europeans often makes them experience a state of cultural detachment, as well as crises of their education, identity and citizenship. This article is a modest attempt to examine this phenomenon whilst highlighting the obstacles facing European Arabs and to propose some solutions. Furthermore, it is a call to draw attention to the European Arabs who have played a successful role in their communities and to utilize them in raising awareness of Arab issues and rectifying the image of Arabs in Europe with the aim of supporting Euro-Arab dialogue and cooperation.

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Halliday, F. "Review: Arab Nation: Arab Nationalism: Arab Nation: Arab Nationalism." Journal of Islamic Studies 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/13.1.94.

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Shibib, Khalid. "Reforming Arab Reason." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.00001b.

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As a humanitarian worker who was professionally involved for decades in crisis- and war-shaken countries, the author strove to understand the political, socioeconomic, and cultural factors contributing to conflicts. This contextualization, with a focus on Arab countries, confirmed what other thinkers found: the majority of political, economic, social, cultural, religious, and finally humanitarian crises in the Arab world are man-made and can be attributed to both extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Central to the latter appears to be a shared cultural construct that can be termed “Arab reason.” This essay tries to present information on various aspects of the crisis; to understand why reform efforts come so late and why are they are more difficult for Arabs than for other Muslims. It continues by looking at the knowledge systems that govern Arab reason and their evolution, including the decisive role of the religious knowledge system. From there, it proposes some reform ideas including a renewed legal reasoning process with the goal of a future-oriented, knowledge-based, and inclusive Arab Islamic vision. A pragmatic way forward could be an additional unifying eighth legal school (madhhab/madhāhib) to counter sectarian conflicts and violence. This essay is built on a targeted literature search and is not a comprehensive review of the growing literature generated by distinguished thinkers on various aspects of Arab Islamic identity.

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al-ﺀAlkīm, Hassan Hamdan. "Challenges facing the Arab world in the twenty-first century: an overview*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 417–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802163947.

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This article is a broad and sober assessment of the state of the Arab world. The writer draws a grim picture about prospects for improvements. The Arabs have not benefited from the changes that have swept the world because of the high cost attached to them. Current conditions in the Arab world are the main obstacle facing Arab reformers. In grappling with a civilizational challenge in which Arabs apparently have no choice or role, they suffer from an identity and cultural alienation crisis which impairs their ability to deal with the changes needed.

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Sanni, Amidu. "On taḍmīn (enjambment) and structural coherence in classical Arabic poetry." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52, no. 3 (October 1989): 463–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0003456x.

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The importance of poetry as the chief aesthetic experience of the Arabs as well as the principal repository of materials on their life and thought had long been recognized by the Arab and, following them, non-Arab students of Arabic culture. The fact that all the technical terminologies of Arabic verse which were formalized in ‘ilm al- ‘aruḍ (Prosody) are derived from the components of the bedouin tent—a highly prized possession—indicates the significance of the art to the Arab mind. The pride of place enjoyed by poetry in Arabic literary thought derives primarily from the hieratic idiom associated with it, as well as from its structural coherence, which relies on the harmony of prosodic factors (al-‘awāmilal-‘arūūiyya) associated with poetic praxis.

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Gualtieri, Sarah M. A., and Pauline Homsi Vinson. "Arab/Americas." Amerasia Journal 44, no. 1 (April 2018): vii—xxi. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aj.44.1.vii-xxi.

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AlMasarweh, Luma Issa. "Religious Fields and Subfields: Transnational Connections, Identities, and Reactive Transnationalism." Religions 13, no. 6 (May 25, 2022): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060478.

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The relationship between religion and transnationalism has only recently gained scholarly attention to document the influence religious organizations have on mediating transnational ties. While scholarship on second-generation transnationalism has gained interest, second-generation Arab Americans remain understudied. Yet, Arab Americans, especially Muslim Arab Americans, have been progressively encountering overt anti-Arab and Islamophobic sentiments for two decades, since 11 September. These experiences of discrimination are bound to affect their transnationalism. Based on 32 semi-structured interviews with children of Arab immigrants from Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria, this study finds that religious organizations are important transnational social fields for the second generation, especially those who experienced discrimination. This study finds that for Muslim Arab Americans, mosques are important transnational social fields in which they engage in transnational ways of being and belonging that connect them to their parental homeland and transnational identity. Consistent with reactive transnationalism, when experiencing discrimination Muslim Arab Americans increased their participation within their mosques in two ways. First, mosques are places Muslim Arab Americans draw on the support of other Arab Americans who have experienced discrimination. Second, the social networks of Muslim Arabs provide important historical and cultural knowledge about their parental homeland; knowledge that Muslim Arab Americans would later use to advocate and educate others when/if they reencountered discrimination.

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Abdul-Jabbar, Wisam Kh. "Internalized Arab diasporic identity: revisiting the Duboisian double-consciousness." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.976401.

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This article explores how the notion of double-consciousness peculiar to the African dispersion is not distant from the condition of most Arabs in diaspora. Arguably, it is similarly creolized as a syncretic product of continuous historical, cultural and linguistic processes, and is correspondingly an immediate consequence of the advent of the colonized world. Although connections with the Arab ties, whether emotional or cultural, vary largely, the politicized aspect of double-consciousness remains salient. This article examines internalized personality formation and the process of forming ethno-cultural identity within the Arab diasporic community through the Duboisian narrative of double-consciousness.

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Mohamed, Eid, Waleed Mahdi, and Hamid Dabashi. "The aesthetics of dissent: Culture and politics of transformation in the Arab world." International Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no. 2 (September 19, 2019): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877919859898.

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Our special issue captures the interplay of media, politics, religion, and culture in shaping Arabs’ search for more stable governing models at a crossroads of global, regional, and national challenges through systematic and integrated analyses of evolving and contested Arab visual and performing arts in revolutionary and unstable public spheres. The issue presents a unique attempt to investigate these forms of cultural production as new modes of knowledge that shed light on the nature of social movements with the aim of expanding the critical reach of the disciplinary methods of political discourse and social theory. Contributors articulate the ways in which the Arab scene can contribute to the understanding of the rise of new social movements worldwide by exploring the methodological gaps in dominant Western discourses and theories.

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Shryock, Andrew. "Mainstreaming Arabs: Filmmaking as image making intales from Arab Detroit." Visual Anthropology 10, no. 2-4 (January 1998): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08949468.1998.9966729.

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Sawani, Youssef Mohammad. "Arabs and democracy: an analysis of the findings of the survey of Arab public opinion towards democracy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.935597.

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A survey commissioned by the Center of Arab Unity Studies (CAUS), and carried out in late 2009 and early 2010, was the first Arab public opinion survey on democracy of its kind. This article presents its findings and contextualizes the analyses in the debate that has marked Arab political thinking on democracy as a system of good governance. The purpose of the survey was to shed light on the attitudes of ordinary Arabs with respect to democracy. Contrary to approaches that sought to explain the democratic deficit in the Arab world by virtue of its inherently ‘undemocratic’ culture and the Islamic religion, democratic elements are not absent from Arab culture and Arab people are yearning for democracy. The article analyses and compares the results with those of other surveys to conclude that contemporary Arabs are no exception and they have the same attitudes shared by humanity at large with respect to democracy as a solid political base for a fair system of governance.

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Dhaouadi, Mahmoud. "Arab intellectual concepts for cultural sociology." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910701773168.

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This paper presents new cultural concepts drawn from the Arab world. The terms ‘other underdevelopment’ and ‘cultural symbols’ are new as terms as well as cultural concepts in today's social sciences. As such, they are in favour of the development of cultural sociology with a ‘strong programme’. This paper argues that the building of a cultural theory based on a different epistemology and on new cultural concepts is a legitimate possibility. This potential contribution to the growing cultural sociology has been done independently before the official meaning of cultural sociology was generally adopted.

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Alkurdi, Shireen H., Awfa Hussein Al-Doory, and Mahmoud F. Al-Shetawi. "Ibsen’s Arab Journey." Critical Survey 33, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2021): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2021.33030411.

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This article sheds light on the Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen’s interest in Egypt and the Arab world. It underscores the influence of his tour in Egypt during the opening of the Suez Canal on his works, drawing on the theoretical underpinnings established by Edward W. Said. The study foregrounds Ibsen’s correspondence, plays, and other works that include references to his two-month stay in Egypt and to his encounter with the Arab culture. Ibsen’s references validate the Western stereotyping and ideology that have influenced a wide array of Western writers in the ways they misrepresent and misinterpret the Arab culture, and concomitantly other references mirror a personal force of admiration. Additionally, the article discusses the idea that Ibsen’s sojourn in Egypt did not alter his viewpoint of the Arab culture in general and the Egyptian one in particular which is markedly controlled by the Western stereotyped image of Arabs and their culture.

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Ziter, Edward. "Repurposing Romantic Drama in Late-Nineteenth-Century Egypt: Najīb al-Ḥaddād’s Arabizations of Victor Hugo." Journal of Arabic Literature 52, no. 3-4 (November 23, 2021): 394–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341454.

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Abstract At the end of the nineteenth century, Najīb al-Ḥaddād adapted two dramas by Victor Hugo for The Egyptian Patriotic Troupe. Al-Ḥaddād rewrote Hugo’s Hernani as Ḥamdān, transferring the story from the Spanish court of 1519 to Andalucía under ‘Abd al-Raḥmān II. Les Burgraves became Tha’rāt al-‘arab (Revenge of the Arabs), and transformed from a play about Barbarossa and the Holy Roman Empire into a play about a pre-Islamic Lakhmid king’s struggle to restore unified Arab rule in the Arabian peninsula. I argue that Al-Ḥaddād’s adaptations anachronistically placed modern ideas in the Arab past—characterizing shūrā as the election of leaders, using sha‘b to mean a sovereign people, and calling for Arab cultural unity and revival. Al-Ḥaddād’s adaptations transformed the nationalism of Hugo’s drama into calls for Arab solidarity. In producing these plays, The Egyptian Patriotic Troupe embodied an Arab past overlaid with modern communal identities.

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Ridge, Natasha, Soohyun Jeon, Soha Shami, and Brian Jaewon Chung. "The Role and Impact of Arab Fathers." Hawwa 16, no. 1-3 (November 27, 2018): 333–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341343.

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AbstractResearch over the past twenty years has found that fathers play an important role in their children’s development. However, the literature on fatherhood is still limited, particularly in the Arab world. This paper uses data from a mixed-method pilot study of sixty-one Arabs residing in the United Arab Emirates to examine the nature and impact of father involvement in the Arab region. The findings indicate that Arab fathers score highly on the good provider role, but low on responsible paternal engagement, which includes father involvement in the child’s education and related activities. We also find that the more positively involved a father has been in his child’s life, the higher the child’s self-esteem tends to be. In addition, the results show that experiences of father involvement vary according to the gender of the child, socioeconomic status, and nationality. These findings have important implications for understanding the nature of Arab father involvement and serve as a prelude to a larger study of father involvement across the Arab region.

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Abdul-Jabbar, Wisam Kh. "Habermas, Cultural Hegemony, and the Educational Public Sphere." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000004.

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This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.

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Sawani, Youssef Mohamed. "The ‘end of pan-Arabism’ revisited: reflections on the Arab Spring." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 382–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.696785.

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This article draws on implications of the Arab Spring so as to elucidate the dynamics that characterize its revolutions. The analysis builds upon the results of major public opinion surveys conducted in the Arab world, both immediately before and after the Arab Spring, in order to facilitate the identification of developments that shape the relationship between Arabism and Islamism in the context of mass media, the demographic ‘youth bulge’ and Arab ongoing intellectual debates. The argument advanced here is that the Arab Spring consolidates the view that Arabism and Islamism have maintained their position and hold on public opinion and prevailing attitudes as the primary and inseparable trends of Arab thought. The interaction and shifting relative weights of both trends provide the context for the identity, conceptual outlook and reciprocal framework of contemporary Arabs; and the Arab Spring seems only to confirm the two trends as constituting the essential point of reference and departure for Arabs. Within this context and scope of analysis this article traces the emergence of a ‘historical mass’ for change that, coupled with an indelibly engrained link between the two trends is opening up a new conceptual sphere and public space for the emergence of a new Arabism. Such development is also supported by the role of mass media and the thoughtful intellectual contributions that have been advancing a new Arab paradigm which further refutes the ‘End of Arabism’ thesis.

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Anter, Alyaa. "Underrepresented and marginalized: Television news framing of ordinary Arab citizens before the Arab uprisings of 2011." Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00047_1.

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This study applied news framing theory with mixed quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse news items (N = 1348) about ordinary Arabs on Al Jazeera Arabic, Al Arabiya and Nile News TV shortly before the Arab Spring. Results show that ordinary Arab citizen representation was low. Overall, there were significant differences in networks’ framing of ordinary people. Importance, negativity and conflict values dominated the news featuring ordinary citizens. Arab news networks did not provide adequate time for citizens to voice opinions, and limited representation occurred via vox pop, footage and indirect reference. Networks employed negative sentimental framing (protest and rejection, economic problems, victimization, health problems and mistrust in governments) and mainly portrayed citizens of countries undergoing crises and wars. Arab television news should prioritize sharing the opinions, concerns and successes of ordinary Arab people and engage in constructive journalism rather than concentrating on problem frames without offering solutions.

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Lux, Abdullah R. "On ‘cultural revolution’ and the Arab culture of revolution." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 398–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.699774.

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Given the media hype and attention devoted to the events of the 2010–2011 ‘Arab Spring’ it may perhaps be overlooked that the Arabs, and more than many other nations, possess long experience with diverse and profound long-term revolutions in the twentieth century. For numerous reasons and especially the sweeping and pervasive socio-economic and political changes some of these introduced, they may well be more appropriately categorized as ‘revolutions’ than those termed as such at the moment. This article explores one dimension of this phenomenon and demonstrates that the concept of what was specifically termed a ‘cultural revolution’ (originally by Lenin about 1923) was first introduced in the Arab world by Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasser on 19 December 1961, nearly four years before Mao Tse Tung's launch of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1966. For his part, Mu‘ammar Qadhafi, who admitted borrowing the term (if not the mechanism) from Mao, would announce a ‘cultural revolution’ with markedly different connotations on 15 April 1973 at Zuwarah, which signalled the beginning of the road towards implementation of the ‘Third Universal Theory’ (reaching final form in the Green Book) and the subsequent inception of the Jamahiriya in 1977. Although the theoretical and practical implications were distinct for Lenin, Nasser, Mao and Qadhafi, history suggests that it was Nasser – the giant of Pan-Arabism who would come to define and represent Arab socialism – who preceded Mao as the first to call for a ‘cultural revolution’ as a policy at the level of state. He saw this as indispensable to the project of political and socio-economic revolution in the service of a just and sufficient society, where ‘sound democracy’ was not the pro-forma Western variant in the service of unmitigated capitalism and powerful elites, but rather an expression of socio-economic parity and a guarantee against exploitation by one group or one human being of another.

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Labidi, Imed Ben. "On naming Arab revolutions and oppositional media narratives." International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 3 (March 2, 2018): 450–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877918759555.

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The unfinished Arab revolutions produced unsettling conditions, sectarian wars, counter-revolutionary wars, proxy wars and transitional democracies. US and Arab media responses could not find effective words to describe them and their underlying geopolitical implications. Whether to name them ‘protest’ or ‘unrest’, American mainstream media initially welcomed the events with a cautious curiosity while Arab media favoured a romanticized coverage. But as the protests spread fast and continued, a more dominant popular narrative in the US shaped by the ‘exceptionalist’ perspective about the Middle East emerged. This article explains how dominant discursive framings deployed a form of ‘nature talk’, specifically through names, phrases and locutions such as ‘Arab Spring’, ‘Jasmine revolution’, ‘Arab transition’, and horticultural words like ‘flower’, ‘rose’ and ‘blossom’ to describe the Arab uprisings. Because of an intellectually limiting media-produced racial vernacular during the period of mass protest, this dominant mainstream narrative spoke about the events either by using neo-imperial language that characterized the revolutions as an Islamist threat or by employing culturally reductionist vocabulary which infantilized protesters. The goal here is to place specific media frames and images that such linguistic constructions create and disseminate within the context of power relations, the politics of naming and knowledge production.

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Eltahawy, Nora. "Growing Better, Not Going Faster: World War I, Holy Land Mania, and Transnational Exchange in the Works of Abraham Mitrie Rihbany." MELUS 46, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlab022.

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Abstract This article analyzes the three works published by Arab American theologian and author Abraham Mitrie Rihbany during and in the aftermath of World War I: Militant America and Jesus Christ (1917), America Save the Near East (1918), and Wise Men from the East and from the West (1922). The political climate in which Rihbany wrote the works saw the American public grappling with two issues of particular relevance to the steadily growing Arab American community. Where the global front was concerned, debates on the merits of abandoning isolationist policies, which focused near exclusively on the situation in Europe, left Americans oblivious to the ongoing conflict between the Ottoman Empire and its Arab subjects. On the domestic front, rising levels of xenophobia and the lasting legacy of The Naturalization Act divided legal and public opinion on Arabs’ eligibility for citizenship. Situating Rihbany’s attempts to address both of these problems against the backdrop of his upbringing in Greater Syria, this article reveals how Rihbany called on his training in the cosmopolitan era of the Nahda in order to guide the American public toward a more expansive model of transnationalism capable of encompassing both Arabs and Arab Americans in its fold.

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Khatib, Dania Koleilat. "Arab Gulf lobbying in the United States: what makes them win and what makes them lose and why?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1121647.

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This research looks at attempts by Arab Gulf states to lobby the US government effectively. It explores aspects of their lobbying behaviour in order to identify the factors that lead to success and those that lead to failure from their lobbying endeavours. In this respect, it utilizes two case studies: one in which Arab Gulf state lobbying was successful, and another in which lobbying failed. For each case study, the different elements involved in lobbying are analyzed and factors that lead to success as well as to failure are inferred. In tandem with an analysis of the strategies, or lack of them, behind Arab Gulf states’ lobbying, the research examines additional relevant factors such as the organization and activism of the US Arab American community, the strategic value of the Arab Gulf to the United States, and the negative image of Arabs in America. The research considers the obstacles facing the establishment of an effective Arab Gulf lobby in the United States, mainly the absence of a grassroots base of Arab Americans that is committed to foreign policy issues.

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Bahoora, Haytham. "Locating Modern Arab Art: Between the Global Art Market and Area Studies." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (June 2020): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.15.

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AbstractThis essay situates the publication of Modern Art in the Arab World: Primary Documents in the context of an expanding global interest in modern Arab art as well as the study of modern Arab art as an academic discipline. The essay first examines the implications of the cultivation of a new museum and gallery infrastructure for modern Arab art in the Arab Gulf. It then considers how the academic study of modern Arab art has faced institutional barriers, due largely to the overwhelming academic focus on Ancient Studies and Islamic art. Finally, it suggests that Modern Arab Art in the Arab World provides scholars with a comprehensive textual archive that calls for a historicized approach to theorizing the emergence of modernist aesthetics in Arab visual cultures.

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Najjar, Ghaylen Ben Amor. "Reflections from the Barbary Coast: Mark Twain on the Balloon of Transnational American Studies." Mark Twain Annual 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/marktwaij.19.1.0005.

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Abstract This paper examines Mark Twain's anti-Arab sentiments and the way they complicate his recent accommodation to transnational American studies. The dehumanization of Arabs in Twain's The Innocents Abroad, Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, and Tom Sawyer Abroad shows the limits of tolerance in America's most loved novelist but also offers an opportunity to engage the asperities of the American academic tradition that wrestles with the great responsibility of cultural dialogue.

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Sifana, Amaliah. "Treating Arab Women in Jean Sasson’s Princess Sultana’s Daughters." NOBEL: Journal of Literature and Language Teaching 9, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/nobel.2018.9.1.18-25.

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Arabian life is depicted through the novel of Jean Sasson’s Princess Sultana’s Daughters. There are some different treatments accepted by Arab men and women, for example the culture which more honor towards men than women. This case causes the violence and injustice faced by the women. The Arabs often treat them such that by using Islamic teachings as the basis to strengthen their deed. This thesis focuses on analyzing the background of Arabian culture in treating women. This article basically uses Cultural Studies perspective and concept on patriarchy which mainly focuses on Arabian culture making women subordinated. The result shows that the depiction of treating Arab women is based on the cultural tradition.

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Howell, Sally. "Cultural Interventions: Arab American Aesthetics between the Transnational and the Ethnic." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.9.1.59.

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Much of contemporary writing on diaspora stresses, as Gilroy and Clifford do, the inadequacies of national and ethnic identities. As people move (and are moved) across the globe, they transform local identities into new and hybrid forms. Sometimes, people in motion are reborn. They look back on the “land of their [first] birth” with a sense of relief—some have escaped, after all—or with pangs of nostalgia for a time and place that no longer exist. Whether they are “Afro-Americans” traveling to Europe (as in Gilroy’s example) or Arab refugees arriving in Detroit, they cannot avoid bringing “the constraints of ethnicity and national particularity” with them. What is more, as they settle into new nation-states, they must reimagine themselves in unfamiliar contexts of ethnicity and identity. In my work among Arab immigrants and their descendants in Detroit, I have encountered many “discrepant cosmopolitanisms” and, just as often, discrepant localisms. Each interacts with its alternatives; each, in its way, feeds into the complex process by which Arabs resist, create, represent, transcend, and fall victim to ethnic identity in America.

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Güçlü, Yücel. "The Wounded Turks and the Fall of Damascus, 1 October 1918." Belleten 66, no. 247 (December 1, 2002): 931–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2002.931.

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At 6 a.m. on 1 October 1918, Feisal's forces entered Damascus. All day and night they flowed into the Omayade capital and started looting and killing, particularly Turkish soldiers who were wounded and sick. British units remained outside the city. The new Arab administration proved unable to keep order. One particularly gruesome incident was the looting of the main Turkish hospital. It contained between 600 to 800 wounded. Many of them died. The Turks had no cover for the sick. Few of the men had blankets; they had no medical organisation. There were no drugs, bandages, or food fit for sick men; no sanitation. Very little assistance could be obtained from the local Arab authorities in Damascus. They were indifferent to human suffering. However, the wounded Turks left in Damascus suffered not just because of Arab logistical problems, but also because the political need to exclude the British units from Damascus left the sick and wounded Turks bereft of care. The British re-occupied the Turkish military hospitals after four days' Arab control as the Turkish wounded were receiving no care. They then set about cutting the death rate from 70 to 15 a day. The patterns of military administration in Damascus were supposed to follow international practice as prescribed in the Fourth Convention Concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land signed at the Hague in the Netherlands on 18 October 1907 and entered into force on 26 January 1910, to which both Britain and the Ottoman Empire were parties. The British clearly disregarded the general rules on the occupied enemy territories as defined by this convention. It was essential to obey the main rules of military occupation. Therefore the neglect of the Turkish hospitals in Damascus by British forces, was, to say the least, unlawful. The poor conditions for the wounded Turks were a direct result of the British army being instructed to promote an Arab administration in Damascus. The French looked upon this British connivance with indignation. Paris accused London of hiding behind the façade of Arab nationalism to undermine French influence in Syria. During the war Britain had already in the Sykes-Picot Agreement recognised French interest in Syria. In terms of international politics it must have been that the Turkish sick and wounded were marginal to the central objective of giving the impression that Feisal's Arabs were in charge. Turks suffered as a result of British realpolitik.

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Flores, Alexander. "The Arabs as Nazis? Some Reflections on “Islamofascism” and Arab Anti-Semitism." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 450–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a9.

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One of the main constituents of the so-called Islamofascism is, in the eyes of those who subscribe to this conception, the close affinity of Arabs (and sometimes, Muslims) to Nazi ideology and possibly practice. To bolster this notion, its proponents do basically three things: first, they try to prove that a massive majority of Arabs took a pro-Nazi stand during the Third Reich and especially during World War II and that important Arab figures collaborated with Nazi Germany during the War. Secondly, they point to widespread—real and alleged—anti-Jewish beliefs among present-day Arabs. And thirdly, they claim that there is a personal, political and ideological continuity between both phenomena and that, thus, present-day Arab Judeophobia has the same character, scope and possible effect as the anti-Semitism of the Nazis. During the War, so the argument goes, Arab attitudes were part and parcel of Nazi ideology, and they largely retained this quality although, after the War, Nazism was overcome in Europe. In this article, three more recent publications which subscribe to the above mentioned argument will be critically discussed.

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Cable, Umayyah. "New Wave Arab American Studies: Ethnic Studies and the Critical Turn." American Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2013): 231–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2013.0010.

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Reis, Rafael Vidal dos. "A interculturalidade entre a literatura italiana do Duecento e a literatura árabe-siciliana do Emirado da Sicília." Revista Italiano UERJ 12, no. 1 (September 5, 2021): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/italianouerj.2021.62147.

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RESUMO: Neste artigo, busca-se apresentar e confirmar as seis marcas da literatura e da cultura árabe, do período do Emirado da Sicília para o nascimento da literatura italiana no Duecento, período que remete a Scuola Siciliana. Os objetivos são comprovar a inserção das seis marcas utilizadas por Ibn Hamdis, mas que a partir do processo de interculturalidade e transferência cultural, e a adoção dos seus conceitos foi possível comprovar as contribuições/heranças árabes para o nascimento da Literatura Italiana, além de refutar a hipótese de que a poesia lírica amorosa ter sido originada da Literatura Provençal, assim como, colocar a Literatura Árabe Clássica no mesmo pé de igualdade das Literaturas Clássicas: Grega e Latina para a fundação da Literatura Italiana no mapa literário.Palavras-Chave: Poesia Lírica. Poesia Sarcástica. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. Interculturalidade. ABSTRACT: In questo articolo cerca di presentare e confermare le sei marche della Letteratura e Cultura Araba nel periodo dell’Emirato di Sicilia per il nascimento della Letteratura Italiana nel Duecento, periodo che fa riferimento alla Scuola Siciliana. Gli obbiettivi sono verificare le inserzioni delle sei marche usati per Ibn Hamdis, ma che attraverso del processo d’interculturalità e di trasferimento culturale ed adozione dei suoi concetti fu possibile dimostrare i contributi arabi per il nascimento della Letteratura Italiana, oltre di rifiutare l’ipotesi di che la poesia lirica amorosa fu originata della Letteratura Provenzale, così come a mettere la Letteratura Classica Araba nella stessa egualità delle Letterature Classiche: Greca e Latina per la fondazione della Letteratura Italiana nel cammino letterario.Parole-Chiave: Poesia Lirica. Poesia Sarcastica. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. Interculturalità. ABSTRACT: In this article, we will intend to present and confirm the six signatures of Arab literature and culture, from the Sicily emirate to the birth of the Italian Literature during the Duecento, the age of Scuola Siciliana. Our main goal is to prove the insertion of the six signatures used by Ibn Hamdis. Through the process of interculturality and cultural transfer as well as the adoption of his concepts, it was possible to inform the Arab contributions and heritages tot the birth of Italian literature; on the other side, we want to refute the hypothesis that the lyric poetry had its origin in the Provençal poetry. Furthermore, we intend to match the Classical Arab literature with Greek and Latin literatures regarding of the foundation of Italian literature in the studies of literature.Keywords: Lyric poetry. Satirical poetry. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. interculturality.

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32

Halliday, Fred. "Review: Contemporary Arab Thought: Studies in Post-1967 Arab Intellectual History." Journal of Islamic Studies 16, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 239–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/eti139.

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Shumsky, Dimitry. "Czechs, Germans, Arabs, Jews: Franz Kafka's “Jackals and Arabs” between Bohemia and Palestine." AJS Review 33, no. 1 (March 30, 2009): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940900004x.

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Franz Kafka's short story “Schakale und Araber” (Jackals and Arabs) was published in October 1917 in the monthly journalDer Jude, the intellectual organ of German-speaking Zionism founded and edited by Martin Buber. The narrator, an unidentified and pleasant-mannered European man traveling in the desert, makes a stop at an oasis in an Arab area. The circumstances of his journey and its objectives are unknown. It becomes apparent from his story that the man has come to the Arab desert merely by chance “from the far North,” and that he has no intention of remaining in the area for long. All of a sudden, shortly after his “tall [and] white” Arab host has retired to the sleeping area, the narrator finds himself completely surrounded by a pack of jackals. One of them, who introduces himself as “the oldest jackal far and wide,” approaches the man and implores him to solve once and for all the long-standing dispute between the jackals and the Arabs, as the traveler alone—a man hailing from those countries in which reason reigns supreme, which is not the case among the Arabs—is capable of doing so. Once the jackal elder has related to the European traveler the story of his tribe's tribulations, and how they have been compelled to reside alongside the “filthy Arabs” from one generation to the next, another jackal produces a pair of scissors, which, according to the jackals' ancient belief, is to serve the long-awaited man of reason “from the North” to rescue them from their abhorrent and hated neighbors. But at that moment, the Arab caravan leader appears, wielding an immense whip. The reader learns that not only was the Arab awake while the jackal elder sought to persuade the European man to undertake the salvation project and listening attentively to the jackal's words, but in fact, he has been well aware of the jackals' intentions for a long time:It's common knowledge; so long as Arabs exist, that pair of scissors goes wandering through the desert and will wander with us to the end of our days. Every European is offered it for the great work; every European is just the man that Fate has chosen for them. They have the most lunatic hopes, these beasts; they're just fools, utter fools.

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Abraham, Nabeel. "Bint Arab: Arab and Arab American Women in the United StatesChildren of the Roojme: A Family’s Journey from Lebanon." Journal of American Ethnic History 19, no. 2 (January 1, 2000): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27502572.

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Roberts, Sheila, Lizbeth Malkmus, and Roy Armes. "Arab & African Film Making." African Studies Review 36, no. 2 (September 1993): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524748.

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Albers, Yvonne. "Relaunching the Arab Intellectual." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 15, no. 1-2 (June 15, 2022): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01501006.

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Abstract One year after the 1967 June War, also known as al-naksa, the Syrian poet Adunis announced the launching of a new cultural journal: Mawaqif. The article discusses how that launch in 1968 became the point of culmination in the poet’s strategy to emancipate himself from the poetry journal Shiʿr after resigning from its editorial board in 1964. A close examination of Adunis’s public interventions before and right after 1967 and Mawaqif’s subsequent first issue will show how crisis narratives and the practice of periodical editing serve cultural actors as a strategy of intellectual self-fashioning to gain a distinct position in the cultural field of their time. Mawaqif would accordingly emerge not as a cultural product of the ‘crisis’ that the June War has allegedly constituted but as one of the cultural producers of this moment as a crisis.

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Bishara, Azmi. "The minutiae of racism*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 4 (October 1, 2008): 539–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802391001.

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This article tackles the historical basis and development of the issue of anti-Semitism and examines its perception and impact in the Arab world. The author argues persuasively that anti-Semitism is specific to European racism against Jews. He does not attempt to deflect the term by arguing, as some have done, that Arabs are a Semitic people, but rather unequivocally condemns anti-Semitism and racism of any sort. The author debunks major myths or misconceptions about anti-Semitism and deals frankly with questions of its political utility with regard to Zionism, Israel and Palestine. In the present day, Holocaust denial is unconscionable and, in the end, is not only morally unacceptable, but in the words of the author ‘just plain stupid’. The author castigates Arab and Muslim groups which may take such a stance, arguing that the correct response and Arab reaction to the Holocaust was the simple, straightforward and rational one – a European tragedy, but not one for which the Arabs should assume responsibility.

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Saidin, Mohd Irwan Syazli. "John L. Esposito, Tamara Sonn, And John O. Voll (2016). Islam And Democracy After The Arab Spring. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 306 Pages. ISBN: 978-0-19514798-8." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2022): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.23.

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This book discusses the dynamics of the relationship between Islam as a religious and political teaching with democracy in the context of the effects of the Arab Spring and the subsequent events after it. The authors, who are considered to be “titans” in the field of democracy and Islam, started the book by saying “Many western observers were shocked when Arabs began open rebellions against their governments in December 2010” and this seem to point out not only the unpredictability of the uprisings, but also to the inaccuracy behind several of the most accepted assumptions about politics and governance in the Arab world. The chapters of the book discuss the experiences of political transition in general and how democratisation works in particular through the examples of seven different countries, namely Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Indonesia, Senegal, Tunisia and Egypt.

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Labidi, Imed Ben. "Hollywood’s Bad Muslims: Misrepresentations and the Channeling of Racial Violence." Journal of Religion and Popular Culture 33, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 126–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jrpc.2020-0068.

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The cinemas of Arab and Muslim societies encompass a substantial number of film genres produced locally or in the diaspora. Arab and Muslim filmmakers experiment with different cinematic narratives, styles, and hybrid forms: auteur, documentary, diasporic, migrant, Third Cinema, and transnational productions. Their richness, diverse thematic foci, creative stylistic characteristics, and ability to reach global audiences recently motivated film scholars and other academics in Europe and the United States to consider designating a category called “Muslim Cinema” and defining its contours. The influence of these rich cinemas in contesting Hollywood’s demonization of Muslims, the conflation of Arabs, Muslims, and Islam, and the proliferation of anti-Muslim racism in Western discourse, however, remains very limited. Therefore, this article argues that the idea of such a category, if one were to be created, should explore venues to address Hollywood’s evolving forms of racializing Muslims and their relationship with the current institutionalization of anti-Muslim racism in the United States. Through a brief survey of Hollywood’s contemporary productions about Muslims, this article analyzes the impact of moving images on representation, particularly the fossilized characterization of Muslims as evil, and identifies three areas in American cinema and political discourse that could belong to this category: the first is Hollywood’s uninterrupted flow of making essentializing and essentialized narratives that conflate Arabs, Muslims, and Islam, and normalizes violence against them; the second deals with the transition from Islamophobia to anti-Muslim racism and explains its sanctioning by the US government; the third addresses the morphing of Islam into a race.

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Sayed, Mohamed A. "CONCEPTUALIZATION OF MENTAL ILLNESS WITHIN ARAB CULTURES: MEETING CHALLENGES IN CROSS-CULTURAL SETTINGS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 31, no. 4 (January 1, 2003): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2003.31.4.333.

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This article reviews some of the cultural characteristics and conceptualizations that distinguish Arab patients. It is important to note that the terms Arab and Arabic do not necessarily indicate a monolithic approach. Conceptually, the term Arabic denotes a common language, geography, history and shared values and characteristics. There are vast differences within different Arab cultures which may converge and diverge to form what is sometimes “lumped together” as Arab culture. The paper also attempts to delineate some of the cultural barriers that may be significant in explaining a set of mechanisms that facilitate or hinder the seeking of psychological help by Arab patients within given psychotherapeutic relationships. Issues of cultural transference and counter transference are briefly discussed. Case studies are given to illustrate how to overcome such difficulties, especially when they pertain to therapeutic encounters between Arab patients and their Western therapists and the ensuing role expectations and role confusions.

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Saeed, Yasir. "Gender Disproportion And Political Representation: Case Studies Of Egypt And Morocco." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 5, no. 1 (December 8, 2011): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v5i1.396.

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The study was carried out Gender Disproportion and Political Representation: Case Studies of Egypt and Morocco. It is the topic which encompasses socio-politicaleconomic conditions of the women in Arab countries, and their different obstacles in achieving the appropriate status in society. This paper investigates the role of Arab women in politics. Content Analysis was used as a methodology for analysis of different theoretical approaches. Morocco and Egypt were selected as a case study in order to analyze women political conditions in Arab world. Combinations of patriarchy, conservative religious interpretations and cultural stereotypes have built a very strong psychological barrier among Arab population regarding women’s participation in the public sphere. The hierarchy of patriarchal tribal structure of several Arab societies in the history was another factor that contributed to this state of affairs. It is argued in the paper that the quota system is the only solution which may provide better representation of women in political sphere. At the end, researcher summed up by giving some suggestions for the prosperous future of Arab world.

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Sonyel, Sâlahi R. "How Colonel T.E. Lawrence Deceived the Hashemite Arabs to revolt against the Ottoman Empire. In the Light of Secret British Documents." Belleten 51, no. 199 (April 1, 1987): 256–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1987.256.

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Seventy years ago, in June 1916 to be precise, Sherif Hussein ibn Ali, the Hashemite amir of Mecca, having been encouraged by the British with vague promises of "independence for the Arabs", revolted against his suzerain, the Ottoman Sultan-Caliph, and became an instrument in the destruction of the Caliphate by Christian Powers. In the words of Robert Lacey, "his (Hussein's) movement was less an Arab revolt than an Anglo-Hashemite conspiracy", cemented by about one million pounds sterling in British gold.

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Joseph, Suad. "Gender, sexuality and power in Arab society: Arab feminist criticism of discourse and social order." Reviews in Anthropology 14, no. 4 (September 1987): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1987.9977840.

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Gräf, Bettina, and Laura Hindelang. "The Transregional Illustrated Magazine Al-Arabi." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 15, no. 3 (September 6, 2022): 301–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01503002.

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Abstract This article investigates the transregional cultural magazine Al-Arabi (al-‘Arabi) during the late 1950s and 1960s under its first editor, the Egyptian scientist Ahmad Zaki. Founded in Kuwait, the magazine’s establishment and sociocultural-political agenda are reconstructed within the context of Kuwait’s cultural diplomacy and pan-Arabism during decolonization and early Cold War politics. Al-Arabi offered timely discussions on Arab cities, gender, literature, politics and science, and readily embraced color photography for illustrations as a way of stimulating transnational understanding during times of substantial change in the region. Consequently, an analysis of Al-Arabi provides insights into historical strategies for re-imagining the region from within. Overall, the magazine can be situated in a long-standing tradition of Arab printing and publishing, while also forming part of a global illustrated magazine culture. Using a transdisciplinary approach, the article combines archival research and interviews with the media-historical and art-historical analyses of text, image and graphic design.

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Shakir, Evelyn. "Arab Mothers, American Sons: Women in Arab-American Autobiographies." MELUS 17, no. 3 (1991): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/467236.

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Corm, Georges. "Arab Peoples." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 4 (December 2018): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.114001.

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Haddad, Fadi G., and Alexander Dhoest. "Cosmopolitanism in Dubai’s Pan-Arab Drama." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 13, no. 2 (October 22, 2020): 190–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01302002.

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Abstract Pan-Arab dramas (Ar. al-drama al-ʿarabiyya al-mushtaraka) are a recent trend in Arabic drama series (Ar. musalsalat); they portray an ensemble of characters of various Arab nationalities in a transnational narrative setting. By considering transnational television a factor that contributes to the cosmopolitan imagination, and given the argument that Gulf cities are replacing historical Arab capitals and becoming ‘new centers’ for Arab culture, education and business, we explore the manner in which cosmopolitanism is represented in transnational Arab drama content. We do this through a case study of ‘04’ (Zero Four), a pan-Arab drama series that tells the story of four young expatriates of four Arab nationalities, experiencing their personal, professional and private lives in modern-day Dubai. We find that the boundaries of the cosmopolitan imagined community encompass the Arab world, resulting in a cosmopolitan imaginary that seems to favor Arabs over non-Arabs.

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Cooke, Miriam. "Arab Women Arab Wars." Cultural Critique, no. 29 (1994): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1354420.

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Owen, Roger. "The Arab ‘demonstration’ effect and the revival of Arab unity in the Arab Spring†." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 372–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.692201.

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Fadda, Carol W. N. "Arab, Asian, and Muslim Feminist Dissent." Amerasia Journal 44, no. 1 (April 2018): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aj.44.1.1-25.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Arab cultural studies'

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