Academic literature on the topic 'Arab nationalism or pan-arabism'

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Journal articles on the topic "Arab nationalism or pan-arabism"

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Manduchi, Patrizia. "Arab Nationalism(s): Rise and Decline of an Ideology." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340137.

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When speaking about Arab nationalism, at least three phenomena, only partially distinct from one another, must be identified: Arabism, Pan-Arabism and Nationalisms on a local basis.The first is Arabism (ʿurūbah, being Arab) in the sense of belonging to the same world, in a single context from Morocco to Iraq, that emerged in Egypt and Near East in the last decades of thexixcentury. From this cultural awareness of an Arab identity, the Pan-Arabism (qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah) developed in the interwars period, but especially after the Second World War. Finally, with the acquired national Arab independences, Nationalism emerged on a local basis, and took the name ofwaṭaniyyah.The debate has never closed and all the major questions are still open: if an Arab nation (and therefore an Arab nationalism) has ever existed; if we can talk about a Pan-Arab nationalism once local based nationalisms emerged; which are the ideological principles of Arab Nationalism that are not uncritically assimilated from outside; finally, how and why the nationalistic ideologies have suffered an heavy crisis in front of the impressive rise of contemporary radical Islamism after the Seventies.Finally, if the figure of the global jihadist, not tied to this or that national cause but fighting anywhere you have to fight aǧihādin the way of God, is the antithesis of the militant of nationalistic movements, for his absolute disregard for any cause that can be defined national. The goal is the creation of an Islamic State, no matter how utopian this project is, not based on the concept of nation but on that ofummah. It’s the phase of the “après panarabisme”: the myth of cohesion from the Gulf to the Atlantic no longer enchants Arab people and Arab States, and the era of Nasser and the Ba‘athist dream has finally ended.
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Zureik, Elia, and Tewfik E. Farah. "Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism: The Continuing Debate." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 1 (January 1988): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069418.

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Bashkin, Orit. "HYBRID NATIONALISMS:WAṬANĪANDQAWMĪVISIONS IN IRAQ UNDER ʿABD AL-KARIM QASIM, 1958–61." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000079.

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AbstractThis paper analyzes Iraqi national narratives in the years from 1958 to 1961 to consider how innovative definitions of Arab nationalisms were affected by worldwide processes of decolonization. It demonstrates how Pan-Arabism was transformed in Qasimite Iraq because of its hybridization with Iraqi patriotism and, concurrently, how various elements of Arabist discourses were integrated into local and patriotic perceptions of Iraqi nationalism. Examining cultural idioms shared by Iraqi intellectuals belonging to different political groups, especially the communists and the Baʿthists, destabilizes a typology that assumes each ideological camp subscribed to a rigidly defined set of well-known historical narratives. The Pan-Arabists in this period often cultivated the notion that Arab nationalism did not entail an ethnic origin but rather the ability to adopt the Arabic language, as well as Arab history and culture, as a marker of one's national and cultural identity. The attempts to adapt Pan-Arab discourses to the specificities of the Iraqi milieu and to build coalitions with as many of the nation's groups as possible meant that the sectarian, anti-Shiʿi, and anti-Kurdish notions that colored Baʿthist discourses in later years were not as prominent in this period.
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Lawson, Fred H. "Pensée 4: Out with the Old, In with the New." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090077.

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Historical scholarship on Arab nationalism has experienced a conceptual revolution over the last two decades. It is now widely accepted among historians that local identities and loyalties have been crucial components of nationalist thought and action from the very beginning; it is equally well established that the line between nationalism and various elements of Islam is much harder to draw than one might imagine. In addition, there is solid evidence that nationalism across the Arab world took shape, arguably as an unintended consequence, out of sustained interaction among conflicting elite and popular conceptions of political community. Moreover, it turns out to be important to differentiate Arab nationalism as a cluster of ideological principles from Pan-Arabism as a set of diplomatic practices that constituted a basic component of regional statecraft, initially at the time the Ottoman Empire found itself disintegrating and later on as the newly independent states of the Middle East and North Africa experimented with ways to get along simultaneously with one another and with outside powers.
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Zhukovskyi, I. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF ARAB NATIONALISM IN THE WORKS OF SATI' AL-HUSRI." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 143 (2019): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.3.

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The article is dedicated to the influence of Sati’ al-Husri philosophical, political and scientific heritage on the formation of Arab Nationalism and Pan-Arabism movements. The author analyzed main Sati’ al-Husri’s works and noted direct citations and references to his ideology. As a synonym of the European word nation Sati’ al-Husri used Arabic term al-ummah. By this concept he understood common language, culture, believes, state, history and common hopes for the future. His theory of Arab nationalism was formed under the influence of European examples, primarily German and Polish national ideas. He was especially interested in the history of nations divided between several states. Thus, Arabs could claim their national identity without united Arab state. According to Sati’ al-Husri, Arab nation was formed even before the emergence of Islam and the main features of Arab national identity are Arabic language and common history. Even more, Sati’ al-Husri argued that religious ties are weaker than cultural ones, therefore Islam should not be a core of the Arab nationalism. Such approach allowed him to include non-Muslim Arabs into the Arab nation. In accordance with the theory of Sati’ al-Husri, Arab identity should be above personal liberty. Anyone should be ready to sacrifice himself for the benefit of national idea: “Patriotism and nationalism are above all”. Rejecting personal freedom, Sati’ al-Husri proposed to impose the Arab identity by force among Arabs with another identity – Syrian or Libyan etc. There should not be any other identity except of Arabian – as states Sati’ al-Husri. During the reign of Faisal I of Iraq Sati’ al-Husri was holding high offices in the ministry of education. His main goal was to educate patriotic and nationalist feelings among students in purpose of making them faithful to the idea of Arab unity. In conclusions the author states that nationalist ideas of Sati’ al-Husri were authoritarian and manipulative. Despite the long existence of separate Arab states, the idea of Arab unity still remains relevant.
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Qutait, Tasnim. "“Qabbani versus Qur’an”: Arabism and the Umma in Robin Yassin-Kassab’s The Road from Damascus." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2018): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0008.

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Abstract In The Road from Damascus (2008), Syrian-British writer Robin Yassin-Kassab’s debut novel, the protagonist describes “the opposing camps of [his] childhood,” as narratives of “Qabbani versus Qur’an” (56). While Sami’s father idolises the pan-Arabist poet Nizar Qabbani and supports the Syrian regime despite its repressive policies, Sami’s mother, disillusioned with nationalist ideology, turns instead to faith, offering her son a “different mythology” based on “the adventures of God’s messengers” (53). Tracing Sami’s negotiations of these seemingly opposed inherited narratives, Yassin-Kassab’s novel examines the lingering impact of pan-Arabism and the alternatives offered by Islamic frameworks. While critics have previously approached this novel as part of a growing corpus of British Muslim fiction, in this essay, I focus more closely on the novel’s interrogation of Arab nationalism. As I will show, Yassin-Kassab’s novel unfolds as a series of ideological disillusionments that chart the protagonist’s confrontation with the failure of nationalist politics. Inviting the reader to follow the protagonist’s successive conversions and de-conversion from various forms of nationalism, Yassin-Kassab’s representation of the polarisation between “Qabbani versus Qur’an” poses the question of how one might find alternatives beyond such restrictive dichotomies, dramatizing the inadequacies of political vision in the Arab world today.
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Samarskaia, L. M. "Arab Nationalism in Palestine in the Beginning of the 20th Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-54-71.

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The article is dedicated to the emergence of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. This topic is still relevant in our days since revealing the origins of political and social processes in the Middle East of the 21st century is necessary for their understanding. The main issues which are considered by the author are the following: which factors had crucial influence on the emergence of Arab nationalism (panarabism as well as regionalism), when exactly it was formed and what were the specifics of its emergence in Palestine.The author defines three main periods in the genesis and formation of the Arab national movement at the beginning of the 20th century. The first is the Nahda, the Arab cultural revival of the second half of the 19th century, which became a foundation for the later development of nationalist ideas. However, the author tries to show that the cultural revival itself was not nationalistic. The second key period is the political expression of the Arab national movement in the first decades of the 20th century, with the ottomanist and later pan-Turkist policy of the Ottoman government having the decisive influence. This policy was nationalist in essence. Zionism, as noted in the text, was not such an important issue for the nascent pan-Arab movement before the First World War, although it caused concern among the locals in Palestine. The third key stage, that was decisive in the Arab national development, is the Great Arab Revolt, which, despite the fact that it was not massive and universal, forced the pan-Arab movement enter the international arena for it attracted the attention of the great powers – mainly with the help of McMahon–Hussein correspondence. In result, during the postwar settlement, pan-Arabism became more popular and internationally recognised phenomenon, although eventually it happened to be divided into a multitude of regional movements, in particular – Palestinian nationalism fostered by the Anglo-French division of influence zones in the Middle East.In general, the formation of the Arab national movement was a multidimensional and gradual phenomenon influenced by a variety of factors. At the same time, the emergence of the regional groups had its own specifics; originally belonging to the Pan-Arab movement, although with their own features, after the First World War these groups became largely independent.
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Dawn, C. Ernest. "The Formation of Pan-Arab Ideology in the Interwar Years." International Journal of Middle East Studies 20, no. 1 (February 1988): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800057512.

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Arab nationalism arose as an opposition movement in Ottoman Syria, Palestine, and Iraq around the turn of the century. It remained a minority movement until the Ottoman collapse in 1918, but after the Ottoman defeat it became the overwhelmingly dominant movement in these territories where, except for some Lebanese, all successful politicians were Arab nationalists during the interwar years. Just what Arab nationalism meant to its proponents at the time, however, has been difficult to determine. The period only dimly figures in studies of Arab nationalism. Full studies have been devoted to survivors from the past, Rashid Rida⊃ and Shakib Arsian, to Sati⊂ al-Husri (al-Husari), a relative newcomer whose greatest prominence was to be in the 1940s and 1950s, and to the Muslim Brothers, who arrived on the scene even later, whose influence was to lie in the future, and who, like Rida⊃, were not considered to be primarily Arab nationalists. Otherwise, hardly a scant handful of pre-World War II Arab nationalist writers, and these from the late 1930s, receive even casual mention.
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Watanabe, Shoko. "Making an Arab-Muslim Elite in Paris: The Pan-Maghrib Student Movement of the 1930s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 53, no. 3 (August 2021): 439–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743821000337.

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AbstractThis paper aims to clarify the scope and limitations of the ideals of Pan-Maghrib nationalism as developed by the Association of North African Muslim Students in France (AEMNAF) in the 1930s. The AEMNAF members’ inclination toward sciences and technology and their emphasis on conserving their mother culture made them consider Arabism and Islam their most important identity markers. Moreover, the AEMNAF created a sense of solidarity among Maghribi students in France and extended its social influence by cooperating with French and Mashriqi opinion leaders in Europe. However, the AEMNAF's narrow definition of Muslim-ness and its elitist nature led to the exclusion of Maghribis with French citizenship from the organization. The dualistic view of technology and culture in Maghribi nationalist thought also contributed to prioritizing Francophones over Arabophones, Muslims over non-Muslims, men over women, and students in the sciences over those in humanities.
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Eppel, Michael. "The Elite, theEffendiyya, and the Growth of Nationalism and Pan-Arabism in Hashemite Iraq, 1921–1958." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1998): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065880.

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One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great Britain and France—and it was now the politicians from within those elites who headed the struggle of those states for independence. This relationship, as well as the character of the elite of notables and theeffendiyya, constituted an important element in the social conditions characterizing the political and ideological environment in which the Iraqi politicians from the elite of notables had operated, and in which Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology became a highly influential factor.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Arab nationalism or pan-arabism"

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Jones, Kevin Wampler. "The Arab Quest for Modernity: Universal Impulses vs. State Development." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2113.

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The Arab Middle East began indigenous nation building relatively late in the twentieth century. Issues of legitimacy, identity, and conflicts with the West have plagued Arab nations. Arab states have espoused universal ideologies as solutions to the problems of Arab nation building. The two ideologies of Pan-Arabism and Islamic modernism provided universal solutions to the Arab states. Both Pan-Arabism and Islamic modernism gained validity in political polemics aimed against colonialism, imperialism, Zionism, and the West. Both ideologies promised simple solutions to complex questions of building modern Arab society. Irrespective of ideology, Arab states have always acted in self-interest to perceived external threats. The West has perpetuated universal solutions to Arab nation building through continued intervention in the Middle East. The Arabs perpetuated universal solutions to Arab- nation building as panacea to the problems of becoming modern nations.
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Vicenzi, Roberta Aragoni Nogueira. "Nacionalismo árabe: apogeu e declínio." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-28052007-144608/.

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Este trabalho é fruto de uma reflexão que busca explicações acerca tanto do apogeu quanto do declínio do nacionalismo árabe, na história, mas, sobretudo, em cinco teorias da nação e do nacionalismo, a saber, a de Ernest Gellner, a de Benedict Anderson, a de John Plamenatz, a de Elie Kedourie e, finalmente, a de Anthony Smith. Para tanto, apresentamos, em primeiro lugar, cada uma das abordagens teóricas supracitadas. Em seguida, discorremos sobre o nosso objeto, ou seja, o nacionalismo árabe, de uma perspectiva histórica (origens, auge e declínio). Por fim, procurando teorizar sobre um tema basicamente dominado por historiadores, analisamos o pan-arabismo à luz das referidas teorias e daí tiramos nossas conclusões sobre seu crescimento e sua decadência.
This research is outcome of the thinking that seeks explanations about arab nationalism\'s apogee and decline by the history, but, over all, by the Ernest Gellner\'s, Benedict Andersons, John Plamenatz\'s, Elie Kedourie\'s and, finally, Anthony Smith\'s nation and nationalism\'s theory. For that, first of all, we explain each one of the mention theoretical approach. Soon after, present the arab nationalism in the historical perspective (origins, apogee and decline). Finally, we analyze the research\'s object (pan-arabism or arab nationalism) by the five theory and get conclusions about its zenith and fall.
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Lüdke, Tilman. "Jihad made in Germany : Ottoman and German propaganda and intelligence operations in the First World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391193.

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Muhsin, Hamid Jaid. "Arab mass media planning : specialized mass media agencies within the Arab League with special reference to the Arab States Broadcasting Union." Thesis, Keele University, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.279805.

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Takeyh, Raymond. "The United States and Egyptian Pan-Arabism : 1953-1957." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287449.

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Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055/document.

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Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?
Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
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Khidir, Samir. "“Localisation” and the “Arab Spring”: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Translation-Mediated Arabic News Articles on the Unrest in the Arabic-Speaking World (The Case of Robert Fisk and Al Jazeera)." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/36646.

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This study is a critical analysis of translation-mediated Arabic news items on the “Arab Spring”. It explores the influence of social, historical, political, localic, and socio-ideological aspects of news translation via certain media agendas, by applying Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and qualitative descriptive methods in the analysis of the localised news items, interviews with translators, and a corpus of comments by the Arabic-speaking readership. The data analysed in this case study comprise a four-year (2010-2014) collection of news items that were localised by Al Jazeera and published on its website, as well as readers’ commentaries on said localisations, and interviews with two of Al Jazeera’s translators. Making use of this rich source of data, this study aims at finding answers for the questions: Are there discernible patterns in the translated texts? If so, how and for what purpose are they produced and re-produced through localisation in Al Jazeera’s translation-mediated Arabic news articles? Whose interests are served and whose interests are annulled by the reproduction and localisation processes? The three sets of data were thematically coded; then their most salient points and arguments were analysed. The localised news items were examined for clues to the localisation techniques, ideologies, and the agenda(s) of Al Jazeera. The readers’ comments were probed for the influence that the localised news items had on Al Jazeera’s target readership, and were examined to find out which of Al Jazeera’s ideologies resonate with which readers to form Al Jazeera’s target locale(s). The analysis of the interviews with Al Jazeera’s translators was undertaken with the aim of delineating the tasks of these translators, specifically to see to what extent journalism and translation meld, as suggested in much of the research done so far on translating news items. The tripartite analysis has provided a more comprehensive understanding of the processes involved in the production of translation-mediated news items as well as their effect on the readership. It also suggests relatively new insights into viewing the term localisation as a good alternative to acculturation in accounting for news translation. Within the umbrella of the social turn in translation studies (TS), this study suggests that current approaches to studying news translation question large-scale concepts such as culture and acculturation, and proposes they be replaced with the small-scale concepts of locale and localisation. Hence, this study suggests using localisation to extract and understand the underlying particulars of the processes involved in producing translation-mediated news items. The results of the analysis show that Al Jazeera ostensibly promulgates three major ideologies: anti-regimism, Islamistism, and pan-Arabism and embeds these ideologies in the messages it delivers to its target locales through the localised news items. The study concludes that Al Jazeera’s localisation techniques reflect the viewpoints of its benefactor the State of Qatar whose goal is to create a solipsistic identity that distinguishes it from its immediate rivalling neighbours within a dichotomy of the Same and the Other. These localisation techniques are driven by motives associated with the sociopolitical and sociohistorical circumstances of the founding of the State of Qatar and Al Jazeera.
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Books on the topic "Arab nationalism or pan-arabism"

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al-ʻUrūbah-- ilá ayn?!: Ummah bi-lā qiyādah. ʻAmmān: Dār Majdalāwī lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2008.

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Yaḥyá, Luṭfī ʻAbd al-Wahhāb. al- Kiyān al-ʻArabī bayna al-muqawwimāt wa-al-imkānīyāt: Dirāsah aydiyūlūzhīyah fī al-binyah al-ijtimāʻīyah. al-Iskāndarīyah: Dār al-Maʻrifah al-Jāmiʻīyah, 1986.

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Meta morphosis of the Nation, Al-umma: The rise of Arabism and minorities in Syria and Lebanon, 1850-1940. Portland, OR: Sussex Academic Press, 2009.

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al-ʻUrūbah taʼammulāt qabla al-maghīb. Madīnat Naṣr, al-Qāhirah: Dār al-ʻĀlam al-ʻArabī, 2011.

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Tūnis wa-al-ʻArab: Bayna ḍarūrat al-mustaqbal wa-wāqiʻīyat al-masār. [Tunis]: al-Aṭlasīyah lil-Nashr, 2008.

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Everyday Arab identity: The daily reproduction of the Arab world. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Dūrī, ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. The historical formation of the Arab nation: A study in identity and consciousness. London: Croom Helm, 1987.

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Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah (Beirut, Lebanon), ed. al- Ittijāhāt al-waḥdawīyah fī al-fikr al-qawmī al-ʻArabī al-Mashriqī, 1918-1952. Bayrūt: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah, 2000.

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Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah (Beirut, Lebanon), ed. al- Ittijāhāt al-waḥdawīyah fī al-fikr al-qawmī al-ʻArabī al-Mashriqī, 1918-1952. Bayrūt: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah, 2000.

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al- ʻUrūbah ḥāḍirunā wa-mustaqbalunā. Beirut: Riyyāḍ al-Rayyis lil-Kutub wa-al-Nashr, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Arab nationalism or pan-arabism"

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Tibi, Bassam. "Pan-Arab Nationalism versus Pan-Islamism: The Role of Islam in al-Husri’s Writings." In Arab Nationalism, 161–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376540_9.

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Tibi, Bassam. "Pan-Arab versus Local Nationalism I: al-Husri and the Egyptian Nationalists." In Arab Nationalism, 178–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376540_10.

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Tibi, Bassam. "Pan-Arab versus Local Nationalism II: al-Husri’s Critique of Antun Sa’ada and his Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP)." In Arab Nationalism, 191–98. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376540_11.

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Tibi, Bassam. "Pan-Arab Nationalism as Westernised Ideology and Politics of Arab States: Between Ba’thism and Nasserism until the Six-Day War." In Arab Nationalism, 201–17. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376540_12.

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Massarrat, Mohssen. "The Ideological Context of the Iran—Iraq War: Pan-Islamism versus Pan-Arabism." In Iran and the Arab World, 28–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22538-5_3.

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Ajami, Fouad. "The Arab Road." In Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism, 115–32. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429300967-7.

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Chalala, Elie. "Arab Nationalism: A Bibliographic Essay." In Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism, 18–56. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429300967-2.

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Brown, William R. "The Dying Arab Nation." In Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism, 152–64. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429300967-9.

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Ajami, Fouad. "The End of Pan-Arabism." In Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism, 96–114. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429300967-6.

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Farah, Tawfic E. "Introduction." In Pan-Arabism and Arab Nationalism, 1–17. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429300967-1.

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