Academic literature on the topic 'Arabic as spoken in Irbid City'

The paper investigates the foreign words used in spoken Jordanian Arabic in Irbid city. It also examines the causes behind using them. The data are collected by means of direct interviews and observations. The sample of the study was chosen from fifty participants living in Irbid city. They were thirty males and twenty females who cover different ages, genders and different educational background. The results show that Jordanians use different borrowed words in their daily conversations. English and Turkish are the main source of borrowing these words.

All major languages in the world have minor, categorical counterparts known as dialects. Although there exists one standardized version of the language, the dialects share features with that language that are common and some which are distinctly different. This paper talks about the linguistic dynamic extant amongst the population in the North Jordanian city of Irbid. Through a phonological, morpho-syntactic analysis of their speech in contrast with the so called standardized Jordanian, This paper attempts to discover certain feature distinctions in the North Jordanian speech and more specifically in the Arabic Spoken in Irbid region.

The study of silence has not got much concern in the Arab world in general and in Jordanian Arabic in particular. The purpose of the current study is to seek to understand the practice and perception of silence in casual conversation in Jordanian society. Twelve dyadic conversations were conducted for 30 minutes each. The participants were 24 university students at Yarmouk University (Jordan-Irbid): twelve males and 12 females. They were categorised into two main groups: friends and strangers. Ninety seconds are analysed from the beginning, the middle, and the end of each conversation. The theoretical framework of this study draws on Turn-Taking system, ethnography of communication Speech Act Theory and Grice's Conversational. One of the more significant findings to emerge from this study is that silence is functional and meaningful in Jordanian society. It also has different interpretations in different contexts depending on the relationship between the interlocutors, the context of situation and the topic.

<p class="1"><span lang="X-NONE">The present paper investigates the emotive and expressive socio-pragmatic function in the Jordanian parent-child interactions in Irbid City, Jordan. A sample of 100 children from different areas of Irbid was chosen randomly from schools in Irbid governorate in North Jordan. It consisted of pupils at grade 5 who are 11 years old. Half of the sample were males, whereas the second half were females. A questionnaire of 5 items was directed to the school children to measure the expressive and emotive socio-pragmatic function. The results showed that parent-child interactions in Jordanian Arabic exhibit the emotive and expressive socio-pragmatic function. The results also showed that parents' interactions affect the children's personality and behavior positively through applying certain tactics and styles. </span></p>

Slang language has become the most used language in the most countries. It has almost become the first language in the social media, websites and daily conversations. Moreover, it has become used in many conferences to clarify information and to deliver the required purpose of them. Therefore, this great spread of slang language over the world. In Jordan indicates that it is important to know meanings of Jordanian slang vocabularies. Mainly, In research system, we created a system framework allows users to restore Arabic information depending on queries that are written in slang language and this framework was made basically by context-free grammar to convert from slang to classical and vice versa. In addition, to conclude with, we will apply it on the colloquial slang in North of Jordan specifically; Irbid, Ajloun, Jerash, Mafraq and AlRamtha city. As well as, we will make a special file for Non_Arabic words and the stop words too. After we made an evaluation for the system relying on the results of recall, precision and F-measure where the results of precision about 0.63 for both researches slang and classical query, and this indicates that the system supports searching in Jordanian slang language. The purpose of this research is to enhance Arabic information retrieval, and it will be a significant resource for researchers who are interested in slang languages. As well as, it helps tie communities together.

The aim of this paper is to study Regressive vowel harmony induced by a suffixal back round vowel in the Libyan Arabic dialect spoken in the city of Misrata. The skeletal structure in the collected words is a /CVCVC-/ stem followed by the third person plural suffix /-u/. Consequently, the derived form of the examined words becomes /CVCVCV/. Following a rule of re-syllabification, the coda of the ultimate syllable in the stem becomes the onset of the newly formed syllable (ultimate in the derived form). Thus, in the presence of the suffix /-u/ in the derived form, all vowels in the word must harmonise with the [+round] feature of /-u/ unless there is a high front vowel /i/ intervening. In such cases, the high front vowel is defined as an opaque segment that is incompatible with the feature [+round]. Syllable and morpheme boundaries within words do not seem to contribute to blocking the regressive spreading of harmony. An autosegmental approach to analyze these words is adopted here. It is concluded that there are two sources in underlying representations for regressive vowel harmony in Libyan Arabic. One source is floating [+round] and another source is [+round].

The following description of Hausa is based on the variety of the language spoken in Kano, Nigeria. The sample text is transcribed from a recording of a male native of Kano in his late 30's. This variety of Hausa is considered “standard”. Though Kano is a large urban center with some internal variation in speech, the sound inventory is relatively homogeneous within the city and surrounding area. Kano Hausa is the variety most commonly heard on national and regional radio and television broadcasts in Nigeria as well as most international broadcasting, such as the BBC, Deutsche Welle, Radio Moscow, and Voice of America. Kano Hausa is therefore familiar throughout the Hausa speaking areas of Nigeria as well as Hausa speaking communities in Niger, Ghana, and other areas outside northern Nigeria. Hausa has a standard orthography, in use since the 1930's and also based on the Kano variety. It is familiar to all Hausa speakers literate in the Romanized orthography. (Many Hausas are also literate in Arabic orthography, a variety of which has been used to write Hausa, probably for several centuries. The Arabic orthography for Hausa is less standardized than the Roman orthography and has little formally published literature.)

AbstractThis study investigates the effect of linguistic and social factors (age, gender, and level of education) on the patterns of variation in the affrication of [] for [k] in the stem and suffix in the informal speech of 72 speakers of Qaṣīmī, a local dialect of Najdi Arabic, spoken in the Qaṣīm province in central Saudi Arabia. Findings indicate that affrication is significantly favored in the phonological context of front vowels, particularly the high front ones. Whereas suffix-based affrication is categorically used as [-], stem affrication is strongly correlated with the age, educational level, and gender of the speaker. In particular, older uneducated speakers from both sexes tend to maintain the use of the local variant [], whereas younger and middle-aged educated speakers, particularly women, increasingly shift toward the use of the supralocal variant [k]. The present findings are suggestive of patterns of variation that are typical in regional-dialect leveling, wherein the supralocal variant(s) associated with the major city dialect is (are) diffusing outward, at the expense of traditional and socially marked variant(s), by speakers of smaller towns' dialects. The substantial socioeconomic changes that Saudi Arabia has undergone in the last half century are suggested to have triggered and accelerated the linguistic shift.

Zwara Berber is a variety of Nafusi (ISO 639-3; Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2016) which belongs to the eastern Zenati group within northern Berber (where Berber is the scientific term for Tamazight), a branch of Afro-Asiatic. Zwara (Zuwārah, Zuwara, Zuāra, Zuara, Zouara) is a coastal city located at 32.9° N, 12.1° E in Libya. The speakers refer to themselves as /at ˈwil.lul/ (also /ajt ˈwil.lul/) ‘those of Willul’ and to their specific variety of the language as /t.ˈwil.lult/ ‘the language of Willul’. Having no official status during the Italian colonization of Libya and the first period after the country's independence in 1951, repression of the language became severe after the Cultural Revolution of 1973. Its propagation through teaching and the media fell under a constitutional ban on the denial of the Arab identity of the state, and qualified as such as treason, a capital offense. Until the revolution of 2011 (‘17 February’), the language was therefore not spoken in cultural, educational or governmental domains and could not be taught, printed or broadcast. The number of Tamazight speakers in Libya is estimated at 184,000 in Lewis et al. (2016) and at 560,000 by Chakel & Ferkal (2012). In the absence of a municipal register, the number of inhabitants in Zwara is uncertain. A conservative estimate is between 50,000 and 100,000, which is also the number of speakers of the Zwara variety. Other than through exposure by radio and television, children learn Arabic only from age six, when attending school. Speakers have variable L2 Arabic competence depending on exposure to the language.

<p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The aim of this study was to determine the situation of 3rd Group Turkey based immigrant mothers who have children of 0-6 year-old and their children. The study group was formed with 30 immigrant mothers living in Nicosia Surlariçi Region. The Snowball Sampling Method was used when reaching the working group. Here, at first a mother was interviewed, and then other mothers were reached either through the reference of the interviewed mother, or by a voluntary participation of another friend who knew her to participate in the study. 16 of the mothers in the working group migrated from Hatay, 7 from Mardin, 3 from Adana, 3 from Mersin, 1 from Urfa and settled in Cyprus.According to the results, it is found that most of the families migrated from Hatay and Mardin, most of them were Arabic based, some of them were Kurdish based and few were Turkish based, their first language that was spoken in the family was Turkish and most of the families were multi-child family. Most of the mothers were housewives where the others were working as cleaners and caregivers. Fathers were mostly working as a construction worker, driver, waiter, dyer etc. The results show that immigrant mothers had financial worries, they were not aware of how to raise their children, how to deal with them and their needs, they were living in the same region with the other immigrant families having a resemblance to them and their social environment consisted of the other immigrant families.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ÖZ</strong></p><p>Bu çalışma Kuzey Kıbrıs’ta Lefkoşa’nın Surlariçi Bölgesi’nde yaşayan 3. Grup Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kökenli 0-6 yaş çocuğu olan göçmen anneler ve çocuklarına yönelik bir durum tespit çalışması niteliğinde bir çalışmadır. Çalışma Lefkoşa Surlariçi bölgesinde yaşayan 30 göçmen anne ile gerçekleştirilmiştir. Çalışma grubuna ulaşılırken Kartopu Örnekleme Yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Burada da ilk önce bir anne ile görüşme yapılmış, daha sonra görüşme yapılan annenin referansı yoluyla, ya da onu tanıyan diğer bir arkadaşının da çalışmaya katılmaya gönüllü olarak katılması yoluyla diğer annelere de ulaşılmıştır. Çalışma grubunda yer alan annelerin 16’sı Hatay’dan, 7’si Mardin’den, 3’ü Adana’dan, 3’ü Mersin’den, 1’, ise Urfa’dan göç ederek Kıbrıs’a yerleşmişlerdir. Araştırma sonucunda, ailelerin daha çok Hatay ve Mardin’den göç ettiği, büyük çoğunluğunun etnik olarak Arap kökenli, bir kısmının Kürt kökenli, çok azının ise Türk kökenli olduğu, aile içerisinde konuşulan dilin daha çok Türkçe olduğu, ailelerin çoğunun çok çocuklu aileler olduğu ortaya çıkmıştır. Annelerin çoğu ev hanımıdır, diğerleri temizlik işlerine gitmekte ya da çocuk bakıcılığı yapmaktadır. Babalar ise çoğunlukla inşaat işçisi, şoför, garson, boyacı vb. olarak çalışmaktadırlar. Araştırmadan elde edilen bulgular doğrultusunda, göçmen annelerin maddi kaygılar yaşadıkları, çocuklarının yetiştirilmesi, onlara nasıl davranılması gerektiği ve ihtiyaçlarının neler olabileceği konusunda bilinçli olmadıkları, daha çok kendi durumlarına benzer özellikler gösteren diğer göçmen ailelerle aynı bölgede yaşadıkları, sosyal çevrelerinin yine diğer göçmen ailelerden oluştuğu sonucuna varılmıştır.</p>

This chapter looks back at the transformative moment of 1950s Egypt, examining the representation of Cairo in the work of Yūsuf Idrīs. At the center of this study is Idrīs’ first novel Qiṣṣat ḥubb (A Love Story, 1956). The analysis focuses upon the geographic and linguistic scapes of Cairo, exploring the intersection of the linguistic and the spatial in the conceptionalization of the Egyptian identity. The diverse spaces of the city, that bring together people from across Egypt’s socio-economic and geographic spectrum are presented alongside the linguistic registers spoken by these city-dwellers. While the main text is written in fuṣḥā (standard Arabic), the characters’ dialogue captures the varied registers of ʿāmmiyya (colloquial Arabic) spoken by the diverse inhabitants of Cairo. The literary analysis, framed by spatial theory and Arabic sociolinguistics, is situated in relationship to the canonical literary production of the period, and the debates concerning language and identity in the nahda period of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, to assert Idrīs’ innovative gestures towards a more inclusive concept of national identity. In creating a linguistic and geographical map of Cairo, Idrīs presents possibilities for multiple identities and alternative forms of community.

Chad is a landlocked country in north-central Africa, bordered by Libya, Sudan, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Niger. It covers 1.284 million square kilometres (km), making it the fifth largest country in Africa and the second largest in central Africa. Its population amounted to 14.4 million in 2016, the majority of which lives in rural areas. The capital and largest city of Chad is N’Djamena. The currency used is the Central African franc (CFA). Chad has two official languages, French and Arabic. French is widely spoken, especially in urban areas, and is used in public administration and in business. The working hours for government offices are usually Monday to Thursday from 0700 to 1530, with a 30-minute break at 1200, and Friday from 0700 to 1200. Offices are closed on Friday afternoons.